언론중재법상 추후보도 제도 개선방안에 관한 연구

윤진희 (사)한국언론법학회 2019 언론과 법 Vol.18 No.3

언론중재법은 언론 보도로 인한 피해를 구제하기 위한 장치로 정정보도, 반론보도, 추후보도 제도를 규정하고 있다. 정정보도는 언론의 보도 내용이 명백히 사실과 어긋날 경우 즉 오보를 바로잡기 위한 제도다. 반론보도는 보도 내용의 사실 여부와 상관없이 언론 보도로 인해 피해를 입은 사람이 해당 매체를 통해 자신의 의견을 개진할 수 있도록 하는‘반론권’을 보장하는 제도다. 추후보도 제도는 언론을 통해 범죄혐의가 공표된 사람이 그에 대한 형사절차가 무죄판결을 받거나 이와 동등한 형태로 종결되었을 때 무죄판결 등을 공표 하도록 하는 제도다. 이 세 가지 제도 모두 언론 보도로 인한 인격권 침해 구제를 목적으로 도입한 장치다. 언론보도 피해자의 구제라는 측면에서 추후보도 제도의 입법목적의 정당성은 넉넉히 인정된다. 하지만 추후보도 제도는 언론을 통해 공표된 사실 즉 범죄 피의사실의 진실성 여부와 상관없이 이뤄진다는 점에서 문제가 비롯된다. 추후보도 청구권 행사 요건인 ‘형사절차가 무죄판결 또는 이와 동등한 형태의 종결’은 무죄(Not guilty)와 결백(Innocence)을 구별하지 않고 있다. 이에 따라 언론이 fact 즉 입증 가능한 사실을 보도한 경우라도, 이에 대한 고려 없이 사법기관의 판단만을 이유로 추후보도를 이행해야 하는 문제가 있다. 이는 언론의 사실보도 기능, 견제, 비판, 감시 기능을 위축시킬뿐더러 언론 스스로 추후보도를 통해 왜곡된 여론 형성에 기여하는 부조리를 빚는다. 추후보도 제도를 개선 해 언론보도 피해자 구제라는 입법목적을 달성할 수 있되 언론의 기능을 훼손하지 않을 수 있는 적절한 수단을 강구할 필요가 있다. 이에 본 연구는 추후보도 제도 개선방안으로 두 가지를 제안하고 있다. 첫째는 정정보도, 반론보도 제도의 특칙이라 할 수 있는 추후보도 제도 조항을 삭제하고, 추후보도 제도를 정정보도와 반론보도 내로 포섭하는 방안이다. 둘째는 현행 추후보도 제도를 그대로 언론의 앞선 범죄보도 내용이 진실인지 허위인지를 탐지해 이를 추후보도문에 병기하도록 해 추후보도 제도의 오남용 가능성을 억제하는 것을 제안하고 있다. Korean Press Arbitration Law(ACT ON PRESS ARBITRATION AND REMEDIES, ETC. FOR DAMAGE CAUSED BY PRESS REPORTS) Stipulates three kind of remedies for damage cause by press reports. The three remedies are : Report corrected Statement, Report contradictory Statement and ex post facto report. A person who suffers any damage due to the falsity of a press report, etc. have a right to report a corrected statement of the details of such press report, etc. That is ‘report corrected statement’ is to correct falsity if the media reports clearly go against the facts. Report Contradictory Statement is a system that guarantees ‘right of reply’, which allows a person damaged by media reports to express his/her own opinion through the media, irrespective of whether the information is true or false. The Ex post facto report is a system for a person who has been reported or announced as a suspected offender by the Press. If the criminal procedure with respect to him or her is terminated by the final conclusive judgement of acquittal or on equal terms therewith, he or she can require press to make a further report. All these three systems are devices for the quick remedy of infringement of human moral rights due to media reports. In view of the relief of victims of media reports, the legitimacy of the legislative purpose is fully appreciated. However, the issue of the‘ex post facto report’ system comes from the fact that the press release is made regardless of whether or not the reported fact is true or not. And Press arbitration law does not distinguish between ‘not guilty’and ‘innocence’ in spite of the difference between two. Therefore, even if the media reports ‘fact’, that is, the facts that can be verified, there is a problem that it is necessary to carry out ex post facto reporting on the grounds of judgment of the judiciary only without considering whether the information is true or false. This undermines the media's fact reporting function, checks, criticism and surveillance to power and social absurdity. This is not the only problem. The media itself can contributes to the formation of distorted public opinion through ex post facto report. We need to improve the ex post facto reporting system so that we can secure the legislative purpose of relieving victims of media reports, but we need to find appropriate means not to undermine the function of the press. Therefore, this study suggests two ways to improve the ex post facto reporting system in the future. First, remove the clause of the ex post facto reporting system and then the ex post facto reporting system into‘report corrected statement’and‘Report Contradictory Statement system. The second is to detect whether the contents of the previous crime report of the press are true or false and then specify it in the press release.

미디어 액세스권 확보방안으로서 언론중재제도의 활용실태와 개선방안 - 경남중재부의 조정처리 현황분석을 중심으로

김영주,박창문 언론중재위원회 2015 미디어와 인격권 Vol.1 No.1

The study analyzes the current status and characteristics of mediation cases handled by the Gyeongsangnam-do Arbitral Tribunal of the Press Arbitration Commission in the past five years. For this purpose, the study uses content analysis and expert interviews. The content analysis included 556 cases handled by the Gyeongsangnam-do Arbitral Tribunal from January 1, 2010 to December 31, 2014. The expert interviews targeted three former-incumbent directors and one member of the Gyeongsangnam-do Arbitral Tribunal of the Press Arbitration Commission. The research focuses on realizing the right of access to the press in Korea. The characteristics of the Gyeongsangnam-do Arbitral Tribunal are as follows. First, the efficiency of mediation has been gradually reduced. The efficiency percentages of mediation during the five years amounts to 65.7%, including 85.4% in 2010, 76.4% in 2011, 55% in 2012, and 46.6% in 2014. This is mainly because of excessive competition of daily newspapers in the specific region, such as the town of Haman. Second, most claim cases have been required on ‘Report on a corrected statement’ and ‘Compensation for damage’. In the study period (2010-2014), the proportion of requests for correction to a news report was 51.3% (N=285), and compensation for damages was requested in 41.3% of cases (N=285). The proportion of requests for refutation or exculpation to a news report was much lower. Among the several types of damage, claims of defamation account for 96%, 100% in 2010 and 2014, 98.9% in 2011, and 88.9% in 2013. In 2013, the proportion of claims of property damage was 9.5%. Third, mediation cases against the daily newspaper and its online news site accounted for 29.9% (N=166) and 31.5% (N=175) of cases, respectively. The proportion of claims regarding Internet news media as Internet news portal was 46.6%. a much higher proportion than the others. Among the several claimant types, individual cases account for 55% (N=306), followed by media organization (12.6%; N=68), local government (12.6%; N=63), business entity (10.3%; M=57), and civic group (5.2%; N=29). Finally, the proportion of mediation cases toward Internet news media has increased in the last five years (except 2010), from 45% to 60%. In short, the noted features of the Press Arbitration System in Gyeongsangnam-do are as follows. The system experienced a recent decline in mediation handling efficiency, an unequal distribution of claim cases, a polarization of claim media subjects, and a centralization of damage types. Such characteristics must be improved as they reveal the operational limitations of the system. Accordingly, in order for the Press Arbitration System of Korea to allow a stronger right of access to the press, there is a need for 1) effort by the regional press to develop and reflect more accurate public opinion, 2) reinforcement of publicity and provision of education about the function and role of the Press Arbitration Commission, 3) active mediation efforts such as field surveys and fact inquiries by the regional Arbitral Tribunal, 4) introduction of a right to delete articles, 5) providing the press with opportunities to help victims in similar conditions to those in the reported article, 6) active compensation decisions and settlement recommendations, and 7) improvement of attitudes of the commissioners. 본 연구는 한국의 언론중재제도를 공중의 미디어 액세스권 실현방안이라는 관점에서, 최근 5년간 언론중재위원회 경남중재부에서 처리한 언론·조정중재 사건들의 현황과 특징을 분석하였다. 언론중재제도의 활용현황과 특징을 살펴보면, 경남중재부의 경우 최근으로 올수록 처리효율이 점차 감소하고 있는데, 그 이유는 일간신문들 간의 과당경쟁으로 추론된다. 이들의 과당경쟁으로 일간신문과 일간신문의 인터넷닷컴이 주요 조정청구 대상이 되고 있으며, 피해구제율을 낮추는 주요 원인이 되고 있다. 다음으로 청구유형이 정정보도와 손해배상에 집중되고 있었으며, 피해유형 중에서는 명예훼손이 96%를 차지해 피해유형도 편중되어 있었다. 요컨대 경남지역 언론중재제도의 활용 특징은 ① 조정처리효율의 감소, ② 청구유형의 편중화, ③ 청구대상매체의 양극화, ④ 피해유형의 집중화라고 할 수 있다. 이러한 특징은 중재제도가 운영상의 한계를 드러내는 것인 만큼 보완을 위한 노력이 절실하다. 따라서 언론중재제도가 미디어 액세스권을 보다 강력하게 담보해 내기 위해서는 ① 정확한 여론의 형성과 반영을 위한 지역언론의 노력, ② 언론중재위의 기능과 역할에 대한 홍보 및 교육 강화, ③ 중재부의 현장조사 및 사실조회 등 적극적인 조정 노력, ④ 기사삭제청구권의 도입, ⑤ 원 보도문과 동일한 수준의 피해구제보도 기회 제공, ⑥ 적극적인 손해배상 결정 및 합의 권유, ⑦ 중재위원들의 심의자세 및 태도개선 등이 필요하다고 생각한다.

프레스성형공정에서 금형에 전달되는 진동 신호에 기반한 공정특성 분석에 대한 연구

이준한,김종선 한국금형공학회 2023 한국금형공학회지 Vol.17 No.1

In this study, the vibration signal of the mold was measured and analyzed to monitor the process information and characteristics during the press molding process. A necklace-type picture frame mold was used for press molding, and the vibration signal was measured by GY-61 acceleration sensor module attached to the surface of the upper (movable) mold base. The change of the vibration signal of the mold according to press speed was analyzed. As a result, the vibration signal had a large change at five sections: “Holder contact”, “Punch contact and start of pressing”, “End of pressing”, “Mold open”, and “Demolding”. The time difference between “Punch contact and start of pressing” and “End of pressing” means the pressing time which is the actual time the material is molded under pressing pressure. The time intervals for each section, represented by the time interval between “Holder contact” and “Punch contact and start of pressing”, can be used to compare and evaluate the press speed applied to the process. By comparing the vibration signals at 60 rpm and 90 rpm, the amplitude at the section of “Punch contact and start of pressing” increased as the press speed increased. This result means that as the press speed increases, more force and pressure is applied to the material. Also, the peak values of the other sections were found to increase as the press speed increased. It was found that the pressing time, the time interval between “Punch contact and start of pressing” and “End of pressing”, decreases as the pressing speed increases. Similarly, press speed factor, the time interval between “Holder contact”, and “Punch contact and start of pressing”, is found to be shorter. Therefore, based on the result of this study, the pressing time, press speed, pressing(punching) pressure of each cycle can be monitored by measuring the vibration signal of the mold. Also, it was confirmed that the level and trend of process information and characterization can be evaluated as the change of the mold vibration during press molding.

조선시대 언론의 공정성: 공론정치론과 그 한계

김영수 ( Young Soo Kim ) 한국정치평론학회 2015 정치와 평론 Vol.17 No.-

In general, the traditional political system of East Asian states had been known as tyranny and had never the press. In fact, Legalist(法家) and Mohism(墨家) thought the press negative. But, Confucian(儒家) had put importance on it. Confucius said that the press` absence was the national peril in the dialogue with King Chungkong(定公). The theory of the Press in East Asia was started from Confucius. It developed into Heaven`s will(天命), people`s will(人心), and public opinion(公論) by turns. Confucianism criticized the faults of king and state on the pretext of people`s will and public opinion and justified the right of the press. According to its theory, kingship is conferred and shall be subject to the command of the Heaven`s will. According to people`s will, it is the same as Heaven`s will. The theory of public opinion asserted that what the Heaven and people think as the right is the public opinion, and politics shall be subject to it. In other words, the Heaven, the people, public opinion be the standard of the publicness and the criteria to assess the kingship and the state. Chosun was founded on New Confucianism. Then, she recognized the press and established the Censorial organ(臺諫) as the independent press. Chosun`s press had reached the ideal state in the reign of King Sejong. After that, the seizure of power by Salim(士林, the clerisy group) was the new epoch. Salim asserted the politics by public opinion instead of power politics. But with the beginning of the factional struggle(黨爭), the press was transformed into a arena of bloody political struggle. Thus public opinion of Chuson press was changed to factional opinion(黨論) and the public nature of the press was destroyed seriously. Then, various alternatives had been proposed to normalize the public sphere. First, Yulgok(栗谷) asserted the monopoly of the press by the leading figure instead of the Censorial organ.(君子專權論) Second, Yusuwon(柳壽垣) and Dasan(丁若鏞)`s alternative was to abolish the Censorial organ and open the press to all persons. Third, King Youngjo and King Junjo exercised anti-partisan politics(Tangpyeong, 蕩平). But lastly, it resulted in the so-called ``Sedo Politics``(politics by maternal relatives, 勢道政治). In this period, the politics of public opinion had been suddenly stopped and Chosun dynasty entered into the era of a long silence. This situation was not fundamentally changed and Korean lost the country.

대형 고속프레스의 유한요소해석을 통한 진동 및 소음에 대한 연구

김승수,정철재,이춘규 한국금형공학회 2023 한국금형공학회지 Vol.17 No.4

The electric vehicle market is developing rapidly around the world. Also, parts of electric vehicles require precision.In order to produce high-precision motor cores,Press equipment must also have good precision. Drive motor cores are an important technology for electric vehicles. It uses a large high-speed press to mass-produce drive motor cores. Because it's a large high-speed press, there are many reasons why the precision is not good. One of the causes is vibration and noise. Recently, as environmental demands have become stricter, regulations on noise and vibration have been strengthened. It is important for press machines to reduce vibration first for sound insulation and dust proofing. This is because the "breakthrough" phenomenon occurs in the press. Dynamic precision is the precision under the load of the press, Design considering strain and stiffness shall be made. Vibration and noise may occur due to SPM of high-speed press,And vibration and noise can cause structural deformation of the press. Structural deformation of the press can affect the precision of the product.Noise and vibration also cause problems for workers and work environments. Problems with vibration and noise occur during press processing, and vibration and noise lead to damage to the mold or defects in the product. Reliability in high-quality technology must be secured with low noise and low vibration during press processing. Modular shape and deformation energy effects were analyzed through finite element analysis. In this study, a study on vibration and noise countermeasures was conducted through finite element analysis of a large high-speed press.

언론중재법상 정정보도청구권의 헌법적 함의

이동훈(Lee, Dong-Hoon) 한국비교공법학회 2015 공법학연구 Vol.16 No.3

언론중재법 제14조의 정정보도청구권의 근거를 민법 제764조의 규정에 근거를 두느냐, 언론중재법 제16조의 반론보도청구권에 포섭되느냐, 아니면 언론중재법상 별도의 새로운 권리이냐에 대한 해석이다. 반론권의 일종으로 보는 견해는 정정보도청구권의 새로운 권리설을 부정한다. 언론중재법상의 정정보도청구의 소에 있어서 허위보도로 인정되는 경우는 누구에게나 명백한 허위보도이거나 피해자가 가진 객관적 자료만으로도 당해 기자의 고의 또는 중대한 과실로 진위여부를 제대로 조사하지 아니한 명백한 오보임이 분명하거나 악의적인 허위보도에 준하는 경우를 입증할 수 있는 경우라고 일단 짐작할 수 있는데, 이러한 경우는 이론상으로만 있을 수 있고, 실제로 법원이 위법성조각사유, 특히 상당성을 인정하여 정정보도청구를 인용하지 않거나 소송을 지나치게 오래 끈 경우는 없으므로 새로운 혁신적 제도를 창설한 것은 아니라고 한다. 민법 제764조에 의한 권리설의 견해는 정정보도청구권의 새로운 권리설을 부정하고 민법 제764조에 의해 언론사의 불법행위의 입증 요건인 고의?과실 즉 위법성을 요한다고 한다. 그러나 언론중재법 제14조의 정정보도청구권은 언론사의 고의?과실 즉 위법성을 요하지 않는다. 언론중재법 제26조 제4항에서는 제1항의 규정이 민법 제764조의 규정에 의한 권리의 행사에 영향을 미치지 아니한다고 규정하고 있고, 언론중재법상 정정보도청구권이 고의?과실이나 위법성을 요하지 않는 점(제14조 제2항), 제소기간의 차이점(제14조 제1항)에 비추어 볼 때 인정될 수 없는 견해이다. 언론중재법상 신설된 새로운 권리로 보는 견해는 언론중재법 제14조에 규정된 정정보도청구권은 반론보도청구권이나 민법상 불법행위에 기한 청구권과는 전혀 다른 새로운 성격의 청구권으로 본다. 생각하건대, 헌법상 언론보도의 자유는 보호되어야 하지만, 그 언론보도의 자유는 절대적으로 무제한적인 것은 아니고, 헌법 제21조 제4항의 전문에 의거 타인의 명예나 권리 또는 공중도덕이나 사회윤리를 침해하여서는 아니 되는 객관적 질서이다. 따라서 언론보도로 인하여 명에나 권리가 침해된 피해자는 당연히 헌법 제21조제4항 후문에 의거 피해의 배상을 청구할 수 있는바, 그 피해 배상의 내용에는 금전적 배상은 물론이고 명예회복에 적합한 조치도 당연히 포함된다. 이 명예회복의 적합한 조치로 반론보도청구권이나 추후보도청구권 뿐만 아니라 특별한 성격의 새로운 권리로서 정정보도청구권을 창설하더라도 민법상 불법행위이론에 맞지 않더라도 헌법적으로는 아무런 문제가 없다. 헌법적으로 보면 기존의 불법행위법 이론으로 보호를 받지 못하는 틈새에 언론중재법상 특칙으로 보완하는 것은 국내법체계상 문제가 없다. 따라서 정정보도청구권을 언론사의 불법행위의 입증 요건인 고의?과실 즉 위법성에 미치지 않는 허위나 과장된 사실적 주장에 관한 언론 보도에 대해 진실에 부합하는 새로운 보도를 하여 줄 것을 요구하는 권리로서 매스미디어에 대한 액세스권을 보장하는 수단적 권리를 인정한 것이다. The correction reported claims, Article 14 of the press arbitration law, presents the following questions: Is it based on the civil rights pursuant to article 764? Is it included in the press objection claims? Is it a separate new right in the press arbitration law? The first view, which is a kind of right of reply, denies a new right theory of The correction reported claims. The second view requires illegality including intention and violation which is a condition of proof with respect to the unlawful conduct of the press. The third view, which may be regarded as a new right established by ,the press arbitration law is a claim. This completely differs from the press objection claims or the civil tort claims. Presumably, the constitutional freedom of press should be protected, but the freedom of the press is not absolutely unlimited. This is the objective order which infringes on the honor or rights of others, public morals, or social ethics provided for in Article 21 of the Constitution. Therefore, victims who have infringed on the honor or rights by the press can demand a claim for damages. The claim includes action for monetary damages and rehabilitation of impaired reputation. As for the appropriate action of rehabilitation, we can make the press objection claims, the subsequently reported claims or the correction reported claims. Although this does not fit in the civil tort theory, there is no problem to the constitution.

3.1운동기 총독부기관지 『서울프레스』의 국제사회 대응 양상―The Korean “Independence” Agitation - Articles Reprinted from the “Seoul Press” (1919.5)를 중심으로―

박보영 고려대학교 민족문화연구원 2019 民族文化硏究 Vol.84 No.-

총독부 기관지 서울프레스(Seoul Press)는 국제사회 공론의 장에 한 구성원으로서 발언을 하고, 동아시아 영어 매체 네트워크에서 쏟아내는 갖가지 배일(排日) 여론을방어해내는 대항담론의 기지 역할을 수행했다. 1919년 3.1운동이 발발하자, 서울프레스는 긴급 기사 묶음으로 소책자 『한국의 독립선동(The Korean “Independence” Agitation―Articles Reprinted from the “Seoul Press”)』을 출판하여 배포했다. 3.1운동이 식민 당국의 예상을 뛰어넘어 전국화⋅장기화되고 국내적 상황을 넘어 대외 여론에서 ‘진압의 폭력성’에 대한 비난이 폭등하고 선교사를 중심으로 한 종교탄압주장으로까지 확대되자, 기사복제본 형식의 긴급 소책자를 동원하여 적극적인 여론전에 나섰던 것이다. 이렇게 발간된 소책자 등의 식민지 한국 관련 정보는 동아시아 영어 매체 네트워크는 물론 국제여론의 집결지 미국 내에서 조직적으로 배포되었다. 미국 내 일본 여론전의 기지는 뉴욕을 중심으로 한 동양정보국(1909)-동서뉴스국(1913) 이었고 이들 기관의 설립자 및 주요 필진들이 서울프레스 출신들이었다. 서울프레스는 첫째 3.1운동세력과 서양인 선교사를 분리하여, 운동의 세력을 약화시킴은 물론 이념적 정당성을 소거하고, 둘째, 대외적으로 유포된 폭력적 진압의 실태는 일방적으로 과장되었을 뿐만 아니라 일본 정부의 승인하에 벌어진 것이 아니라는점을 부각시키며, 셋째, 3.1운동은 한국인들의 주체적인 자각에 의한 운동이 아니라, ‘민족자결주의’의 오해에서 비롯된 소동에 불과하고, 전 국민적 운동이라기보다 일부선동자들의 조작된 운동이라는 논지를 펼치는 전략으로 대응했다. 일본의 국제사회 여론전의 목표는 결국 국제사회에서 전승국으로서 한몫 끼이기 위한 자기가치 증명의 필요성과 제국의 통치능력에 대한 중간성적표라 할 수 있는 3.1운동에 대해 국제여론의 방향을 돌려놓는 것이었다. ‘민족자결주의’에 대한 오해에서 비롯된 ‘외인론’과 식민통치의 실패라는 ‘내인론’의 갈등은 주지하다시피 3.1운동 이후더욱 적극적인 국제여론전의 명분으로서 ‘문화정치’로 포장되었다. The Seoul Press, which was an organ of the Governor-General’s office, took its place within the international public opinion and developed a counter-discourse against the anti-Japanese sentiments pouring out of the East-Asian English-language press networks. In the wake of the March First ‘Mansei’ Movement in 1919, the Seoul Press printed and distributed in emergency a series of articles gathered in a pamphlet titled The Korean “Independence” Agitation - Articles Reprinted from the ‘Seoul Press’. The March First Movement went beyond what colonial authorities could anticipate to become a prolonged, nationalized phenomenon. It also became more than a domestic affair as criticisms on the ‘violence of repression’ escalated in foreign public opinion. It even became a pretext for religious repression that targeted missionaries. In such circumstances, the mobilization of emergency pamphlets appeared as a strategical strike in the war of public opinion. Information related to the colonization of Korea, as published by such pamphlets, was systematically disseminated not only to East-Asian English-language press networks, but also to the hub of international public sentiment in the United States. New York, where the Oriental Information Bureau (1909) and the East and West News Bureau (1913) operated, was Japan’s base for public opinion maneuvers in the United States. The founders and main writers of these two organs were indeed affiliated to the Seoul Press. The Seoul Press first undermined the influence of the March First Movement and suppressed any ideological legitimacy by segregating the Western missionaries from the movement. In addition, it claimed that the violent repression as described abroad was in fact a unilateral exaggeration; furthermore, it had not taken place with the approbation of the Japanese government, but rather accidentally somewhat and as a result of fear of the confrontation with rioters. Finally, it argued that March First was not a movement based on the Koreans’ autonomous self-consciousness, but only a disturbance stemming from the misconception about the ‘principle of national self-determination’; therefore, it was only a movement manipulated by a handful of agitators rather than a national movement. Japan’s goal was to change the way the international opinion should look on the March First Movement, which could then be qualified as a halfway report on the empire’s ability to rule and the necessity to prove its own worth in order to be considered by the international opinion as a victorious nation. Following the Movement, the antagonism between the “extrinsic factor approach” and the “intrinsic factor approach” paved the way for the “Cultural policies” as a façade to mask a more aggressive strategy to win the war of international public opinion.

지방정부의 보도 자료는 언론 보도에 어떻게 활용되었나? 제주 지역 ‘코로나19’ 관련 주요 이슈를 중심으로

이서현,진명지,최낙진 한국PR학회 2020 PR연구 Vol.24 No.6

Objectives: We examined content characteristics of press releases provided by South Korea’s Jeju Special Self-Governing Province on COVID-19 and analyzed how their information was reported by the media. Methods: We selected five main issues relating to COVID-19 that occurred in Jeju. In total, we analyzed 84 local government press releases that addressed these five issues, as well as 234 news reports that utilized these press releases. Results: Most of the press releases contained provision-type information. All press releases were written in a news-article format and, in most cases, summarized information was added. Out of the 84 press releases, 78 were used for news coverage on the same day the local government provided them. These news reports either reorganized or entirely repurposed press-release headlines, but used more than 90% of their main text at a rate of 60.7%; however, the news articles still repurposed or reorganized the press-release information by adding commentary . In fact, news reports used direct quotations presented in press releases at a rate of 18.4% and indirect quotations presented in press releases as direct quotations at a rate of 12.8%. Most of the news articles exhibited a neutral tone. Moreover, most of the news sources presented in press releases and news reports were either directly from representatives of the Jeju government, such as the governor or officials in related departments, or COVID-positive persons. However, the news reports also used information from medically related organizations and organizations affiliated with the COVID-positive persons. In both the press releases and the news articles, the information frame and the economic frame were used the most, while the news articles used the responsibility frame a little more. Conclusions: The press releases contained a lack of information on citizens’ voluntary participation in prevention measures, and we found that news reports promoted discrimination and prejudice against COVID-positive persons. 배경 및 목적: 본 연구에서는 ‘코로나19’와 관련하여 제주도가 제공한 보도 자료가 어떤 내용으로 구성되었으며, 이것이언론 보도에 어떻게 활용되었는지 살펴보고자 하였다. 방법: 제주 지역에서 발생한 ‘코로나19’ 관련 주요 시점 5개를 선정하여 제주도가 제공한 보도 자료 84건과 이를활용한 언론 보도 234건을 분석하였다. 결과: 보도 자료는 정보 제공형이 가장 많았다. 모든 보도 자료는 기사체 형식으로 제공되었으며, 요약형 정보가 더해진 경우가 가장 많았다. 84건의 보도 자료 가운데 78건이 언론 보도에 활용되었다. 보도 자료는 대부분 제공 당일에 기사화되었다. 언론 보도의 헤드라인은 보도 자료의 헤드라인을 재구성하거나 완전히 다르게 사용되었던 반면, 본문은 60.7%의 기사에서 보도 자료의 90% 이상이 활용되었다. 보도 자료는 단순 인용되거나 해설, 취재 등을 통해 재구성되었다. 보도 자료 내 직접 인용구는 18.4%의 비율로 언론 보도에 사용되었으며, 보도 자료 내 간접 인용구는 12.8%의 비율로 언론 보도에서 직접 인용구로 표시되었다. 언론 보도는대부분 중립적인 논조를 띄고 있었다. 보도 자료와 언론 보도의 정보원은 주로 제주도, 제주도지사, 실무 부서, 확진자였으며, 언론 보도에서는 이외에 의료 관계 기관, 확진자 소속 기관 등이 활용되었다. 보도 자료와언론 보도 모두 정보 프레임과 경제 프레임이 많이 사용되었고, 언론 보도에서는 책임 프레임이 다소 많았다. 논의 및 결론: 보도 자료에서는 시민들의 자발적 참여와 예방에 대한 정보 제공이 부족했고, 언론 보도는 확진자에 대한 차별과 혐오를 조장한 것으로 나타났다.

The Circumstances of the Korean Press under Japanese Ruling and the Formation of Discourse on Freedom of the Press in the 1920s

Min Ju Lee 서울대학교 언론정보연구소 2006 언론정보연구 Vol.43 No.1

This study examines what discourse was composed for freedom of the Korean press by analyzing related editorials concentrating on private newspapers and magazines published in the 1920s. After Imperial Japan altered its strategy for the governance of colonial Korea from Sward Rule to Cultural Rule, the publishment of private Korean newspapers and magazines were allowed which had been strictly repressed. Newly rising Korean private newspapers were devoted themselves to the formation of discourse for expansion of freedom of press against the control by the Government General of Korea. Editorials of private newspapers and magazines in the 19208 criticized unreasonable control of Korean press carried out by the Government General of Korea. The contents of press-related editorials of Korean private newspapers in the 19208 can be divided into three categories: 1) Demands for freedom of the press; 2) Demands for an amendment of press-related laws such as the Newspaper Law and Publication Law, and; 3) Criticism and protest against administrative and judicial control. The amendment request of press-related laws and the criticism of the irrational administrative and judicial control led to the guarantee of freedom of press and formed the antagonistic discourse against the Government General of Korea which subdued the Korean press.

Verfassungsrechtliche Aspekte der Subventionierung von Presseunternehmen

홍선기 한독사회과학회 2014 한독사회과학논총 Vol.24 No.2

Freedom of expression is a direct expression of the human personality. The press is an important means of dissemination of opinions. A free press is essential element of the liberal state and indispensable for modern democracy. Most countries, therefore protecting the freedom of the press by their constitution, such as Article 5 of the German Basic Law and Article 21 of the Korea Constitution. But in the historical process of capitalism was a concentration in journalism, which still exists in Korea. This causes the creation of a monopoly opinion. To avoid the press concentration subsidies are a useful state measure to preserve the diversity of opinion. It is questionable whether press subsidies constitute interference with the fundamental right of freedom of the press. It might be argued that subsidies ensure claims and thus does not hamper the exercise of fundamental rights, but easier. Although such subsidy laws guarantee claims, they are more broadly interference in the freedom of the press, as they reduce the market position of the non-beneficiaries. Therefore, some require press subsidies have a legal basis. Track this press subsidy the purpose of the preservation of diversity of opinion and it is proportionate, it is constitutional as a general law within the meaning of Article 5, paragraph 2 of the German Basic Law. To solve the press concentration Parliament on 27 1, 2005, passed a press law in Korea, that regulates government subsidies. Under § 17 old version the press law, the three largest dominant press companies cannot be subsidized if their market share is over 60%. The Korean Constitutional Court case ruled that § 17 was unconstitutional because of infringement of the principle of equality. The Korean press law and the judgment of the Constitutional Court show that in Korea the admissibility of subsidization in journalism for diversity of opinion is undisputed Die freie Meinungsäußerung ist unmittelbarer Ausdruck der menschlichen Persönlichkeit. Die Presse ist ein wichtiges Mittel zur Verbreitung von Meinungen. Eine freie Presse ist Wesenselement des freiheitlichen Staates und für die moderne Demokratie unverzichtbar. Die meisten Länder schützen daher die Pressefreiheit durch ihre Verfassung, wie z. B Art. 5. GG und Art. 21 Abs. 1. KV. Aber im historischen Prozess des Kapitalismus entstand eine Konzentration im Pressewesen, die z. B in Korea heute noch existiert. Dies verursacht die Entstehung eines Meinungsmonopols. Zur Vermeidung der Pressekonzentration sind Subventionen eine taugliche staatlicheMaßnahme, um die Meinungsvielfalt zu erhalten. Fraglich ist, ob Pressesubventionen Eingriffe in das Grundrecht der Pressefreiheit darstellen. Dagegen könnte argumentiert werden, dass Subventionen Ansprüche gewährleisten und somit die Grundrechtsausübung nicht erschweren, sondern erleichtern. Obgleich solche Subventionsgesetze Ansprüche gewährleisten, sind sie im weiteren Sinne Eingriffe in die Pressefreiheit, weil sie die Marktposition des Nicht-Begünstigten verschlechtern. Daher bedürfen etwa Pressesubventionen einer gesetzlichen Grundlage. Verfolgt diese Pressesubvention den Zweck der Erhaltung von Meinungsvielfalt und ist sie verhältnismäßig, so ist sie als allgemeines Gesetz im Sinne des Art. 5 Abs. 2 GG verfassungsmäßig. Zur Lösung der Pressekonzentration hat das Parlament am 27. 1. 2005 ein Pressegesetz verabschiedet, welches auch eine staatliche Subventionierung regelt. Gemäß § 17 a. F. können die drei größten marktbeherrschende Presseunternehmen nicht subventioniert werden, wenn deren Marktanteil bei über 60% liegt. Das koreanische Verfassungsgericht hat dabei entschieden, dass § 17 wegen des Verstoßes gegen den Gleichheitssatz verfassungswidrig sei. Das koreanische Pressegesetz und das Urteil des Verfassungsgerichts zeigen, dass in Korea die Zulässigkeit von Subventionierung im Pressewesen zur Meinungsvielfalt unbestritten ist.