기록과 기억을 통해 본 정명련(정난주)의 삶에 대한 검토—호명(呼名)의 역사에 대해서—

권이선 고려대학교 민족문화연구원 2024 民族文化硏究 Vol.102 No.-

본 연구는 황사영의 아내로서 정약용의 조카이며, 고모부가 이승훈이고, 외삼촌이 이벽인 흔히 정난주로 알려진 한 여성의 이름을 둘러싼 내력을 살폈다. 오늘날 우리에게 정난주로 불리고 있는 이 여성의 또 다른 이름은 정명련이었다. 본고에서는 두 이름 중 문헌상 가장 먼저 기록된 이름이 무엇인지 살펴봄으로써 후대 사람들이 정난주에게 투영하고자 한 이미지를 도출하였다. 즉, 문헌을 통해서 실제 정난주의 삶에 대해 추적을 하고 전승을 통해 전해진 정난주의 삶과 비교해 본 것이다. 문헌상 가장 먼저 기록된 이름은 정명련으로, 남편 황사영이 사학죄인으로 몰리자 연좌됨으로써 그녀의 이름이 『일성록』과 『승정원일기』, 『연좌안』에 기록되었다. 정난주란 이름은 1970년대 들어와 전승 속에서 확인되었다. 문헌 속 이미지는 명문대가의 딸이자 누군가의 아내로 기록되었다. 반면 전승 안에서는 전통적인 어머니상이 투영되어 있었다. This study examined the history surrounding the name of a woman who is commonly known as Jeong Nan-ju as Hwang’s wife. Another name of this woman, who is called Jeong Nan-ju today, was Jeong Myeong-ryeon. In this paper, the image that later people wanted to project to Jeong Nan-ju was derived by examining the first name recorded in the literature among the two names. In other words, the actual life of Jeong Nan-ju was traced through the literature and compared with the life of Jeong Nan-ju passed down through tradition. The first name recorded in the literature was Jeong Myeong-ryeon, and the name Myeong-ryeon was recorded in Ilseongnok, Seungjeongwon Diary, and Yeonjwaan, as her husband, Hwang Jin-young, was driven to a private school criminal. The name of Jeong Nan-ju was confirmed in the tradition in the 1970s. The image in the literature was recorded as a daughter and wife of someone from a prestigious university. On the other hand, in the tradition, the traditional mother image was projected.

고문헌에 나타나는 자[上]의 용례와 문서 보관제도

권이선 고려대학교 민족문화연구원 2019 民族文化硏究 Vol.83 No.-

By studying the character shàng (上) that was very widely used throughout the Joseon Dynasty, the following paper derivatively examines the purpose behind the protection of documents of the time. The original meaning of “shàng (上)” was only understood in one dimension that it was limited to. It was commonly recognized as 1) high 2) to raise, to present a gift to a king, or 3) a particle to indicate space, methods in which the word is most frequently used in Chinese writing. However, “shàng (上)” was also sometimes pronounced as “zi [上]”, and used as a word meaning to “keep” or “safeguard.” This can be identified in various annals such as chronological feeds, archives, royal books, and registration documents. The range for the application of “zi [上]” is very wide, as shown in phrases such as one who holds a position of honor, schooling, running a business, stationary holder, and scholarly chamber. These expressions are indicative of a method that integrates the specific name of the building where scripts were kept, and the character “shàng (上)”. There were experts who, based on the Yoo-Seo-Pil-Ji or experience, used to believe that “shàng (上)” possessed the meaning of “keep,” but were unable to trace it back to its historic significance or system and were concluded as having gone too far. At the fundamental level, its meaning was not included in the Idu script dictionary and was therefore excluded from the original Idu script research on many occasions, and various historical documents later on could not ascertain the truth of the character. Therefore, there has been a number of cases in which mistakes have been found in documents verifying the undoing of registration, Ilseongnok: Records of Daily Reflections, as well as recent translations of ancient documents. All vocabulary contains the historical context up until the word’s usage. Therefore, errors in translation originate from the incomplete understanding of the circumstances of the time. Though it is difficult to definitely conclude that all official papers were stored in the government during the Joseon Dynasty, tradition tells us that the necessity and mandate over their safekeeping were acknowledged. And this was expressed using the character “zi [上],” which was utilized from the late Koryo to late Joseon Dynasty. This study aims to demonstrate that “shàng (上)” is an Idu character based on Idu form collections and various examples, and illustrate its transliterations and significance. 본 논문은 조선시대 전 시기를 통틀어 널리 사용된 상(上)이라는 한 글자를 고찰함으로써 당대 문서를 보관하고자 한 의식이 글자에 남아 있는 흔적을 살펴 본 글이다. 기존 상(上)의 의미는 ①높다 ②올리다, 진헌하다 ③처소격조사로 인식하였는데, 이는한문에서 자주 쓰이는 방식이다. 그러나 특정 문안과 관련해 상(上)은 자[上]로 발음되며 “보관하다”라는 뜻을 지닌 이두로 사용됐다. 이는 연대기사료, 고문서, 의궤, 등록등 다양한 사료에서 확인 된다. 보관이라는 의미로 쓰인 上[자]는 官上[관자], 校上[교자], 營上[영자], 紙筒上[지동자], 院上[원자] 등 ‘보관처+上’의 결합으로 이루어졌다. 이러한 표현은 모두 문안을 보관할구체적인 보관처와 상(上)이라는 글자가 결합된 방식이다. 조선시대 모든 문안이 관부에 보관됐다고 단정 짓기는 어려우나 관념적으로는 보관의 당위성을 인지하고 있었다. 그리고 이는 上[자]라는 글자로 표현됐는데 이 쓰임은고려 말부터 조선 후기까지 널리 사용되었다. 上[자]가 보관의 의미로 사용된 문헌은①조직 및 운영의 성격 ②개인의 권리 혹은 신원 증명 ③민정과 관련하여 풍습상 긴요한 사안으로 구분된다. 특히 지방관아에서 문서 보관과 관련해 紙筒[지동]과 葉作[엽질]은 중요한 제도적 장치로, 엽질과 上은 후일에 증빙의 목적을 가진 자료를 보관할 때 쓰였다. 따라서 上과 보관처는 불가분의 관계로 지방 관아의 지동에 보관된 엽질은 주로 활용 문서로 보관형태는①원본 문서를 점련한 형태 ②원본을 등서한 등록 형태로 구분되어졌을 것으로 추정된다. 이 연구는 이두서식집과 다양한 고문헌에 나오는 자[上]의 실례를 바탕으로 상(上)이이두자임을 밝혀 그 의미 및 조선시대 문서 보관제도의 단면을 밝히고자 하였다. 상(上)이 때론 上[자]로 인식됨을 알아야 결국 葉作[엽질]과 紙筒[지동], 官上[관자] 등 조선시대 다양하게 쓰인 문자표현을 이해할 수 있을 것이다.

조선시대 決訟立案의 유형별 특징과 발급양상

권이선 한국고문서학회 2018 古文書硏究 Vol.52 No.-

This thesis categorizes lawsuit document from the legal action related documents and focuses on the write-up and the management of the documents. The characteristics of the traditional written plan were revised to study the concept of the lawsuit documents. The lawsuit documents are categorized into different forms including the original 粘連 version lawsuit document, 謄出 連書 version document and the summarized version document. The original 粘連形 lawsuit documentis a type of document that was made during the litigation process and is compiled with collections of the 'drafts in which the judgements are stated for the plaintiff's 所志 and defendant's 招辭, 訟官' in particular. The 謄出 連書 version document was written based on the original document. Therefore, the overall process such as the proceedings and proof papers are generally well written compared to other forms of documents. The summarized version document presents a summarized document that includes the cause of lawsuit, the actions of the original lawsuit and the judgement of the case officer. In other words, 謄出 連書形 and summarized version document were adopted or summarized from the original document. The purpose of the original 粘連形 lawsuit documentwas to preserve the documents inside the document box. On the other hand, the 謄出 連書形 document was for distribution. Therefore, 61out of 72 forms of actual lawsuit documents are left as, 謄出 連書形. Thereby, the purpose of the distribution was questioned by analyzing the usage examples of documenting paper, which is seen in old documents, chronological feed and literature. The documenting paper was an important resource used widely. Therefore, the officials distributed the lawsuit documents through the form of, 謄出 連書形 to monetize the documents including the cost of the documenting paper.

기독교大學 CHAPEL SERVICE 論 : 大學 本質論과의 連繫的 考察

권이선 전주대학교 기독교연구원 1994 복음과 학문 Vol.- No.2

칸트의 <이성법정>에 관한 일고찰 - 법정모델로서의 『순수이성비판』 음미 -

권이선 동국대학교 동서사상연구소 2016 철학·사상·문화 Vol.0 No.22

칸트는 『순수이성비판』 제1판의 서문에서, <순수이성비판>을 ‘하나의 법정’으로서 정의하고, 또한 그 법정을 ‘진정한 법정’이라고 불렀다. 본 논문은 법정으로서의 <이성비판>이 존재하는 그 이유에 대하여 정면으로 주목하고, 그 의미를 면밀하게 고찰하고자 한다. 즉 법정으로서의 <이성비판>의 과업이 무엇인지를 주목함으로써 그 근본 성격을 보다 선명하게 드러내고자 한다. 이 목표를 달성하기 위해서 <순수이성비판>이 ‘하나의 법정’임을 확인한 후, 먼저 <법정모델>로 간주하는 그 연유를 추적하여, 법정이 <이성비판>이라는 과업의 본질로부터 필연적으로 발생한다는 것을 규명할 것이다(2절). 다음으로, <이성비판>의 법정설립이 철학적 사유의 역사에 있어서 획기적인 과업이며, 논장(論場)의 근본적 전환인 것을 논할 것이다(3절). 마지막으로, 법정의 고유의 임무, 즉 초월적 인식에 관계하는 것을 논의하고, 그 의미에 대하여 고찰을 할 것이다(4절). 이렇게 <이성비판> 근본 특징인 <법정모델>의 설립과 고유임무를 음미함으로써, 『순수이성비판』의 전모가 더욱 선명히 보여 질 것이다. In the introduction of the first edition[A], Kant defined the Critique of Reason as ‘A Court of Justice’ and denoted as ‘The True Court of Justice’. I hope to elucidate and examine the essence of “Critique” in the context of a court system. By examining the Critique in the context of a court system, or more specifically, focusing on the duty of the court of justice, we can explore the basis of Critique. In order to do so, we must first confirm that Critique of Pure Reason is a court; second we must understand why it is indeed viewed as a court and finally we must identify that a court system inevitably arises from the duty of a Court of Reason. Next, we will discuss that the establishment of Critique of Pure Reason should be regarded as a momentous duty in the historic context of philosophical reasoning, and that such establishment marks the turnaround of the basis of my argument. Lastly, I will show the relationship between the inherent duty of a court of Reason and a transcendental cognition, then inquire about the meaning of its relationship. By appreciating the establishment of a court based upon the characters of Critique of Pure Reason and its inherent duty, the entirety of Critique will be better elucidated.

루터의 종교개혁적 양심 ― 칸트의 자율적 양심론의 한계를 넘어서 ―

권이선 한신대학교 한신신학연구소 2017 신학연구 Vol.54 No.2

The purpose of this paper is to examine Luther’s view of conscience. First,we will clarify the Korean (the Bible) semantic meaning of conscience and explainthe three dimensions of conscience which is described as the structure of thetabernacle by Luther.(II) Secondly, Luther’s understanding of conscience is comparedwith the Kantian understanding of conscience as the internal court of humanbeings. This reveals that the Kantian notion of autonomous conscience hasnot excluded the idea of extraterritorial conscience.(III) Finally, we will discoverthat Luther’s notion of conscience is not a disconcerting conscience, but rather aconscience of joy.(IV) For Luther, the establishment of religious reformist faith isa theological reinterpretation of the righteousness of God, a revolution from activerighteousness (justitia activa) to passive righteousness (justitia passiva), or a revolutionfrom disconcerting conscience to joyful conscience. This revolution wewill call “The revolution of the Reformation of Conscience.”

조선후기 종실 집안 別室의 家垈 매매와 후손들의 삶 -西平君 李橈의 가계를 중심으로-

권이선 서울역사편찬원 2023 서울과 역사 Vol.- No.113

This study looked at how the property formed by the concubine of the jongsil was transmitted to the bastard through the house site contract acquired by the concubine of Lee Yo of Seopyeong-gun, who was active during the reign of King Yeongjo. Seopyeong-gun was the great-grandson of King Seonjo's son, Inseong-gun, and was well versed in the arts and was greatly trusted by King Yeongjo. Because Seopyeong-gun had only concubine children, his successor became a big brother`s son. Accordingly, their social status and economic power were compared by contrasting the bastard and agnatic adoption. 『Seonwon Sokbo』 lists YeoHeung-min and Saknyeong-choi as the wives of Seo Pyeong-gun. However, Seo Pyeong-gun had two concubines, the forgotten Lee and Baek. In the 18th century, the two concubines each acquired a house and site, centering on Gyeonghaengbang and Jeongseonbang in the jungbu of Hanseongbu. The period of house site trading for concubines was mainly during the life of Seopyeong-gun. it is estimated that the trading capital of concubines was Seopyeong-gun's property. After the death of Seopyeong-gun, the bastard faced difficulties in living. related contents can be found in 『Gyeseogo』 and 『Seungjeongwon Ilgi』 . Seopyeong-gun had bastards Ikhyeon, Ikhyung, and Ikgeom, but he had no a legitimate son, so he succeeded Lee Ik-ryeol, the third son of his eldest brother Anpyeong-gun. The heirs died early without descendants with four out of five descendants of the heirs were adoptees adopted. Accordingly, although Gwangryeom, the 4th generation descendant of Lee Ik-ryeol, was poor in his early years, they continued to advance to government posts through a sort of official-hereditary system, and the matter of succession received attention enough to be discussed at the court. During this process, Mr. Choi, the wife of Seo Pyeong-gun, had a considerable right to speak. On the other hand, Seo Pyeong-gun's bastard line received weaker treatment compared to the Bongsa-son line. Among the three bastard brothers, only Ikhyeon and Ikhyeong served as seobanjiks, but they were only available in their late 50s. just 35 years after seopyeong-gun's death, Ik-hyeon was unable to find a marriage place for her son and daughter for his son and daughter to marry or to prepare a marriage ceremony. In particular, in the case of Ikhyeon's son, he widely sought a suitable family to marry in Seoul and other provinces for three months, but he could not. Although they were descendants of wealthy clan, the bastard line had lost their economic and social status in just two generations. In addition, the noticeable difference from the Bongsason lineage is that the bastard lineage of SeoPyeong-gun did not adopt even if the household was cut off. seopyeong-gun's bastard line was maintained until the grandson's generation, and after that, all of them were no record left after that. Adoption did not take place. This is a part that is constantly interested in the state and is adopted so that the ancestral rites is not cut off, and has had opportunities to be promoted to government posts. 본 연구는 영조대 활발히 활동한 서평군 이요의 별실이 매득한 가대매매명문을 통해 종실의 첩이 재산을 치산하는 과정과 종실의 서얼이 친부 사후 어떻게 살아갔는지 양상을 살펴보았다. 서평군은 선조의 아들인 인성군의 증손으로 예술에 조예가 깊었으며 영조의 큰 신임을 받았다. 서평군에게는 첩자녀만 있었기 때문에 그는 큰형의 아들을 立後하였다. 이에 입후 계열과 첩자녀 계열을 각각 대조하여 그들의 사회적 지위와 경제력을 비교해 보았다. 『선원속보』에는 서평군의 적처로 군부인 여흥민씨와 삭녕최씨가 기재되었다. 그러나 서평군에게는 잊힌 이씨와 백씨라는 두 명의 첩이 존재하였다. 두 첩은 각기 18세기에 한성부 중부 경행방과 정선방을 중심으로 가사와 공대를 매득하였다. 첩들의 가대 매매 시기는 주로 서평군 생전에 이루어졌다. 이로 미루어 첩들의 매매 자본금은 서평군의 자산이었을 것으로 추정된다. 서평군의 사후 서얼들은 생계의 어려움에 봉착하였다. 관련 내용을 『溪墅稿』와 『승정원일기』에서 찾아볼 수 있다. 서평군에게는 익현, 익형, 익검의 서자가 있었으나 적자가 없어 큰형 앙평군의 셋째 아들 이익렬을 입후하였다. 계후자의 5대손 중 4명이 입후됐을 정도로 계후자들은 자손 없이 일찍 사망하였다. 이에 이익렬의 4대손 광렴은 초년에 가난했지만 이들은 지속적으로 음직으로 관직에 나아갔고, 계후 문제는 조정에서 논의할 정도로 관심을 받았다. 이 과정 중에 서평군 부인 최씨는 상당한 발언권을 가졌다. 반면 서평군의 서자 계열은 봉사손 계열과 비교하여 대우가 약하였다. 서자 삼형제 중 익현과 익형만이 음직으로 서반직을 지냈으나 50대 후반에나 가능하였다. 불과 서평군 사후 35년 만에 서장자 익현은 자신의 아들과 딸의 혼인처를 구하지 못하거나 혼수를 장만하지 못하고 있었다. 특히 익현 아들의 경우 혼인할 적당한 집안을 찾아 석 달 동안 서울과 지방에서 널리 구했지만 끝내 구하지 못하였다. 부유한 종실의 자손이었으나 서자 계열은 불과 2대만에 경제적, 사회적 지위가 떨어진 상태였다. 이외 봉사손 계열과 눈에 띄는 차이점은 서평군의 서자 계열은 가계가 끊어져도 입후를 하지 않은 점이다. 서평군의 서자 계열은 손자 대까지 유지되고 이후 모두 무후하거나 기록이 남지 않았다. 계후가 이루어지지 않은 것이다. 이는 지속적으로 국가에서 관심을 가지며 입후를 세워 제사가 끊어지지 않도록 해주며, 調用의 기회가 있었던 봉사손 계열과 차이를 보이는 부분이다.

조선시대 송정(訟庭)에서 작성된 사송(詞訟) 문서의 유형과 특징

권이선 한국고문서학회 2023 古文書硏究 Vol.63 No.-

This study examines the sasong (civil lawsuits) documents composed in accordance with the Joseon legal procedures as well as the preservation conditions of the said documents. It classifies Joseon’s legal process into three distinct steps: filing the lawsuit, the trial process, and the final sentencing. This study examines the sasong in the Joseon era further. The sasong process was organized based on the Gyolsong-iban-sik in the Yuseopilji, a document formulary of the era, the Chugwan-ji in the Statute Book and the Chungsong-sik in the Gyolsong-yu-chwibo. Through these sources, the standardized sasong procedures and the ways in which the judge processed the lawsuits were confirmed. The core elements of Joseon’s sasong process were lawsuit initiation, the plaintiff’s and the defendant’s affidavit and evidence submission, and lastly, the court investigation. The sasong were executed through written interaction among the plaintiff, defendant and judge based on document counterclaims. This study discusses documents composed in court in accordance with Joseon’s sasong process, which were distinguished into three steps; the chungsong, the investigation and hearing upon the plaintiff and defendant before the judge the chungsong is the official initiation of the sasong process; once the lawsuit was initiated, the process was led by the judge. Here the characteristics of the Chosa (written confession) and Dajim (pledge of obedience) were analyzed to confirm the purpose of the two documents.

Insight film을 이용한 농도측정 평가

권이선,박장환,임오수,정경모,정환 대한방사선과학회(구 대한방사선기술학회) 1992 방사선기술과학 Vol.15 No.2

조선시대 義母와 義子女 간의 상속 특징과 관련 분쟁 양상 - 1715년 회덕현 소송을 중심으로 -

권이선 서울대학교 규장각한국학연구원 2023 한국문화 Vol.- No.103

This paper examined the inheritance pattern of property between the stepmother and the stepchild during the Joseon Dynasty through a lawsuit in Hoedeok-hyeon in 1715. The cause of this lawsuit was duplicate sales. The plaintiff Jeong Yoon-bang bought a problematic land from a man named Park Sung-hwi. Park Sung-hwi was Kang Man-ha’s second son-in-law, and sold the share he inherited after his father-in-law's death to Jung Yoon-bang. However, Mr. Lee, Kang Man-ha's first wife, once sold the land to someone else. Jeong Yoon-bang judged that the incident was a conspiracy between Kang Oh-sang, Kang Man-ha's relative, and his first wife, Lee. Therefore, Kang Oh-sang was designated as the defendant and asked to appear in Songjeong(訟庭). In fact, the relationship between the Plaintiff and the Defendant was not related to each other. However, looking at the litigation process, it can be seen that it was a problem that occurred after receiving property among the family. The conflict between the family begins with the fact that Kang Man-ha had three children with different mothers and died early as he went through the three marriages. Kang Man-ha had a daughter (Gocheon-hak’s wife) with his first wife Lee, a daughter (Park Sung-hwi’s wife) with his second wife Jeong, and a son Chun-hak with his third wife Yoo. Among them, Jeong, the second wife, and Yoo, the third wife, had already died before the lawsuit. The problem is that when Chunhak was in trouble for failing to pay Gunpo, his first wife, Lee, who was not related, sold the land inherited by her second daughter on the pretext of doing it for Chunhak. The quarrel between the step-child and the step-mother spread to other people, eventually leading to a lawsuit. During the Joseon Dynasty, the stepmother's inheritance of property to her stepchild occurred in conjunction with the emotional part and the husband's will. For example, when the step-child took good care of the step-mother's illness or made certain contributions, the step-mother gave part of the property as a sign of sincerity. In particular, it has been a considerable number of cases are confirmed in which the economic difficulties faced by the child of a concubine if the property is distributed only to the legitimate child. In addition, there was no the legitimate child, so they gave it to the stepchild in the ancestral rites, and sometimes if it was a property jointly achieved with her husband during her lifetime, she handed over some of the property to her husband's descendants. As seen in the case of Lee in the lawsuit of Hoedeok-hyeon in 1715, it can be seen that the idea of caring for stepchild as an father's legal wife showed some universality.