Power and Progress: Key Ideas in Coordination, Cooperation, and Control : The Evolution of Economic and Political Power

Randall G. Holcombe 한국제도∙경제학회 2021 제도와 경제 Vol.15 No.1

본 저자의 최근 저서인 『조정, 협력 그리고 통제: 경제권력과 정치권력의 진화』의 궁극적 결론은 다음 두 가지 이다. 첫째, 동일한 사람들이 경제권력과 정치권력을 모두 가지고 있을 때 그 결과는 ‘침체’이다. 둘째, 사람들이 경제권력을 가지고 있으나 정치권력을 가지고 있지 않을 때 그 결과는 ‘진보’이다. 이 책은 총 13개의 장(章)으로 구성되어 있다. 우선, 이 책의 처음 4개의 장들은 권력의 개념을 검토하고 권력의 두 가지 주요 유형을 정의한다. 경제권력이 정치권력과 분리될 때 진보가 일어나는 이유를 설명한다. 다음으로, 다음 4개의 장들은 권력관계의 역사적 전개과정을 분류하 고 동일인들이 경제권력과 정치권력을 가지고 있을 때 왜 경제진보가 일어나지 않는지 를 설명하고 있다. 상업의 발달은 사람들로 하여금 정치권력 없이도 경제권력을 가질 수 있도록 해 주었다. 또한 자본의 이동은 제도적 경쟁과 산업혁명을 가능케 하였다. 그러나 경제권력과 정치권력의 분리는 다음 경우에 ‘위협’을 받는다. 첫째, 정치권력을 가진 사람들이 경제적 자원들을 몰수하려 할 때이다. 둘째, 경제엘리트들과 정치엘리 트들이 정실주의나 부패 등을 통해 협력할 때이다. 마지막으로, 마지막 5개의 장들은 진보에 대한 위협들을 검토한 후 그러한 위협들을 완화시키는 요인들에 대해 설명하고 있다. The ultimate conclusion of my book, Coordination, Cooperation, and Control, is that when the same people hold both economic and political power, the result is stagnation. When the people who hold economic power do not also hold political power, the result is progress. The first four chapters of the book examine the concept of power and define different types of power to explain why progress requires economic power to be separated from political power. The next four chapters chronicle the historical evolution of power relationships to explain why, for most of human history, economic and political power were held by the same people, preventing economic progress. The development of commerce allowed people to gain economic power without having political power, and the mobility of capital created institutional competition that enabled the Industrial Revolution. That separation of economic from political power remains threatened, however, by the potential for those with political power to confiscate economic resources, and by cooperation between the economic and political elite through cronyism and corruption. The book closes with five chapters that examine the threats to progress and factors that can mitigate those threats.

정치권력 변동과 언론보도의 함수관계 -6개 정치권력과 7개 종합일간지 사설을 중심으로

이진규 한국정치커뮤니케이션학회 2012 정치커뮤니케이션 연구 Vol.0 No.24

This study intended to reveal of functional relation between political power and media coverage. For this, I analyzed the representative of political power in South Korea, Chun Doo Hwan, Roh Tae Woo, Kim Young Sam, Kim Dae Jung and Roh Moo Hyun, Lee Myung Bakg overnment etc, six national governments, including seven daily newspapers editorials all over the South Korea. Period of analysis were one month of the stating with the President’s inauguration of each of political power and one month of the next year January. As a result of analysis, first, according to the same media report that indicates a significant difference of each political power was found. The most frequent report were generally positive when author it arian nature of political power. After disappearance of the authoritarian nature, each media press release shows a significant difference according to each of the regional-based and market-based .Second, South Korea’s media generally have been known refrain from the criticism as called honeymoon period during the launch of each government for six months. However, as a result of this study, you can see that South Korea media were pressing it’s own value judgement regardless of the initial seize power according to the nature of political power and ideological base of the media and market-based. Third, the power politic and the press release shows various attributes depending on changes in political power and media capital structure, and regional-base. Then ature of news isdetermined by South Korea's political reality according to each newspaper’s commercial motives and regional split. Each regime's political base and the newspaper are published focusing on the area show edpositive report, they were found have a parallel relations hip between particular political power according to the ideology of the newspaper. Inconclusion, this study have significance of the changes in political power and the characteristicsin South Korea media were positively investigated. 본 연구는 정치권력의 변동과 언론보도의 함수관계를 밝히는데 목적이 있다. 이를 위해 한국의 정치권력을 대표하는 전두환, 노태우, 김영삼, 김대중, 노무현, 이명박 정부 등 6개 정부와 전국 7개 일간지의 사설을 내용 분석하였다. 분석기간은 각 정권의 대통령 취임식을 시작으로 한 달 동안과 그 다음해 1월 한 달이다. 분석 결과, 첫째, 각 정권에 따라 동일한 매체의 보도가 상당한 차이를 나타내고 있음을 확인하였다. 정치권력의 성격이 권위주의일 때는 대체로 긍정적인 보도가 주를 이루었다. 반면 권위주의가 사라진 이후에는 각 정권의 지역적 기반과 각 매체의 시장 기반에 따라 언론보도가 상당한 차이를 나타내고 있다. 둘째, 한국의 언론은 대체로 각 정권의 출범 6개월을 밀월기간이라 하여 비판을 자제한다고 알려져 있다. 하지만 본 연구의 결과로는 정치권력의 성격과 언론매체의 이념적 기반 및 시장기반에 따라 집권초기와 관계없이 나름의 가치판단을 갖고 보도하고 있음을 알 수 있다. 셋째, 정치권력의 변동과 언론의 자본구성 및 지역적 기반에 따라 정치권력과 언론보도는 다양한 특성을 나타내고 있다. 각 신문의 상업적 동기 및 지역분할에 기초한 한국의 정치현실에 따라 보도의 특성이 결정되고 있다. 결론적으로 본 연구는 정치권력의 변동과 한국언론의 이러한 보도 특성을 실증적으로 규명했다는데 연구의 의의가 있다 하겠다.

중국 지도자 교체시기의 권력강화와 정치역학

공봉진(Kong, Bong-Jin) 동북아시아문화학회 2017 동북아 문화연구 Vol.1 No.51

The purpose of this paper is to examine the process of strengthening power and the political dynamics of leaders of each generation. In particular, I analyze the political situation that have been shown to strengthen the leadership of each generation leader and examine the effect of the results on Chinese politics. Chapter 2, I deals with the process of strengthening the power of Jiang Zemin. And during this period, Shanghai clique was formed. At this time, the rule of ‘70 years of retirement’ was made. Chapter 3, I deal with the process of strengthening the power of Hu Jintao. And during this period, the Communist Youth League faction was formed. Hu Jintao has been called ‘the general secretary’ rather than the ‘core’. Chapter 4, I deals with the process of strengthening the power of Xi Jinping. In 2012, Xi Jinping received all the power of ‘Chinese Communist Party, government, and military’ from Hu Jintao at the same time. This is the basis on which Xi Jinping can strengthen its power. Xi Jinping has implemented anti-corruption policies and established a new national organization. It has a great influence on the change of Chinese political system and political dynamics. Chapter 5, I deal with the change of political dynamics of each political generation. When Jiang Zemin became the general secretary, there were political interventions of a retired senior politician and various political forces. During the Hu Jintao government, Jiang’s power was still strong. During the Xi Jinping government, depending on the political power of Shanghai clique and Communist Youth League was weakened, the political power of Xi Jinping is being strengthened. And the power of Xi Jinping was strengthened by the Shanxi clique and the old colleagues.

金俊政權의 條件附 對蒙講和 체결과 그 歷史的 性格

강재광 한국중세사학회 2011 한국중세사연구 Vol.0 No.30

Kim Jun’s political power(金俊政權) that started on November 1258, checked the 5th Mongol invader’s advance, performing aggressive battles against Mongol, and succeeded in restraining the claim that must surrender to the Mongol instantly. But Kim Jun had difficulty in accomplishing the war against Mongol continuously, because of exhaustion of the finance in 30 years war against Mongol. And Juhyunmin(州縣民)’s collective surrender to Mongol army made public opinion of the Court worse. Therefore Kim Jun dispatched the Goryeo envoy, general Park Hi-sil(朴希實) and Cho Mun-ju(趙文柱) who were the origin of 3 crack units(Sambyeolcho:三別抄) to Mongol, and concluded a conditional peace negotiations with Mongol Emperor, Heonjong(憲宗) Monke. So called ‘a conditional peace negotiations with Mongol(條件附 對蒙講和)’ was composed of two conditioned stipulations. The first, if Goryeo dynasty carry out attendance of the crown prince at the Royal Court of Mongol empire, Mongol army will withdraw in the Bukgye(北界). The second, if Goryeo dynasty finish repair work that reconstruct Kyegyung(開京), to be confined to 3 years, Kangdo(江都) Court must fulfill landing and returning to the capital(出陸還都). This conditional peace negotiations saved Kim Jun’s political power in the crisis of the war against Mongol. Also, under this negotiation, Kim Jun could delay landing and returning to the capital. Furthermore, he could utilize brinkmanship toward Mongol and work out a scheme that grasp political power for the long time. After conclusion of a conditional peace negotiations with Mongol, Kim Jun tried to enthrone Ankyungkong(安慶公) Wang Chang(王淐) to the king for the next term, instead of the crown prince Wang Jeon(王倎) who may stick to Mongol. But civilians of Jaechu(宰樞) prevented Kim Jun’s plan. They claimed to uphold the wish of Kojong(高宗) and decided to protect the crown prince. One step more advanced, they prohibited vigorously Kim Jun’s plan, because of fear over reinvasion of Mongol army. Finally, Kim Jun’s political power accepted to the opinion of Jaechu, and recognized the crown prince Wang Jeon as the king of Goryeo dynasty. Through this political reaction, Kim Jun could maintain his political power. Kim Jun’s political power(金俊政權) that started on November 1258, checked the 5th Mongol invader’s advance, performing aggressive battles against Mongol, and succeeded in restraining the claim that must surrender to the Mongol instantly. But Kim Jun had difficulty in accomplishing the war against Mongol continuously, because of exhaustion of the finance in 30 years war against Mongol. And Juhyunmin(州縣民)’s collective surrender to Mongol army made public opinion of the Court worse. Therefore Kim Jun dispatched the Goryeo envoy, general Park Hi-sil(朴希實) and Cho Mun-ju(趙文柱) who were the origin of 3 crack units(Sambyeolcho:三別抄) to Mongol, and concluded a conditional peace negotiations with Mongol Emperor, Heonjong(憲宗) Monke. So called ‘a conditional peace negotiations with Mongol(條件附 對蒙講和)’ was composed of two conditioned stipulations. The first, if Goryeo dynasty carry out attendance of the crown prince at the Royal Court of Mongol empire, Mongol army will withdraw in the Bukgye(北界). The second, if Goryeo dynasty finish repair work that reconstruct Kyegyung(開京), to be confined to 3 years, Kangdo(江都) Court must fulfill landing and returning to the capital(出陸還都). This conditional peace negotiations saved Kim Jun’s political power in the crisis of the war against Mongol. Also, under this negotiation, Kim Jun could delay landing and returning to the capital. Furthermore, he could utilize brinkmanship toward Mongol and work out a scheme that grasp political power for the long time. After conclusion of a conditional peace negotiations with Mongol, Kim Jun tried to enthrone Ankyungkong(安慶公) Wang Chang(王淐) to the king for the next term, instead of the crown prince Wang Jeon(王倎) who may stick to Mongol. But civilians of Jaechu(宰樞) prevented Kim Jun’s plan. They claimed to uphold the wish of Kojong(高宗) and decided to protect the crown prince. One step more advanced, they prohibited vigorously Kim Jun’s plan, because of fear over reinvasion of Mongol army. Finally, Kim Jun’s political power accepted to the opinion of Jaechu, and recognized the crown prince Wang Jeon as the king of Goryeo dynasty. Through this political reaction, Kim Jun could maintain his political power.

프리드리히 니체의 비스마르크 비판

최순영 한국니체학회 2011 니체연구 Vol.19 No.-

정치가와 정치철학자간의 관계는 미묘하면서 다양하다. 정치가는 자신의 정치적 목적 달성을 위한 참모로서 정치철학자를 이용하려고 한다. 반면 정치철학자는 자신의 철학적 이상을 정치가를 통해서 실현하고자 한다. 양자는 때로는 협력하기도 한다. 정치철학자는 자신의 정치이념의 실현을 위해 전자를 위하여 일하기도 한다. 공자와 맹자가 자신의 유가적 이상을 실현하기 위해 천하를 주유한 것이 그 예라 할 수 있다. 때로는 양자는 대립, 멸시하기도 하기도 한다. 햇빛이 안보이니 비켜 달라는 부탁을 알렉산더에게 한 디오게네스와 알렉산더의 마주침이 그 예라 할 수 있다. 일반적으로 비스마르크의 ‘철혈정치’, 니체의 ‘힘에의 의지’는 무자비한 폭력을 수반하는 현실정치의 대명사로 여겨진다. 그러나 비스마르크는 한 번도 니체에 대해서 언급한 적이 없으며, 니체의 비스마르크에 대한 평가는 비판적이다. 잘못된 오해를 극복하는 것으로부터 본 연구는 시작된다. 이점에서 독일의 사학자 쉬더(T. Schieder)의 주장은 경청해 볼만한 주장이다. “니체와 비스마르크의 이름은 먼 과거에도 현재에도 연결되어 있다. 많은 외국의 관찰자들은 양자를 독일적 과도함(excessiveness)의 인격화로 본다. 니체의 슬로건인 힘에의 의지는 비스마르크의 철혈정책에 정확히 맞아 떨어지는 것처럼 보인다. 다가오는 무자비한 권력의 야만성과 실행자로서 양자는 전체주의적 독재의 원조에 귀속된다. 그러나 단순화는 기껏해야 많은 문제들을 포함하고 양자에 대한 엄격하게 차별화된 평가를 요구하는 역사적 연관성을 드러낼 뿐이다.”인구에 널리 회자되는 다수의 편견들은 현실과 무관한 근거 없는 주장일 경우가 많으며, 이는 정확한 이해를 가로막는 큰 장애물이다. 그 대표적인 예가 비스마르크와 니체의 관계일 것이다. 양자의 외견상의 유사성을 파고들면 비교하기 어려울 정도의 차이가 나타난다. 신의 옷자락이라도 잡을 수 있다면 행운이라고 생각하는 현실정치가 비스마르크와 2000년이 넘는 서양역사의 문제를 니힐리즘으로 비판하고 가치전환에 의한 새로운 유럽 문화의 건설을 꿈꾸는 니체, 이 두 사람을 비교하기는 쉽지 않다. 양자에 대한 성급한 역사적 연관성, 유사성의 주장은 엄밀한 지성의 관점에서 볼 때 무지의 결과라 할 수 있다. 분명한 것은 비스마르크의 철혈정책은 통일독일을 위한 외교정책의 일부였다는 점과 비스마르크의 세력 균형 외교가 독일제국 건설이후 독일의 번영과 유럽의 평화를 위해 기여했다는 점, 니체의 힘에의 의지는 철학적 원리로서, 정책으로서 철혈정책과 추상수준을 달리하므로 아무런 개념적, 역사적 배경에 대한 고려 없이 양자를 단순 비교할 수 없다는 점이다. ‘프리드리히 니체의 비스마르크 비판’ 연구를 통해서 필자는 현실정치, 현실 정치가와 이를 비판하는 정치철학, 철학자 사이에 존재해야 하는 건강한 긴장상태를 강조하고자 한다. 이러한 긴장상태가 무너지고 일자에 의한 타자의 지배와 예속은 정치적 타락을 가져온다고 필자는 판단한다. 현실정치에 의한 정치철학의 예속은 정치적 이상 없이 힘과 힘의 대결만이 난무하는 정치의 타락과 끝없는 대화와 의견 교환으로서 정치의 종말을 야기한다. 반면에 정치철학에 의한 현실정치의 예속은 플라톤의 『국가』에서 드러나는 것과 같은 철인정치에 의한 독재를 야기할 수 있다. 그러므로 현실 ... The relationship statesman and political philosopher is various and subtle. Statesman uses political philosopher as a political counselor in order to attain his political object. On the contrary, political philosopher tries to realize his political ideal through statesman. They cooperate sometimes. The former works for the latter to achieve his political ideal, for example the political tour of Confucius and Mencius. Sometimes they contradict or despise each other, for example Diogenes request to Alexander, whether he gets out of the way that he can enjoy sunshine continually. Bismarck’s policy of blood and iron and Nietzsche’s will to power are normally regarded as a representation of real politics which is based on ruthless violence. But Bismarck never talked about Nietzsche and Nietzsche’s political thoughts on Bismarck are critical. This paper aims to overcome the common prejudice on them. For that, it is helpful to read what german historian T. Schieder has written. ”To many a foreign observer, both men appeared as personifications of German excessiveness; Nietzsche’s slogan of will to power seemed precisely to fit Bismarck’s slogan of blood and iron. The prophet of impending barbarism and the practitioner of unmitigated power could both be relegated to the ancestral gallery of totalitarian dictatorship. But simplification at best only disclose a historical connection, which is full of problems and requires strictly differentiated evaluation of the two parties.”Baseless Prejudice on the connection of Bismarck’s blood and iron policy with Nietzsche’s will to power is the greatest barrier which prevents us from exact understanding of them. Their differences become clear when we scrutinize their relationship precisely beyond superficially simplified similarity. It isn’t easy to compare real statesman Bismarck with philosopher Nietzsche. The former thought that it is very lucky if we can touch the fringe of God’s dress in the real political world, the latter criticized western history which can be defined as nihilism and he tried to rebuild healthy european culture by critique of nihilism and conversion of whole nihilistic values. It is an ignorance to correlate Bismarck’s blood and iron policy with Nietzsche’s will to power without scientific and historic proof. The policy of Bismarck’s blood and iron is one of his strategy for german unification. After unification Bismarck tried to keep the international political power balance, and this policy contributed to prosperity of Germany and international peace. Will to power, on the contrary, is a philosophical principle which can’t be simply identified with political policy of blood and iron. There is a kind of tension between real politics, statesman and political philosophy. The collapse of this tension causes political corruption. The subordination of political philosophy to real politics brings out contesting political powers without philosophical thoughts, which provoke the end of politics as endless communication of various political opinions. The subordination of real politics to political philosophy as Plato’s Republic induces the dictatorship of philosopher king. Therefore maintenance of healthy tension between real politics and political philosophy is inevitable for vital democratic politics. Politics and philosophy are separated and politics means dirty power game in contemporary political world. In this situation, is Nietzsche the last idealistic philosopher who tried to realize his philosophical ideal by cultural state?

정치권력 변동과 언론보도의 함수관계 -6개 정치권력과 7개 종합일간지 사설을 중심으로

이진규 한국정치커뮤니케이션학회 2012 정치커뮤니케이션 연구 Vol.24 No.-

본 연구는 정치권력의 변동과 언론보도의 함수관계를 밝히는데 목적이 있다. 이를 위해 한국의 정치권력을 대표하는 전두환, 노태우, 김영삼, 김대중, 노무현, 이명박 정부 등 6개 정부와 전국 7개 일간지의 사설을 내용 분석하였다. 분석기간은 각 정권의 대통령 취임식을 시작으로 한 달 동안과 그 다음해 1월 한 달이다. 분석 결과, 첫째, 각 정권에 따라 동일한 매체의 보도가 상당한 차이를 나타내고 있음을 확인하였다. 정치권력의 성격이 권위주의일 때는 대체로 긍정적인 보도가 주를 이루었다. 반면 권위주의가 사라진 이후에는 각 정권의 지역적 기반과 각 매체의 시장 기반에 따라 언론보도가 상당한 차이를 나타내고 있다. 둘째, 한국의 언론은 대체로 각 정권의 출범 6개월을 밀월기간이라 하여 비판을 자제한다고 알려져 있다. 하지만 본 연구의 결과로는 정치권력의 성격과 언론매체의 이념적 기반 및 시장기반에 따라 집권초기와 관계없이 나름의 가치판단을 갖고 보도하고 있음을 알 수 있다. 셋째, 정치권력의 변동과 언론의 자본구성 및 지역적 기반에 따라 정치권력과 언론보도는 다양한 특성을 나타내고 있다. 각 신문의 상업적 동기 및 지역분할에 기초한 한국의 정치현실에 따라 보도의 특성이 결정되고 있다. 결론적으로 본 연구는 정치권력의 변동과 한국언론의 이러한 보도 특성을 실증적으로 규명했다는데 연구의 의의가 있다 하겠다. This study intended to reveal of functional relation between political power and media coverage. For this, I analyzed the representative of political power in South Korea, Chun Doo Hwan, Roh Tae Woo, Kim Young Sam, Kim Dae Jung and Roh Moo Hyun, Lee Myung Bakg overnment etc, six national governments, including seven daily newspapers editorials all over the South Korea. Period of analysis were one month of the stating with the President’s inauguration of each of political power and one month of the next year January. As a result of analysis, first, according to the same media report that indicates a significant difference of each political power was found. The most frequent report were generally positive when author it arian nature of political power. After disappearance of the authoritarian nature, each media press release shows a significant difference according to each of the regional-based and market-based .Second, South Korea’s media generally have been known refrain from the criticism as called honeymoon period during the launch of each government for six months. However, as a result of this study, you can see that South Korea media were pressing it’s own value judgement regardless of the initial seize power according to the nature of political power and ideological base of the media and market-based. Third, the power politic and the press release shows various attributes depending on changes in political power and media capital structure, and regional-base. Then ature of news isdetermined by South Korea's political reality according to each newspaper’s commercial motives and regional split. Each regime's political base and the newspaper are published focusing on the area show edpositive report, they were found have a parallel relations hip between particular political power according to the ideology of the newspaper. Inconclusion, this study have significance of the changes in political power and the characteristicsin South Korea media were positively investigated.

우크라이나의 정치권력과 정치체제 변화: 유쉔코와 야누코비치 정권을 중심으로

박정호 ( Joung Ho Park ) 한국외국어대학교 러시아연구소 2011 슬라브연구 Vol.27 No.3

본 논문은 우크라이나의 정치권력과 정치체제의 변동을 정통성과 효율성 개념을 토대로 고찰해 보았다. 오렌지 혁명 이후 우크라이나에서 발생한 정치변혁은 정통성과 효율성 수준, 그리고 양자 간의 상호 작용과 밀접한 연관성을 갖고 있었다. 특히 정치체제의 효율성 수준은 정치권력의 부족한 정통성을 보완해 주는 핵심 기제로 작용할 수 있을 뿐 아니라, 정치체제의 유지와 변동과정에서 결정적인 영향력을 행사하는 주요 변수라고 볼 수 있다. 유쉔코의 정치권력과 정치체제에서 정통성 수준은 쿠츠마 정권과 비교하면 상대적으로 높은 편이었지만, 그에 비해 효율성은 상당히 낮은 수준이었다. 게다가, 경제위기의 여파로 유쉔코 정권의 효율성 수준이 크게 추락함으로써 정치체제의 변동이 촉발될 수 있었다. 이러한 사실에 근거하면 유쉔코 정권을 불안정한 민주주의 체제라고 정의할 수 있을 것이다. 야누코비치의 정치권력과 정치체제의 경우, 정통성 수준은 이전 정권보다 상당히 낮은 편이며, 효율성도 현재 기준으로 높은 수준이라고 평가하기에는 다소 무리가 따른다. 만일 야누코비치의 집권 시기 정치체제의 효율성이 현재보다 한층 더 저하될 경우, 우크라이나에서 정치권력과 정치체제의 변동이 또다시 발생할 개연성이 크다. 이런 점에서 야누코비치 정권을 불안정한 권위주의 체제라고 규정해 볼 수 있을 것이다. This paper aims to analyze basic characteristics of political power and political regime change in contemporary Ukraine, focusing on the changing political process and course of political regime since the orange revolution. The paper has used the concepts of political legitimacy and economic effectiveness for the purpose of evaluating the type of political power and political regime in Ukraine. As for the level of legitimacy and effectiveness under Yushchenko and Yanukovich, there are clear differences. Yushchenko`s political regime has relatively high legitimacy and low effectiveness. Yushchenko`s political power can be defined as an unstable democracy. However, the level of legitimacy is low and the level of effectiveness is not high when Yanukovich is in power. Yanukovich`s political power can be regarded as an unstable authoritarianism. Finally, we can conclude clearly that ukrainian political power and political regime has been changed from an unstable democratic system to an unstable authoritarian system.

『태풍』에 나타난 정치와 연극

양승주 한국셰익스피어학회 2017 셰익스피어 비평 Vol.53 No.4

In the political theater dealing with various treasons against a monarch, the monarchial power has theatrical aspects and so does the theater having political aspects. This superimposed delineation derives from the monarch’s perception about the court and kingship during the Renaissance. James I, as Elizabeth I did, built an image of “player king” in the political realm and made use of the theater to reinforce and stabilize his absolute power. King James used the theater as a way to display his absolute power and at the same time used it as a medium to promote the ideology of his monarchy. In accordance, he made the most use of, one of the most popular forms of drama during the Jacobean era, the masque. In the Tempest, Shakespeare who had never written a masque used the concept of “player king” more ingeniously by making the character Prospero take the role of a monarch, magician, and playwright/director. The purpose of this paper is to investigate how the theatrical aspects of monarchial power and the political aspects of the theater are revealed in the Tempest. A marked example of both the theatrical aspects and political aspects is Prospero’s masque in the Tempest. It does not represent a real masque but a dramatic representation of one in the theater. In doing so it is seen as the combination of art and power, showing that the theater functions as a political weapon for the usurpers of the dukedom, and that the politics celebrates the royal power and glory in a theatrical way. When the theater and the politics in the masque carry on to a point where both of them are inseparable from each other, the absolute power represented becomes fictional construction on the stage in the sense that theater is necessarily illusive. Shakespeare shows the praise of Prospero’s absolute power on the surface, but also reveals the limitation to that power in the background, both of which are also shown by King James, in which Prospero is the symbolic representation of. Such an attitude of Shakespeare does not simply reflects upon the absolute power and monarchy, but helps to shape the politics of the future England that is under transformation from that absolute monarchy.

현행 헌법상 권력구조의 문제점과 개선방향에 관한 연구

신평우(Shin, Pyeong-Woo) 한국토지공법학회 2009 土地公法硏究 Vol.46 No.-

본 연구자의 그간의 경험으로 보건대, 우리 국회는 대통령을 비롯한 행정부를 적극 견제하고 비판하기보다는, 대통령과 정부입장만을 무조건 옹호, 지지, 대변하는 여당과, 무조건 정부와 여당을 비판하는 야당과의 대결, 투쟁만이 난무하는 곳 같았다. 한마디로 여의도 국회는 대권고지 점령을 위한 준비기지, 즉 베이스캠프(Base Camp)이상, 이하도 아닌 것 같은 생각을 갖기에 충분한 곳이었다. 다시 말해 국회가 법률을 제정하고, 정부를 견제하며 정책대안을 제시하는 입법부 순수한 기능을 위한 곳이라기보다는 5년, 또는 4년마다 맞이하는 대선, 총선을 준비하기 위한 베이스캠프인 것이었다. 따라서 본 논문에서는 현재 가장 큰 구조적인 문제 중의 하나가 ‘제왕적 대통령제’에 있다는 점을 명백히 밝히고, 대한민국에서 정말 필요한 제도와 권력구조가 무엇이며, 진정한 입법부의 모습이 무엇인가를 찾고자 했다. 그 결과 미국과 프랑스, 멕시코, 한국 등을 제외한 거의 모든 선진국에서는 의원내각제나 그 비슷한 제도를 채택하고 있는 것을 알 수 있었다. 그리고 그 의원내각제가 매우 안정적으로 운영되고 있으며, 그들 나라에서는 의원내각제의 이행 자체가 선진정치와 밀접한 관련성이 있는 것처럼 보였다. 결론적으로 본 연구자가 소박하게 내린 나름의 판단은 현재의 제왕적인 대통령중심의 권력구조보다는 ‘의원내각제(특히 독일식의 건설적 불심임제도; 연방의회에서 후임 수상을 선출하는 것만으로 내각을 불신임하여 국정 공백없이 안정된 의원내각제 운영)’를 중심으로 한 ‘분권형 대통령제(예를 들면 국민이 직선한 대통령에게 국가원수로서 군수통수권 등 외교, 국방에 관한 권한만을 부여)’가 우리 정치를 보다 근본적으로 안정화시킬 것이라는 결론을 도출하게 되었다. Korean political culture has been changed to the consociational political culture since various kinds of group have appeared and co-existed in the knowledge and information society. The multi-party system has become into generalization in Korea by the regionalism in the politics and by the proportional representation in the election. Most of political parties pursuit the policy party inside National Assembly. The proportional representation seems to be more adopted. Localization of the power has been accelerated by local self- government(autonomy). The presidental system is in accordance with majoritarian democracy, two party system, election party and plurality election, and the power sharing presidental system is in accordance with consociational democracy, policy party, proportional representation, second ballot system and localization of the power. Accordingly the power sharing presidental system currently seems to be more suitable than the presidental system in Korea The political effects of "the power sharings presidental system" shall be as follow; 1) the deadlock between the president and the National Assembly(congress) under the divided government can be coordinated institutionally by cohabitation. 2) the responsibilities of the politicians and the political parties shall be increased by power sharing between the ins and the outs. 3) the party politics shall be developed as the political party mediates the administration and the National Assembly like the political party under the parliamentary government system. 4) the potential political leaders can be trained and verified since governing under the power sharing presidental system is done by group, not by personal, and the problems of amateurism can be reduced by mitigating the rupture of the experience of a government which may be happened frequently under the presidental system. 5) the conflict coming from the fact that a leader acts the both roles as the head of state and the head of government at the same time shall be solved by separating he head of state from the head of government. So the reliance on the national policies can be increased as the evaluation and the responsibilities of the preceding government are succeeded through the political party. Therefore, if we intend to change the 6th republic government power structure, we may consider "the power sharing presidental system" as the alternative one.

불교의 정치세력화와 정치의 불교세력화에 관한 성찰

박희택 한신인문학연구소 2008 종교문화연구 Vol.- No.10

This paper describes the relationship of Buddhism and politics. Especially, it is focused on political power broking of Buddhism connected with Buddhist power broking of politics in Korea. The relationship of religion and politics is of three types, that is the case of reciprocal reflection without clash, including politics among religion, containing religion in politics. Among these, the most desirable relationship of religion and politics is the first case. The starring point of Buddhism was political. Gotama Siddhartha's entering the Buddhist priesthood was linked directly with a political affair. Buddhist political philosophy centered on republicanism is according to modern democracy. Political power broking of Buddhism in Korea should be performed under the viewpoint of the practice of altruism, laid stress on mutual understanding with civil society, and ought to keep watch the political maneuvering inter-locked with secularization and desire for power. Political power broking is different from political maneuvering. Political power broking of Buddhism means the practice of altruistic Buddhist spirit in the real world.