일본 홋카이도의 민중사발굴운동과 한인강제동원희생자 유골발굴운동

김광열 동국대학교 일본학연구소 2021 일본학 Vol.54 No.-

This article examines trends in the study of people’s history in post-war Japan, and the excavation of the remains of forced labor victims in Hokkaido, and the development process of the transnational civic movement in the early 2000s to reveal their interrelationships, what their subjects pursued, and what the significance of the movement. The study of people’s history in Japan since the 1960s has been successful in highlighting the ideology or role of the general population at the base of Japanese society, but did not include ethnic minorities forced to assimilate during Meiji's centralization or colonial Joseon or Chinese. In other words, there was a nationality based on the majority-oriented “people” in the “people” that the Japanese historical community of Japanese history at the time. On the other hand, the Excavation Movement of people’s history, which began in Hokkaido in the 1970s, was different. In addition to discovering the victims of the Meiji invasion of Hokkaido, the Okotsuk People's Lecture also noted the damage of Koreans and Chinese mobilized by Hokkaido's company investigators during the Asia-Pacific War from the late 1970s. As an opportunity, there was a meeting with the “Korea Compulsory Labor Force Investigation” conducted in Hokkaido at the time, but the fact that members of the Okhotsk People's Lecture voluntarily included Koreans and Chinese victims of war in the scope of “People's Discovery” was a level of national awareness. A group strongly influenced by the progressive changes in the popular history movement was Sorachi People's Lecture established in 1976. In order to practice the people’s history excavation movement, the organization launched a movement in Shumarinai, in 1980 accompanied by physical labor called the excavation of the remains of Korean forced laborers. In the 1990s, it developed a new form of “Korea-Japan Joint Workshop” and “East Asia Joint Workshop.” In other words, the excavation movement of the remains of forced labor victims centered on Sorachi people’s history Lecture opened a new horizon by actively inheriting and practicing the values of the Hokkaido people’s history excavation movement in the 1970s. Their movement resulted in a new transnational hyper-ideal civic group, the Hokkaido Forum, which was established in February 2003 to consider victims of forced labor. The activities of the Hokkaido Forum can be said to be the result of the experience accumulated through the people’s history excavation movement and forced mobilization victim excavation movement, which was conducted across national borders since the late 1970s. 이 글은 전후 일본 역사학계의 민중사연구 동향, 1970년대부터 홋카이도에서 전개된 민중사발굴운동과 한인 강제동원희생자유골 발굴운동, 그리고 2000년대 초의 초국적 시민운동 등을 검토하여 그들의 상호 관계성을 밝히고 그 주체들이 추구한 바와 그 운동의 의의는 무엇인지를 고찰하는 것이다. 1960년대 이후 일본 역사학계에서 전개된 민중사연구는 일본사회의 저변에 있던 일반 민중의 이념이나 역할을 부각시키는 데에 성과가 있었으나, 메이지기의 중앙집권화의 과정에서 동화를 강요당한 소수민족이라든지, 제국주의 영토확장의 결과로서 이주 및 동원으로 일본열도에 존재했던 식민지 조선이나 중국 출신자들은 고려의 대상에 포함하지 않았다. 즉 당시 일본사학계에서 주목한 ‘민중’에는 다수자 위주의 ‘국민’을 기준으로 한 내셔널리티가 존재했다고 할 수 있다. 그에 비해 1970년대부터 홋카이도를 중심으로 전개된 민중사발굴운동은 다른 모습이 확인된다. 오호츠크민중사강좌의 운동은 메이지시대 홋카이도의 개척 과정에서 희생된 민중의 존재를 발굴하는 작업 이외에도, 1970년대 후반부터 아시아태평양전쟁기에 홋카이도의 군수사업체에 동원당한 조선인과 중국인의 피해에도 주목하였다. 그 계기로서 당시 홋카이도에서 실시되었던 ‘조선인 강제노동강제연행 진상조사’와의 만남이 있기는 했으나, 오호츠크민중사강좌의 구성원들은 자발적으로 ‘민중사발굴’ 범위에 전쟁동원으로 희생된 조선인과 중국인도 포함시켰다. 그러한 민족을 초월한 민중사운동의 진보적 변화에 강한 영향을 받은 단체가 1976년에 설립된 소라치민중사강좌였다. 이 단체는 1980년부터 벽지인 슈마리나이에서 조선인 강제동원희생자 유골발굴이라는 육체노동을 동반하는 운동을 전개하였으며, 그것이 1990년대에는 한국 및 재일코리안 청년들과 함께 하는 국경을 초월한 ‘한일 공동워크숍’ 및 ‘동아시아공동워크숍’이라는 새로운 형태로 발전시켰다. 즉 소라치민중사강좌를 중심으로 전개된 강제노동희생자 유해발굴운동은 1970년대 홋카이도 민중사발굴운동의 가치관을 적극적으로 계승하고 실천하여 새로운 지평을 열어간 것이라 할 수 있다. 그들의 운동은 2003년 2월에 설립된 초국적 초이념의 새로운 시민단체 ‘강제노동강제동원 희생자를 생각하는 홋카이도포럼’으로 귀결되었다. 홋카이도포럼의 활동은 1970년대 후반부터 동 지역의 진보적 시민들이 민족과 국경을 초월하여 전개한 민중사발굴운동과 강제동원희생자 유골발굴운동의 연장선에 있는 것이라고 할 수 있다.

On the Nature of Focus Movement

Yeon Seung Kim 현대문법학회 2002 현대문법연구 Vol.30 No.-

This paper proposes that long-distance scrambling in Korean is a syntactic movement in that it is induced via formal feature matching. On the basis of some properties of the movement I further propose that it is focus movement. As to the driving force of the movement, it is illustrated that there is a difference between wh-movement and focus movement: In the former driving force lies in the matching feature of a functional category, but in the latter it lies in both a feature of the moved element itself and the matching feature of a functional category. It implies that there are at least two types of syntactic movements: one induced by a functional category, the other by the moved element itself. Finally, it is shown that the optional selection of [+foc]EPP in the lexical array results in another possibility of deleting the [+foc] feature of a focus phrase in terms of a strong stress without movement.

일제강점기 간호사들의 독립운동 - 1919년 전후한 시기를 중심으로 -

강영심 한국민족운동사학회 2023 한국민족운동사연구 Vol.- No.115

A nurse is the representative professional job for women that appeared in the early modern era of Korea. Although nurses were guaranteed socio-economic stability with modern professional education during the Japanese colonial period, they fought their way for the independence of their country, armed with national consciousness, the spirit of anti-Japanese movement, and professional medical skills. Therefore, we need to review the independence movement of nurses to discover, restore, and historically evaluate the movement and re-examine their role as female social leaders. In this study, we focus on the independence movement of nurses around the March First Movement in 1919, when the independence movement of nurses prevailed as the most active. Nurses played a significant role in 1919, accounting for most Korean Patriotic Women's Association members. After that, however, they failed to form a prominent organization for struggle. In Korea, on the other hand, there was a trend of nurses increasingly participating in the feminist movement closely connected to the women's rights movement. Considering these changes, we cover the movement up to about 1920. The following are the characteristics of the independence movement of nurses revealed in this research: (a) Nurses provided professional medical support to treat people injured majorly or minorly at the scene of struggles and protests. They armed themselves with a sense of national consciousness and anti-Japanese struggle with their experience treating wounded soldiers when the Imperial Korean Armed Forces disbanded in 1907. They continued treating the injured at the site of March First Movement in 1919. Since the nurses served similarly during Independence War in Manchuria 1920s, it is necessary to understand those kinds of medical activities. (b) Nurses took the lead in nursing, participating in the Manse Demonstration and delivering the Declaration of Independence in March First Movement. In particular, four nurses of Severance Hospital led the protesters in the demonstration before the Deamyo on December 2, 1919. (c) By organizing resistance groups or becoming a member, nurses worked in various fields, such as military fundraising, social movements, and espionage. The Korean Patriotic Women's Association, active from April to November 1919, is the most representative organization. We can observe the fighting spirit of nurses from the facts that 51% of the confirmed members were nurses and that Lee Jung-sook, the leader of nurses, achieved the desired results due to her dedication to expanding the organization. (d) In overseas, nurses focused on nursing education at the Korean Red Cross under the Korean Provisional Government in Shanghai. Examples include the Red Cross Nursing School in Shanghai and the nurse training course provided by the Women's Union for Independence in the Russian Maritime Province. Although the course was intensive, it fulfilled the cause of training medical reserve forces in preparation for the independence war. We can see some evidence of policies connecting the courses with the Red Cross to gain international recognition as a part of effective educational management.

재한일본인 自衛團의 3·1운동 탄압

이양희 한국근현대사학회 2016 한국 근현대사 연구 Vol.76 No.-

As the March First Independence Movement spread throughout the country, the commander of Japanese Korean Army ordered for local deputy assistant commissioners, veterans and other ordinarycitizens in nation to put down the resistance. On top of that, he ordered for each provincial provost marshals or deputy assistant commissioners to organize the Self-Defense Force which was designed for public order such as defense before the Independence movement, night duty and fire prevention. By the time the March First Independence movement occurred, the Self-Defense Force, which mainly consisted of fire brigade and veterans’association and Japanese residents in Korea, suppressed Korean people. The fire brigade was in charge of public safety within the Japanese resident society. After losing the sovereignty of Korea, as many veterans’ associations around the country integrated into veterans’ associations for Japanese emperor, Japanese residents society were connected to Army forces. The fire brigade was under the force of deputy assistant commissioners, and veterans’ association were under the same chain of command, the two organizations were easily converted to Korean suppression team under the command of the military and the police. The Self-Defense Forces originated from two major events, which were below: The one event was that during the times of recovering movement of national right in the late period of Joseon, the Self Defense Force by the Japanese residents was organized. The other one was that the Self Defense Force was organized to suppress the resistance under control of the police when the rice plunder incident was arisen in Japan. The aspects of suppression the March First Independence Movement by the Self Defense Force was formed by the suppression part which included arrests and manhunts, and the alert which included night watch and fire alerts. The fire brigade went into suppress with cudgels and fire fight equipment. Especially poles with an iron hook designed to hit people and snatch people’s hairs were like killing weapons. Severe treatments by the fire brigade members made for Korean people intensify anti-Japanese filling more and more. Also they made for foreign missionaries to recognize the terrible scenes of suppression the March First Independence Movement. When the March First Independence Movement was erupted, the Japanese Police forced for civilian to leave their private arms in police stations or to ban possession of their arms and even restrict carrying gunpowder and components for mines. However, these rules were applied only for Koreans. Veterans’ association by Japanese members with their arms was put in suppression of Korean rebellions with the military with the police’s approval. One of the main reasons why the March First Independence Movement had begun was the head on collision between Self Defense Force by Japanese residents and Korean people. After the early April, the role of the Self Defense Force was converted into security mission like nigh watch, fire prevention and information offering of Korean people’s trends after dispatching the military police, the military police assistants and infantry battalion dispatched for provisional Korean democratic government.

1920-30년대 러시아 연해주 한인들의 민족해방운동 인식

윤상원(Yun, Sang-Won) 고려사학회 2015 한국사학보 Vol.- No.61

이 글의 목적은 1920년대와 30년대 연해주에 거주하던 한인들이 독립운동을 어떻게 인식하고 있었는지를 3 · 1운동을 중심으로 파악하려는데 있다. 국내의 3 · 1운동에 호응하여 러시아 연해주에서도 3월 17일 블라디보스토크를 비롯하여 각지에서 대규모 시위운동이 전개되었다. 연해주 3 · 1운동은 직전인 2월 25일 조직된 대한국민의회가 주도하였다. 연해주 3 · 1운동의 특징은 무장투쟁과 외교활동의 전망을 가지고 이루어졌다는데 있다. 3 · 1운동이 일어난 1년 후인 1920년 3월 1일, 블라디보스토크에서는 독립선언기념축하식이 거행되었다. 1922년 말 내전이 종결되고 연해주에서 일본군이 철병하면서 1923년 3 · 1운동 기념식은 다른 어느 때보다 성대하게 치러졌다. 이후 매년 3월 1일이 되면 러시아 각지에서 한인들은 3 · 1운동 기념식을 거행했다. 1920년대 연해주 한인 운동가들의 민족해방운동에 대한 기본입장은 ‘통일전선’이었다. 이런 입장 아래에서 3 · 1 운동 역시 통일전선의 관점에서 평가되었다. 이런 입장은 코민테른 제2차 대회 당시 레닌이 제출한 『민족 식민지 문제에 대한 테제』를 계승한 것이면서, 일제의 문화통치공간에서 진행되던 당시 조선의 운동 상황을 반영한 측면이 있다. 그런데 조선 민족해방운동의 방향을 통일전선에서 찾았던 『선봉』 의 논조는 ‘12월 테제’가 나오면서 급격하게 변화한다. 연해주에서 3 · 1운동에 관한 인식도 변모한다. 이전까지는 3 · 1운동의 민족지도자층을 비판하면서도 통일전선으로서 3 1운동의 의미를 인정했던데 비해 이제는 3 · 1운동을 명백히 실패한 운동이었다고 규정한다. 국제적으로는 코민테른 7차대회에서 인민전선노선이 제창되고, 국내적으로는 스탈린의 대숙청 광풍이 불어오기 시작하던 1935년을 전환점으로 『선봉』을 비롯한 연해주의 각종 출판물에서 3 · 1운동에 관한 기사가 자취를 감추게 되었다. 3 · 1운동에 관한 기사만 사라진 것이 아니었다. 조선의 민족해방운동 자체에 대한 기사가 사라졌다. 1936년부터 37년까지 『선봉』의 지면은 대부분 스타하노프운동의 성과를 선전하는 내용으로 채워졌다. 1936년 8월 국치기념일 즈음의 신문은 트로츠키-지노비예프 재판 과정에 대한 기사로 도배되었다. 그 후 1937년 9월에 강제이주가 실행되었다. The purpose of this article is to acknowledge the recognition of Koreans in Russia about national liberation movements and March 1st Movement in 1920-30’s. After the March 1st Movement in Korea, Koreans in Maritime province have conducted large-scale demonstrations in Vladivostok and so on. Korean National Soviet, which was organized on February 25, led these demonstrations. The special point of the March 1st Movement in Maritime province was the prospect of armed struggle and diplomacy. The memorial celebration of the March 1st Movement was held on March 1 1920 in Vladivostok. After the withdrawal of Japanese troops from the Maritime Province in late 1922, Koreans in all over the Russia, have held an annual ceremony March 1st Movement. The basic position of the Korean patriots in the 1920s was "united front". And March 1st Movement was evaluated under this position. But this position was changed after ‘December thesis’ in 1928. The recognition of Koreans in Russia about March 1st Movement was also changed. Previously they recognized the significance of the March 1st Movement as a united front. But now they were prescribed that March 1st Movement has been clearly failed. 1935 was a turning point. After the 7th Congress of the Comintern, articles on the March 1st Movement disappeared in various publications including the 〈Avant-garde〉. And articles on the Korean national liberation movement also disappeared. Since then, the forced migration of Koreans from the Maritime Province to the Central Asia was performed.

일제강점기 민족협동전선운동과 신간회 지회 운동 - 1920년대 경북 남부지역을 중심으로 -

심상훈(Shim Sang-Hun) 동아인문학회 2021 동아인문학 Vol.57 No.-

이 글은 1920년대 경북 남부지역에서 설립된 신간회 지회 가운데 활동이 비교적 풍부했던 곳을 대상으로 설립과정과 활동을 정리한 것이다. 경북지역에서는 서울에서 창립되고 4개월 후인 1927년 6월 18일에 처음으로 신간회 김천지회가 결성되었으며, 1929년 7월까지 23개 지회가 설립되었다. 울릉군을 제외한 총 23개 군 가운데 21개 군에서 23개 지회가 설립되었고, 1개 군에서 지회설립을 추진하다가 일제의 탄압으로 무산되었다. 이처럼 경북은 신간회운동사에서 있어 양적으로나 질적으로 지회 운동을 대표할만한 지역이었다. 신간회 지회의 설립과정에서는 비타협적 민족주의자든 사회주의 세력이든 협동전선을 통해 이룩하고자 한 목적을 나름대로 일정하게 달성하였다. 비타협 민족주의자들은 신간회 지회설립을 통해 반자치운동을 각 지역의 대중들에게 직접 선전하고 지지를 끌어낼 수 있었다. 이를 통해 자치운동을 차단하고 무산시킬 수 있었고, 타협적 민족주의 세력들을 견제할 수 있었다. 또한 지역 내의 사회주의 세력은 분파적 분열을 극복하고 사상적・조직적 통일을 이루는 성과를 만들었다. 나아가 지회 간부를 지역 내의 청년・농민・노동・여성・형평운동 등 각 부문 운동 간부들로 구성해 단일한 정치적 협동전선의 지도부를 운영할 수 있었다. 이를 통해 부문 운동을 전민족적 정치투쟁으로 전환시키고, 통일적 연계와 상호 지원체제를 형성하는 계기를 마련하게 되었다. 이러한 모습은 김천・칠곡 등 주로 신간회 운동이 활발하였던 지역에서 신간회 간부 또는 회원 출신 주도로 1930년대 혁명적 농민조합운동과 조선공산당재건운동이 펼쳐졌다. 신간회 지회의 활동은 크게 사회・문화적 측면과 정치・경제적인 측면으로 나누어 정리할 수 있다. 사회・문화적인 측면은 교육제도 개선, 대중 계몽과 구제 활동 등을 꼽을 수 있다. 이는 각종 강연회 기획, 야학 운영, 빈민 구제 사업 등으로 신간회 강령의 제1항 ‘정치적・경제적 각성’의 내용을 담고 있다. 정치・경제적 측면은 조선인에 대한 각종 차별과 폭력에 대한 고발, 친일파 및 친일 단체 배격 활동 등을 꼽을 수 있다. This article summarizes the establishment process and activities of Shinganhoe branches established in the southern region of Gyeongbuk in the 1920s, where there were relatively abundant activities. In Gyeongbuk region, the first Shinganhoe Gimcheon branch was formed on June 18, 1927, four months after its founding in Seoul, and by July 1929, 23 branches were established. Out of 23 counties excluding Ulleung-gun, 23 branches were established in 21 counties. As such, Gyeongbuk was a region that could represent the branch movement both quantitatively and qualitatively in the history of Shinganhoe Movement. In the course of the establishment of the Shinganhoe branch, both uncompromising nationalists and socialist forces achieved certain goals in their own way through the cooperative front. The uncompromising nationalists were able to promote the anti-autonomy movement directly to the public in each region and win support through the establishment of the Shinganhoe branch. Through this, it was possible to block and disband the autonomous movement, and to contain compromising nationalist forces. In addition, socialist forces within the region overcame sectarian divisions and achieved ideological and organizational unification. Furthermore, it was possible to operate the leadership of a single political cooperative front by composing the branch cadres from each sectoral movement, such as youth, peasants, labor, women, and the equality movement within the region. This turned the sectoral movement into a national political struggle and provided an opportunity to form a unified linkage and mutual support system. In the areas where the Shinganhoe movement was active, such as Gimcheon and Chilgok, the revolutionary peasant union movement and the Korean Communist Party reconstruction movement in the 1930s took place under the leadership of Shinganhoe executives or former members. The activities of the Shinganhoe branch can be divided into social and cultural aspects and political and economic aspects. In terms of social and cultural aspects, improvement of the education system and public enlightenment and relief activities can be cited. This includes the contents of Paragraph 1 of the Shinganhoe’s Code of ‘Political and Economic Awakening’ for various lecture planning, night school operation, and poverty relief projects. From the political and economic aspects, accusations of various kinds of discrimination and violence against Koreans and activities against pro-Japanese and pro-Japanese groups can be cited. The position of the Shinganhoe branch in the southern Gyeongsangbuk-do region from its foundation to its resolution was higher than any other social group. This is because of the status of the socialist movement, which can be said to be the peculiarity of this region. Since ancient times, this area has been deeply rooted in the local community as landowners rather than large landowners, and Yurim, who learned Confucianism, took the lead and led the community. However, as the times changed, the Yurims in this region developed a socialist movement to free themselves from the yoke of Confucianism and liberate the class. Based on the strong intercultural relations of the Confucian society, they took root in the region without difficulty. Therefore, it has the characteristic that there were many people who developed social movements by participating in socialist-oriented social groups within blood relations.

교정력이 흰쥐의 치아이동량과 치근흡수에 미치는 영향

김일곤,김광원,윤영주 대한치과교정학회 1999 대한치과교정학회지 Vol.29 No.5

본 연구는 치아를 실험적으로 이동시킬 때, 교정력의 크기와 적용방법에 따른 치아이동 양상의 차이가 존재하는 지의 여부와 치근흡수와의 관련 여부에 대하여 평가하고자 하였다. 300g 전후의 건강한 수컷 흰쥐 24마리를 세 군으로 나누고 상악 제 1대구치와 상악중절치 사이에 NiTi closed coil spring을 장착하여, 각 군당 50g(A군), 100g(B군), 25g(C군)을 적용하였고 C군의 경우에는 교정력을 적용한 지 4일째 50g으로 힘을 증가하였다. 15일간 교정력을 적용하는 동안 매일 ehter로 흡입 마취를 시행하고 치아이동거리를 digital caliper로 측정하고 15일간의 실험기간 종료 후 상악 제1대구치 치근부의 조직표본을 제작하여 광학 현미경으로 관찰한 바 다음과 같은 결과를 얻었다. 1. 각 군별 15일간 총 치아이동거리는 B군에서 가장 컸고, 그 다음 C군, A군의 순이었으나 통계학적으로 유의성 있는 차이는 없었다. 2. A, B, C군 모두 전형적인 치아의 이동양상을 보여주었으며 치아이동 지체기가 끝난 날은 C, B, A군의 순서로 각각 7, 8, 9일째 끝났으나 통계학적으로 유의성있는 차이는 없었다. 3. A, B, C군 모두에서 치근의 흡수양사을 관찰할 수 있었고, 특히 B군에서 가장 심한 치근흡수양상을 보여주었고, C 군에서 치근흡수의 양상이 가장 적었다. 이상을 종합해볼 때, 교정력이 크다고 하여 더 바른 치아이동이 일어난다고 볼 수 없으며 교정력이 클수록 초자양변성대가 광범위하게 형성되어 오히려 치근의 흡수도 증가하므로 교정력을 적용할 때 초기 교정력을 보다 적게 적용하여 초자양변성대 형성범위를 줄인 뒤 교정력을 증가시키는 방법이 치근흡수를 최소화하면서 효과적인 치아이동을 얻을 수 있을 것으로 생각된다. This study was undertaken to investigate the relation between orthodontic force magnitude and the amount of tooth movement. And more light force application for reducing root resorption. Twenty-four rats were divided into three experimental groups(A,B,C) based on force magnitude and application method. Springs of 50g force were applied to A group, springs of 100g force were applied to B group and springs of 25g force were applied to C group initially, and after 4 days springs of C group were changed to springs of 50 force. Two kinds of sentalloy (GAC U.S.A) closed coil spring, 50g and 100g, were used. And we made 25g springs by heat treatment process of 50g springs. Each spring was inserted between the maxillary central incisor and the maxillary left first molar. Amounts of tooth movement were measured every day by digital caliper(Digimatic, Mitutoyo, Japan) under inhalation anesthesia for 15days. After 15days, all rats were sacrificed and histological samples were obtained with Hematoxyline-Eosin stain and Masson's trichrome stain. Following conclusion were made ; 1. Group B showed the mean cumulative tooth movement of 2.19±0.41㎜ at 15th day, which was greatest among three groups, followed by group C(2.06±0.10㎜), group A(1.90±0.49㎜) respectively. However, there was no statistically difference among three groups. 2. All groups showed general tooth movement pattern and A, B, C group finished lag phase at 9th, 8th, 7th day, but there was no statistical significance. 3. Group A, B, C showed root resorption and especially group B showed the most severe root resorption and group C showed milder root resorption than other groups. According to the above results, large initial force with the development of a fairly widespread hyalinized zone may cause severe root resorption, so initial force should be applied lightly to reduce hyalinized area and eventually root resorption and increased force will induce efficient tooth movement.

The effect of fabric movement on washing performance in a front-loading washer II: under various physical washing conditions

Yun, Changsang,Park, Chung Hee Sage Science Press 2015 Textile Research Journal Vol. No.

<P>Fabric movements in a front-loading washer were observed at various conditions with respect to the type of fabric, the number of sheets, the fabric size and the wash spin speed in order to examine their effect on washing efficiency. Fabric movements were categorized into sliding, falling and rotating, which were expected to be influenced by the balance among the centrifugal force, the frictional force and the gravitational force. With increasing the number of sheets, the fabric size and the wash spin speed, fabrics had a tendency to move a longer distance along the drum wall, and thus the most frequent movement shifted from sliding or falling to rotating. The fabric movement patterns during the washing process that were varied according to the washing conditions had a direct effect on washing efficiency. The complex movement pattern, which showed the movements of sliding, falling and rotating by turns during the washing process, exhibited higher washing efficiency than the single movement pattern that represented only sliding or rotating repeatedly.</P>

앉은 자세에서 일어서기(Sit to stand)과제의 동작시간과 지면반발력 분석

김수민,Kim, Soo-min 대한고유수용성신경근촉진법학회 2011 PNF and Movement Vol.9 No.1

Purpose : Sit-to-stand (STS) is one of the important activities of daily living (ADL) and each of its parameters is used frequently. This study aimed to examine the influence of different seat height on performance time and floor reaction force strength during an STS movement. Methods : Fifteen young-adult male subjects participated in this study. The subjects were divided into three groups based on lower leg length. Subjects performed an STS movement twice from chairs at height adjusted by the lower leg length of each subject. To examine the influence of the chair seat height, ground reaction forces during a STS performed with 3 chair heights adjusted to each subjects lower leg length were compared. Results : Vertical ground reaction force and time during an STS movement were measured to evaluate. Parameters regarding ground reaction force were selected for analyses. Significant differences were found in ground reaction force at G1 was greater than G2 and G3. Conclusion : The STS movement achievement strategy differed since chair seat height changes relatively by the difference in lower leg length. When conducting the ability to achieve STS movement rating test, chair seat height considering each subject's lower leg length may be needed.

百濟復興運動의 盛勢와 唐軍의 對應

金榮官 한국고대사학회 2004 韓國古代史硏究 Vol.35 No.-

The restoration movement of the Baekje Dynasty was prosperous and powerful at that time. The movement could make the Baekje's Dynasty regain its sovereignty and effect on consideration of Tang's army withdrawal from the Baekje's land. The political environment of the eastern world also helped the movement succeed. Tang's army was too busy to go on Goguryo expeditions and fight against foreign countries of North and West. In July, 661 both Tang and Silla armies were dispatched for the Goguryo expedition. Even Tang's army at Sabi castle had to join the expedition after giving up suppressing the restoration movement of the Baekje Dynasty. The Baekje's army could regain most of its former territory as the result of the restoration movement. Moreover, Tang's army at Dogjin Command was isolated from others and only waited for Silla's support. The Baekje's army for the restoration movement went on surpassing La-Tang combined forces until the army itself was confronted with the internal conflict. There was a turning point of the situation between the Baekje and La - Dang combined forces as the result of the internal conflict. The former lost its power against the latter. secondly, both Tang and Silla could deal with the restoration movement properly after Tang decided to discontinue the Goguryo's expedition for a while. Tang could have a time preparing for sending a support to Ungjin Commaud. In summary, there were some reasons that the restoration movement of the Baekje's Dynasty could be successful However, the major reason that made the movement succeed was Tang's Goguryo expedition. It made Tang focus on the Goguryo expedition and fight against the countries of the border areas before oppressing the movement. Therefore, Tang only wanted to control the area of former Baekje Dynasty through Ungjin Command. Silla's army also was dispatched for the Goguryo expedition instead of oppressing the movement properly.