謙齋 鄭敾(1676-1759)의《七先生詩畵帖》고찰

정경숙 명지대학교(서울캠퍼스) 인문과학연구소 2016 인문과학연구논총 Vol.37 No.1

This paper aims to introduce and review the 『The Poems and Paintings of Seven Sages』owned by a Japanese. The seven sages are Zhou Dunyi(周敦頤), Shao-Weng(邵雍), JeongHo(程顥), JeongE(程頤), ZhangZai(張載), Zhuzi(朱子) and Lee Hwang. After Choung Seon depicted paintings based on the poems, Lee KwangSa wrote the poems of the seven sages. For Zhuzi, a poem 「Wuyi Do ga」10 texts were selected so that 10 paintings were finished. Therefore this eassay is divided into two part, one is dealing with six sages such as Zhou Dunyi(周敦頤), Shao-Weng(邵雍), JeongHo(程顥), JeongE(程頤), ZhangZai(張載) and Lee Hwang. The other is for Zhuzi(朱子). This painting-book was done around 1746. Han Gwanggye owned it and asked his uncle, Park Philgi, to write the introduction. Park Philgi is the father of Park Saheu, who is the intimate friend of Choung Seon. Choung Seon included Lee Hwang into the seven sages. That means Lee Hwang succeeded to the ‘Words(道)’ came the Chineses. The Lee Hwang’ followers made an efforts to announce the fact that Lee Hwang was the only successor of ‘Words(道)’. There had been some paintings adopted the same idea as Choung seon’s idea. The painting-book is consisted of 34 pages, 2 pages of introduction , 16 pages of paintings and 16pages of poems. This painting book also explained that Choung Seon didn’t follow the stereotypical form of <Wuyi nine-bent painting> and developed creative style paintings. Unlikely the other paintings, he only emphasized the things appeared in the poem. This painting book has kept the orginal form with the same category painting.

河濱 愼後聃의 四端七情論 ─ 貞山 李秉休와 茶山 丁若鏞에게 끼친 영향을 중심으로 ─

정소이 한국유교학회 2014 유교사상문화연구 Vol. No.

이 논문은 신후담의 공칠정리발설이 이병휴와 정약용의 심성론에 끼친 영향을 분석한 글이다. 이 논문에서는 신후담의 공칠정리발설을 다음 세 가지로 압축한다. 첫째는 이황의 理氣 相須설을 두 가지의 리와 두 가지의 기로 세분화하여 분석한 것이다. 신후담은 리에는 사단과 칠정이 공통적으로 가지고 있는 음양오행의 리가 있고, 사단만이 가지고 있는 인의예지의 리가 있으며, 기 역시 사단과 칠정이 공통적으로 가지고 있는 지각감동의 기가 있고 칠정만이 가지고 있는 형기의 기가 있다고 분석한다. 이병휴는 이를 汎說과 別指說로 요약하였고, 정약용은 다시 이를 總설과 專설로 보아 전자를 이이의 것으로, 후자를 퇴계의 것으로 정리하였다. 두 번째는 신후담이 사단과 칠정을 두 근원을 가진 欲惡로 분석한 것이다. 그는 특히 공칠정과 같은 감정을 愛善惡惡이라고 이름하여 사단과 다르지 않음을 명확히 하였다. 이병휴는 신후담의 애선오악을 好善惡惡이라고 보고 이는 사적인 감정인 好利惡害와 대비된다고 설명하며, 성인 뿐만 아니라 일반인들도 공통적으로 갖고 있는 감정으로 풀이하였다. 정약용은 더 나아가 공칠정과 사칠정 뿐만 아니라 공적인 사단과 사적인 사단도 있을 수 있다고 주장한다. 그는 또한 호선오악이라는 보편적 정감이 聖人이나 보통 인간 뿐 아니라 천하의 악인, 심지어는 악행을 저지르는 그 순간에도 발현되는 감정임을 역설한다. 마지막으로 신후담은 사단 및 공칠정이 ‘배우지 않아도 능한(不學而能)’ 것임을 언급한다. 이병휴는 호선오악의 감정은 선천적이며, 人性에는 내용이 없음을 역설하는데, 정약용은 이것을 다시 性 嗜好로 재정의한다. 이러한 세 가지 측면에서 신후담의 공칠정리발설은 이병휴를 거쳐 정약용의 심성론에 지대한 영향을 미쳤다고 할 수 있다. 성호학파를 천주교를 비판하였는가, 옹호하였는가에 따라 信西派와 攻西派로 나누고, 혹은 나이에 따라 老壯派와 少壯派로 나누기도 하는데, 공서파이자 노장이었던 신후담이 신서파이자 소장파로 분류되는 정약용에게 끼친 이와 같은 영향을 고려한다면, 성호학파 내부에서의 분기점은 쉽게 단정 지을 수 없음을 알 수 있다. This article analyzes the meaning and significance of Habin Shin Hu-dam’s theory on ‘four beginnings and seven feelings,’ and discusses its influence on later scholars of Sungho School, such as Jeongsan Yi Byung-hyu and Tasan Jeong Yag-yong. Shin’s main idea on the topic of Four-Seven, which was first initiated by Toegye Yi Hwang, is that although seven feelings are ‘generally’ neutral feelings arisen from the physical body, ‘some’ seven feelings, such as that of the sages, are arisen from the moral, ‘public’ nature of humans. Those public feelings are no different from Four beginnings described by Mencius. His theory was severely criticized by fellow scholars of Sungho School, for it deviated from the traditional Southern scholar’s line of Toegye and tilted toward the theory supported by the oppositional party of Yulgok. In developing such a theory, Shin held three suppositions that made a huge impact on later scholars. First one is that there are two kinds of li the principle and ki the material force. There is “li of yin-yang and five phases” that both four and seven feelings are comprised of, as well as “li of moral goodness” that only the four beginnings (and some moral seven feelings) are consisted of. Likewise, there is “ki of perceptual mind” that both four and seven are comprised of, as well as “ki of physical body” that only seven feelings are consisted of. Later scholars used this dichotomy in explaining the difference between Toegye and Yulgok. The second premise of Shin was that human feelings are not only confined to “four” or “seven”; there are countless feelings that can be abstracted into either ‘love’ or ‘hate.’ The feeling of love and hate, however, are of two different kinds: one is the love for the good and hate for the evil, and the other is the love for the benefit and hate for the harm. Later scholars adopted this idea into their theory of love and hate. The last argument of Shin was that the two kinds of love and hate are innate, and can arise simultaneously. Later scholars established the theory of ‘human nature as inclination’ out of this notion. Many scholars find Tasan Jeong Yag-yong’s theory of human nature and mind original and innovative. It would be helpful, nevertheless, to dig deeper into the root of his theory — then, one may meet Shin Hu-dam and one great original mind.

하빈(河濱) 신후담(愼後聃)의 사단칠정론(四端七情論) ─ 정산(貞山) 이병휴(李秉休)와 다산(茶山) 정약용(丁若鏞)에게 끼친 영향을 중심으로 ─

鄭素伊 ( Chung So-yi ) 한국유교학회 2014 유교사상문화연구 Vol.58 No.-

이 논문은 신후담의 공칠정리발설이 이병휴와 정약용의 심성론에 끼친 영향을 분석한 글이다. 이 논문에서는 신후담의 공칠정리발설을 다음 세 가지로 압축한다. 첫째는 이황의 理氣相須설을 두 가지의 리와 두 가지의 기로 세분화하여 분석한 것이다. 신후담은 리에는 사단과 칠정이 공통적으로 가지고 있는 음양오행의 리가 있고, 사단만이 가지고 있는 인의예지의 리가 있으며, 기 역시 사단과 칠정이 공통적으로 가지고 있는 지각감동의 기가 있고 칠정만이 가지고 있는 형기의 기가 있다고 분석한다. 이병휴는 이를 汎說과 別指說로 요약하였고, 정약용은 다시 이를 總설과 專설로 보아 전자를 이이의 것으로, 후자를 퇴계의 것으로 정리하였다. 두 번째는 신후담이 사단과 칠정을 두 근원을 가진 欲惡로 분석한 것이다. 그는 특히 공칠정과 같은 감정을 愛善惡惡이라고 이름하여 사단과 다르지 않음을 명확히 하였다. 이병휴는 신후담의 애선오악을 好善惡惡이라고 보고 이는 사적인 감정인 好利惡害와 대비된다고 설명하며, 성인 뿐만 아니라 일반인들도 공통적으로 갖고 있는 감정으로 풀이하였다. 정약용은 더 나아가 공칠정과 사칠정 뿐만 아니라 공적인 사단과 사적인 사단도 있을 수 있다고 주장한다. 그는 또한 호선오악이라는 보편적 정감이 聖人이나 보통 인간 뿐 아니라 천하의 악인, 심지어는 악행을 저지르는 그 순간에도 발현되는 감정임을 역설한다. 마지막으로 신후담은 사단 및 공칠정이 ‘배우지 않아도 능한(不學而能)’ 것임을 언급한다. 이병휴는 호선오악의 감정은 선천적이며, 人性에는 내용이 없음을 역설하는데, 정약용은 이것을 다시 性嗜好로 재정의한다. 이러한 세 가지 측면에서 신후담의 공칠정리발설은 이병휴를 거쳐 정약용의 심성론에 지대한 영향을 미쳤다고 할 수 있다. 성호학파를 천주교를 비판하였는가, 옹호하였는가에 따라 信西派와 攻西派로 나누고, 혹은 나이에 따라 老壯派와 少壯派로 나누기도 하는데, 공서파이자 노장이었던 신후담이 신서파이자 소장파로 분류되는 정약용에게 끼친 이와 같은 영향을 고려한다면, 성호학파 내부에서의 분기점은 쉽게 단정 지을 수 없음을 알 수 있다. This article analyzes the meaning and significance of Habin Shin Hu-dam’s theory on ‘four beginnings and seven feelings,’ and discusses its influence on later scholars of Sungho School, such as Jeongsan Yi Byung-hyu and Tasan Jeong Yag-yong. Shin’s main idea on the topic of Four-Seven, which was first initiated by Toegye Yi Hwang, is that although seven feelings are ‘generally’ neutral feelings arisen from the physical body, ‘some’ seven feelings, such as that of the sages, are arisen from the moral, ‘public’ nature of humans. Those public feelings are no different from Four beginnings described by Mencius. His theory was severely criticized by fellow scholars of Sungho School, for it deviated from the traditional Southern scholar’s line of Toegye and tilted toward the theory supported by the oppositional party of Yulgok. In developing such a theory, Shin held three suppositions that made a huge impact on later scholars. First one is that there are two kinds of li the principle and ki the material force. There is “li of yin-yang and five phases” that both four and seven feelings are comprised of, as well as “li of moral goodness” that only the four beginnings (and some moral seven feelings) are consisted of. Likewise, there is “ki of perceptual mind” that both four and seven are comprised of, as well as “ki of physical body” that only seven feelings are consisted of. Later scholars used this dichotomy in explaining the difference between Toegye and Yulgok. The second premise of Shin was that human feelings are not only confined to “four” or “seven”; there are countless feelings that can be abstracted into either ‘love’ or ‘hate.’ The feeling of love and hate, however, are of two different kinds: one is the love for the good and hate for the evil, and the other is the love for the benefit and hate for the harm. Later scholars adopted this idea into their theory of love and hate. The last argument of Shin was that the two kinds of love and hate are innate, and can arise simultaneously. Later scholars established the theory of ‘human nature as inclination’ out of this notion. Many scholars find Tasan Jeong Yag-yong’s theory of human nature and mind original and innovative. It would be helpful, nevertheless, to dig deeper into the root of his theory ― then, one may meet Shin Hu-dam and one great original mind.

기하학적 질서에 따라 증명된 思學의 四端之情과 不思不學의 七者之情

성동권 서울대학교 규장각한국학연구원 2021 한국문화 Vol.- No.94

On the basis of Toegye’s presentation address in the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning, this paper discovered that the method of sage learning is ‘thinking(思)’ and ‘learning(學).’ Thinking is the clear and distinct understand on the necessity of nature itself, i.e Li(理). Learning is the execution of the necessity of nature itself conceived by thinking. Since Toegye had summarized the method for the sage learning this paper analyzed whether the four feelings and the seven feelings, representing Toegye’s sage learning, matched this method. To this end, this paper established 10 definitions and 1 axiom based on Toegye’s writings, and deduced 10 theorems deduced from them as the necessity of geometric order. As a result, it is proved that the four feelings defined as ‘Lival-i-Kisuji(理發而氣隨之)’ is coherent with the method of sage learning. ‘Lival(理發)’ is the clear thinking and learning of Li. However, fundamentally different from the four feelings, the seven feelings defined as ‘Kival-i-Lisengji(氣發而理乘之)’ proved to be contrary to the method of sage learning. ‘Kival(氣發)’ is not the clear thinking and learning of Li. Therefore it is certain that the four feelings in Toegye’s sage learning is thinking and learning but the seven feelings is not thinking and learning. Based on these geometric conclusions, this paper understands the theory for the four feelings and the seven feelings epitomized by Toegye’s sage learning as the feelings epistemology. That is why the four feelings and the seven feelings epitomized by Toegye’s sage learning cannot be explained by feelings(四端) that are morally good and feelings(七情) that are not morally determined. Furthermore, there is no distinction between ideal(四端) and realistic(七情) feelings. According to the conclusion of this article, all feelings exist in the necessity of Li-Ki(理-氣) causality. In this necessity of Li-Ki(理-氣) causality, all feelings(情氣) exist with their own Li(情理) as the necessity of their own nature, and exist only according to the necessity of that nature. This way of understanding on feelings based on thinking and learning was encapsulated into ‘Lival-i-Kisuji(理發而氣隨之)’ by Toegye. In so far as we think and learn all feelings with this method all feelings are perfect and good in itself. Therefore it is the four feelings that thinks and learns all feelings by the method for the sage learning, but it is the seven feelings that does not think and learn all feelings in that manner. As thinking and learning about feelings, the core of the four feelings is, above all, clearly and distinctly recognizing the necessity of feelings in the Li-Ki (理-氣) causality. All feelings(情氣) inherently have the necessity of one's own nature(情理), which exists only according to this nature. Based on the Li(理)-Ki(氣) necessity of feelings, this article defines Toegye’s four feelings(四端) as the science of feelings, i.e 情理學. Therefore, the truth of feelings, from eternity to eternity, is originally the four feelings explained by ‘Lival-i-Kisuji(理發而氣隨之).’ .

16~18C 古詩選集에 반영된 魏代 詩歌의 選錄 현황과 분석 - 『古詩紀』·『采菽堂古詩選』·『古詩源』·『古詩賞析』을 중심으로

金喜京(Kim, Hee-kyong) 중국어문학연구회 2021 중국어문학논집 Vol.- No.129

During the period of the State of Wei, people suffered a great political confusion as the state started with the usurpation of throne and ended with the usurpation of throne for a short period of 45 years. While suffering the great confusion, the literary men at the time began to understand their social responsibilities and started their literary activities under the name of their own for their works. They described the horrible society and the life of poor people of that time in their works and left the literary style called Jian’an poetry. Cao Pi authored the first book with that style, which is titled Jeonronnonmun. In addition, the ideology of “hyeonhak’ appeared as people tried to make the innovation of nw ideology and the poets called Seven Sages of the Bamboo Grove appeared and left their poets based on the Taoism and hyeondam. To find out Ming and Qing dynasty scholars’ evaluation of the poetry of that time, I selected four collections of poetry written during 16th century to 18th century such as “Gosigi”, “Chaesukdang Gosiseon”, “Gosiwon” and “Gosisangseok” and then sorted them out in the joint list of the poetry during the period of Wei before trying the analysis of them. First, the poetry making up 67 poets (61%) were writen by three Cao family members. Among them, the number of works writen by Cao Zhi was 28, which took up 42% of them. The analysis of these works showed that they contained not only the strong mind showing the style of Jian’an poetry but also the historical events and backgrounds, thus giving the descendant the opportunity of peeping into the situation of the period of Wei. Second, the number of works written by Seven Persons of Jian’an Poetry was 8, which took up 13%. Among Seven Persons of Jian’an Poetry, the works written by 5 persons were lised on the joint list. These works also reflected the historical events of the period of Wei and the confusing societal situation of the time, and showed the strength of Jian’an poetry. Third, I researched on poetry written by Seven Sages of the Bamboo Grove. Even though the group was made up with 6 famous poets of that time, there was only one person named “Ruan Ji” in the joint list for 4 kinds of ancient poetry collections selected in this paper and in addition, only one work titled “Yeonghoi” was selected for the list. That may be attributed to the reign of terror made by Sima clan when they could not express their ideas in their works in order to save their lives under the reign of terror. The poetry works having the topics of “Taoism and hyeondam” could not contain the period of Wei any more. Last, I researched the works made by poets other than three Cao family members, Seven Persons of Jian’an, and Seven Sages of the Bamboo Grove. The works such as “Manga” which contains the perspective of death, “Jonggunhaeng” which express the agony suffered by the people in the frontier while following the military were also selected as the poetry showing the situation of that time. It can be said that what the Ming and Qing dynasty scholars wanted to see through four kinds of ancient poetry collections written during 16th century to 18th century was the life of poets and people who lived the short but dynamic period of Wei and that this is the reason why the editors selected the poetry of the time of Wei.

근대 죽림칠현도의 시각화 양상: 전통의 계승과 변용을 중심으로

유순영 미술사학연구회 2021 美術史學報 Vol.- No.56

This thesis examines the production and visualization aspects of the modern Seven Sages of the Bamboo Grove Paintings from the perspective of inheritance and transformation of tradition. I reinforced works and prints of the Ming and Qing dynasties closely related to Korea, and reviewed the recognition and related works of them of the Joseon dynasty. Next, In terms of succession of traditional icons and borrowing of Shanghai pictorials and elegant gathering images, the expression aspects of them were studied. Modern painters, led by An Jungsik and Jo Seokjin, sought a modern transformation of Seven Sages of the Bamboo Grove Paintings. Jo Seokjin made an important contribution to the formation of the visual image of them and had a great influence on later painters. In the 1920s and 1930s, a new images were created and various variations of traditional icons were made. Since the mid-1920s, Kim Eunho has drawn and expressed West Garden Gatrering Painting centered on a picture of Su- shi’s writing. The iconography centered on painting playing the lyre derived from Hyegang, seen in the works of the 30s, was followed by Kim Kichang. Ji Unyoung used Gujinmingrenhuagao and Dianshizhaiconghua. It is also noteworthy that Yi Doyeong and Yi Yongwoo individually reinterpret the works of Tang Yin and Qiu Ying. Paintings ordered by a specific person and commercial paintings based on the original version were produced. The image represented by the bamboo forest has changed from a secular space that transcends reality, to a literati's space with a noble energy, and to a space of entertainment and taste. 이 논문은 전통의 계승과 변용의 관점에서 근대 죽림칠현도의 제작과 시각화 양상을 살펴본 것이다. 한국과 밀접한 관련이 있는 명·청대 작품과 판본을 보강하고 조선시대 죽림칠현에 대한 인식 및 관련 작품을 검토했으며, 전통 도상의 계승과 상해 화보 및 아집도 이미지의 차용이라는 측면에서 근대 죽림칠현도의 표현 양상을 고찰하였다. 안중식과 조석진을 필두로 한 근대 화가들은 죽림칠현도의 근대적인 변모를 모색했다. 근대 죽림칠현도의 시각 이미지 형성에 중요한 기여를 한 조석진은 후대 화가들에게 많은 영향을 끼쳤다. 1920-30년대는 죽림칠현도의 새로운 이미지가 만들어지고 전통 도상의 변주가 다양하게 이루어졌다. 김은호는 1920년대 중반경부터 소식의 휘호 장면을 중심으로 한 서원아집도로 죽림칠현을 표현했으며, 30년대 작품에 보이는 혜강에서 유래하는 탄금도 중심의 도상은 김기창으로 이어졌다. 지운영은 『고금명인 화고』와 『점석재총화』를 활용했으며, 이도영과 이용우가 명대 작품을 개성적으로 재해석한 것도 주목된 다. 특정 인물을 위한 수응화와 범본에 근거한 상업적인 제작이 이루어졌으며, 죽림이 표상하는 이미지는 광음과 금기서화로 현실을 초월한 탈속적인 공간에서 아취 있는 문인 아회의 공간으로, 그리고 유흥과 풍류의 공간으로 변해 갔다.

위진 죽림칠현에 대한 한국 문인의 수용

이채훈(Lee Chae-Hoon) 경북대학교 인문학술원 2019 동서인문 Vol.0 No.12

위진 죽림칠현은 위진 교체기에 활동한 명사들을 대표하며, 완적, 혜강, 산도, 유령, 완함, 상수, 왕융을 가리킨다. 그리고 위진 죽림칠현의 행적은 논어의 은자 칠인 개념과 결합하여 한자문화권의 전통으로서 중국은 물론 한국의 문인들에게도 오랫동안 많은 영향을 끼쳤다. 위진 죽림칠현은 장기간에 걸친 한중 양국 상호간의 왕래와 문화교류를 통해 한국에 전파되었고, 그들의 생애와 독특한 행태가 한국 문인들에게 깊은 인상을 남겨, 한국 문학 작품에 다양한 형태의 죽림칠현 전고가 인용되는 방식으로 수용되었다. The seven sages of the bamboo grove represent celebrities who are active in the timing of Wei-Jin regime change. The seven sages of the bamboo grove include Ruan-ji, Ji-kang, Shan-tao, Liu-ling, Ruan-xian, Xiang-xiu, Wang-rong. And Their activities combined with a reference to 『the Analects』 have influenced Korea as well as China as a tradition of chinese culture circle. The seven sages of the bamboo grove was spread to Korea through long-term exchanges and cultural exchanges between Korea and China, and their lives and unique behaviors impressed Korean writers. As a result, Korean literary works were accepted by Korean writers in a way that cites various forms of The seven sages of the bamboo grove.

『일곱 현자 이야기』, 『센데바르』,『신드반』비교 연구

장지연(Jang, Jee-Yeon) 명지대학교 중동문제연구소 2009 중동문제연구 Vol.8 No.1

The motif of the false accusation of a stepson by the stepmother after she failed to seduce him is recurrent in literature. In the medieval Europe the story of an innocent prince sentenced to death by the intrigue of the king's concubine but saved by the story-telling of the seven sages was read in various versions of many languages. These texts can be grouped into two: the oriental and the occidental group. The texts of the oriental group are comprised of the Syriac, Greek, Hebrew, Persian and Arabic texts and Historia septem sapientum written in Latin. The texts of the occidental group are those written in French, English, Latin and other European languages. The texts of the oriental group seems to have originated from an Indian source and the relationship among these texts has not yet firmly established. This paper aims to shed more light on the relationship of the texts by the comparative examination of Historia septem sapientum and Spanish Sendebar and Syriac Sindban.

劉伶의 ‘越名敎’ 의식 小考

최세윤 동아시아고대학회 2014 동아시아고대학 Vol.0 No.36

죽림칠현 가운데 유령은 기타 명사들과 비교해 보았을 때, 당시 사회의 영향력 이나 지명도에 있어서 그다지 주목을 받지 못했었다. 그렇지만 유령을 말할 때면, 우리는 일반적으로 술을 떠올리게 된다. 확실히 유령은 술을 마시기 좋아하고 또 매우 잘 마실 줄 안다. 술에 있어서만큼은 위진의 그 어떤 명사도 유령을 따라 잡 을 수 없었고, 술을 마심으로 인해 그가 벌이는 방탕함과 자유분방함은 곧 유령을 대표하는 아이콘이 되었다. 이런 이유 때문에 유령에 대한 세간의 평은 그다지 좋 지 못한 것이 사실인데, 일반적으로 그에 대해 ‘방탕하다’, ‘제멋대로이다’, 심지어는 ‘퇴폐적이다’ 라고 평하고 있다. 유령은 비록 이와 같은 세간의 혹평을 받았지만, 그럼에도 불구하고 유령이 당대의 유명한 명사들의 조직인 죽림칠현의 한 사람이 될 수 있었던 이유가 있었을 것이다. 본 논문은 유령의 생애와 그의 작품분석을 통 해 유령만의 독특한 정신세계를 알아보고, 더 나아가 유령이 갖고 있었던 이른바 ‘越名敎’ 의식을 고찰해 보고자 한다. 천하의 유령은 술로 유명하고 술을 찬미하였다. 유령의 술을 중심으로 형성된 인생가치관과 목표는 모두 그의 명저인 「酒德頌」에 표현되어 있다. 유령은 본래 다 른 명사들과 마찬가지로 세상을 구할 웅대한 포부를 가지고 있었으나, 기회를 얻 지 못하고 이 후 재기할 수 없게 된다. 이렇게 되자 유령은 하는 수 없이 술을 마 시고, 방탕한 행동을 일삼았는데, 그 까닭은 결코 다른 어떤 의도가 있어서도 아니 었고, 세상의 명예와 이익을 구하기 위함도 아닌, 그저 술에 취하고 술에 의지해서 라도 세상과 소통하기를 원했던 것이었으며, 더 나아가 자신이 뜻을 얻지 못한 세 상, 불합리한 사회, 그리고 ‘허울 좋은 명교(假名敎)’를 표방한 극악무도한 정치세 력에 대항하기 위해서였다. 이것이 바로 유령의 명교를 초월하려했던 ‘越名敎’ 의식인 것이다. Liu-Ling was a member of the ‘Seven Sages of the Bamboo Grove’, he did not have as strong an influence or awareness as any other member. When we talk about Liu-Ling, we generally think of ‘Alcohol’. He certainly liked to drink, drank a lot. No one could keep up with Liu-Ling at drinking, his ‘Dissipation’ and ‘Bohemianism’ have become a representative icons of the Wei dynasty. In this account, he is treated as a ‘libertine’ or ‘decadent person’. However, Liu-Ling had some special abilities and characteristics as a member of the ‘Seven Sages of the Bamboo Grove’. By analyzing Liu-Ling’s life and his work <Eulogy of drinking morals(酒德頌)>, this paper focuses on Liu-Ling’s consciousness which was often concerned with “Overcome the Mingjiao(名敎)”. Liu-Ling originally had aspirations to rescue society, but never had the chance to realize his hopes. And he had no other choice but to drink. He drank too much, spent his life hanging loose, lived in decadence, and engaged in behavior that resisted his underprivileged era and circumstances.

竹林七贤与酒 - 以嵇康、阮籍为主

李明爱 동북아시아문화학회 2020 동북아 문화연구 Vol.1 No.63

Ji Kang Ruan Ji was dissatisfied with the Sma's usurpation, and witnessed the ruthless cruelty and ruin of the ruling clique. Therefore, they despised the hypocrisy of the famous religions and ceremonies advertised by them, advocating Lao Zhuang's metaphysics, yearning for the simplicity and innocence, innocence, and advocating the nature of the more famous religion. Then Lao Zhuang's natural inaction thought developed to the extreme, indulging in wine, defamation of etiquette, disdain for power, cynicism, and the opening of the Wei and Jin celebrities. Ruan Ji is a person who is drunkenly drinking, drinking frequently and heartily. He drank to avoid misfortune, vent his emotions in alcoholism, and get inner peace and spiritual relief in wine. Therefore, Ruan Ji's life is full of wine. Moreover, self-reporting his rule in the poem is not the whole life of Ruan Ji. His cautious creative attitude keeps him sober. Ji Kang's drinking is essentially different from Ruan Ji's drinking. Compared to Ruan Ji's, it is more “sparse”, because Ji Kang's drinking is for health, and never uses drunk as a means of avoiding the world. Therefore, even if he drinks, he is only a small drink, more rational and calm. Although not binge drinking, all the life's interest has already permeated from the cup. Their drinking behavior is different, but the same is that wine occupies an extremely important position in their lives. Drinking not only affects their life behavior, but also has an inseparable connection with their poetry. Liquor has made Wei and Jin scholars, and their wild behaviors are vivid. With this carrier, Wei Jin's demeanor is brought into full play. Therefore, the unique achievements in the history of Wei and Jin's literature confirm: the wine's unending eternal significance. Wine began to quickly enter the literature, making an essential foreshadowing of the art of Tao Yuanming's poems and wine.