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      • KCI등재

        중산층의 주거지위는 지난 10년간 어떻게 변했는가?

        진미윤,이경애,김경미 한국주택학회 2022 주택연구 Vol.30 No.3

        This article explores the middle class segment of the population in terms of housing status. The middle class is defined as those living in households with incomes ranging between 75% and 200% of the national median presented by the OECD (2019). The housing status is operationally defined by compounding three factors: housing tenure types, housing-related debt, and real estate assets. Microdata from the Household Welfare Financial Survey (2012~2021) of the National Statistical Office were used in the analysis. The main results of identifying the role of housing in maintaining and reproducing the middle class over the past decade are as follows. First, although the proportion of middle-class population has somewhat increased recently, this does not mean that the economic contributions of the middle class has increased. Consequently, it is necessary to develop new indicators that can represent a society with a sizable middle class. Second, housing polarization, which is being differentiated within the middle class, was clearly revealed. Addressing the missing middle issues or marginalized middle class, it is necessary to identify the policy needs and prepare preemptive measures such as expanding affordable housing and alleviating the housing cost burden. Third, in the recent global discourse on housing, South Korea was no exception. The middle class with housing loans become richer compared to middle class without housing loans. Those in the middle class with real estate assets become richer than those without. On the other hand, for the middle class without home ownership but who took out housing loans for rent, the house only represents a debt to be paid back and an object to be struggled with. 본 논문은 목적은 중산층의 위상을 주거지위라는 관점에서 규명하는 것이다. 중산층 규명은 OECD(2019)의 새로운 소득 기준에 따라 설정하고 이를 현행 통계청 기준과 비교 분석함으로써 함으로써 중산층이 지난 10년간 어떻게 변했는가를 살펴보았다. 주거지위는 3가지 요소(주택점유형태, 주택대출 유무, 거주주택 이외의 부동산 자산 유무)를 복합 구성하여 중산층 지위 유지 및 재생산에서 ‘주택’이 어떤 역할을 하고 있는지를 규명하였다. 분석 자료는 통계청의 가계금융복지조사의 마이크로 데이터 10년치(2012~2021)를 활용하였다. 주요 분석 결과는 다음과 같다. 첫째 최근 중산층 가구 비중이 다소 늘긴 하지만 이것이 중산층의 사회경제적 역할이 커졌다는 의미는 아니므로, 향후 중산층이 두터운 사회를 나타낼 수 있는 새로운 지표 개발이 필요하다. 둘째, 중산층 내부에서 분화 중인 주거 양극화 현상이 뚜렷하게 나타나고 있어 향후 missing middle에 대한 정책 소요와 주거지원을 통한 탈중산층 위기 대응 방안이 필요하다. 셋째, 최근 주택에 대한 글로벌 담론에서 한국도 예외가 아니라고 볼 수 있다. 대출없는 중산층보다는 대출있는 중산층이, 부동산 자산없는 중산층보다는 있는 중산층이 더 부유해진 반면 전월세자금 대출을 받은 무자산 중산층에게 집은 갚아나가야 할 빚이자 고군분투해야 하는 대상이라는 것이다.

      • KCI등재

        “A Monster Play on a Subsidized Stage”? : A Portrait of the Middle-class Radical in David Edgar's Maydays

        Kim Yoo(김유) 한국현대영미드라마학회 2010 현대영미드라마 Vol.23 No.2

        When Edgar's Maydays, a historical play on three generations of political defectors, was premiered by the Royal Shakespeare Company in 1983 at the Barbican Theatre, the degeneration of socialism in the post-war Britain and Eastern Europe was portrayed in such a vivid way. The controversy surrounding Maydays, condemned as "a monster play on a subsidized stage," was even more compounded by the fact that the play was actually performed to the middle-class audience, which had been traditionally regarded as class enemy of the Left. However, as many critics both from the Right and the Left argued, Maydays does not simply dismiss the moral validity and relevance of revolutionary socialism. Tackling a range of significant issues such as adopting, re-discovering or silencing the 'resisting' human nature, the play investigates the centrality of the middle-class radicals to the process of social change. Edgar's move to the RSC with Maydays was made with a recognition of the possibility of the middle-class audience as a potential political vanguard. The play is deeply related to his perception of a new political status quo in the 1980s.: the end of a period of considerable working-class militancy and the increasingly conservative middle-class theatre audience. The play is revolved around Edgar's emotional and intellectual manipulation of the middle-class liberals at the Barbican. The Eastern strand of the story constantly counteracts the Western experience of socialism. The ideological journey of Martin Glass, an English middle-class radical, who eventually deserts his revolutionary self and returns to his old middle-class reactionary self, is juxtaposed with that of Lermontov, a disillusioned Soviet dissident, who finally reclaims the value of socialism. Concentrating on the shifting of political affiliations of the middle-class radical, Edgar brings the frequently ignored issues of human nature back into the British Left: what is the fundamental difference between Western socialism and its Eastern counterpart; what motivates the political defections of the middle-class radical; what determines one's revolutionary stance (or identity) and does it form part of individual feelings? Aiming directly at the middle-class audience at the Barbican, Edgar discusses the relevancy of the British middle-class radical intellectuals to the process of social change in the post-war political history.

      • MEET THE COLOMBIAN MALL SHOPPER

        Mauricio Losada Otalora,Germán Contreras Ramírez,Mark S. Rosenbaum 글로벌지식마케팅경영학회 2014 Global Marketing Conference Vol.2014 No.5

        Colombia is an emerging country that has institutional stability and perspectives of fast economic growth. Indeed, despite decades of internal conflict and drug related security challenges, Colombia maintains relatively strong democratic institutions characterized by peaceful, transparent elections and the protection of civil liberties (CIA World Factbook, 2014). Today, Colombia is Latin America’s fourth largest economy. Most importantly, the country is witnessing the benefits of governmental and economic stability, as evidenced by its commodity markets, strong macroeconomic policies, and improved security and infrastructure conditions. The bottom line is that Colombia has been witnessing strong economic performance since the early 2000s (OECD, 2013), and now its citizens are reaping the benefit of being new middle-class and upper-class members. A remarkable characteristic of emerging countries is the increase in the size and the economic power of their middle-class population (Bridsal, 2010). The middle-class is an ambiguous social classification, which reflects the ability of a group of citizens within a country to lead a comfortable life. These comforts include, stable housing, access to quality healthcare, educational opportunities, job security, and discretionary income that can be spent on vacation and other leisure pursuits (Kharas, 2010; p.7). As country’s become increasingly wealthier in term of gross national output, the country’s middle-class typically witnesses corresponding increases in income levels and more available cash to use for marketplace consumption. Indeed, in terms of Colombia, its middle-class represents approximately 26% of total consumption (Ferreiro et al., 2013; Bridsal, 2010; p.11). Perhaps, one of the common characteristics across all global middle-class populations is their unique affinity for mall shopping compared to the lower-class and upper-class populations (Jafferlot & van den Veer, 2008; Conroy, 1998). That is, middle- class consumers show strong preferences for visiting and patronizing modern department stores and shopping malls (Mathur, 2010). Indeed, shopping malls are important for newly minted middle-class populations because it signals to them they have reached a higher status and possess disposable income for engaging in shopping, luxury consumption, and entertainment activities (Banerjee & Duflo, 2008). Given Colombia’s economic growth and its newly created middle-class population, understanding consumption patterns among this group is well-warranted, especially given Colombia’s emerging nation status. Thus, the goal of this presentation is to introduce the global community to the growing and affluent Colombian middle-class consumers. We achieve this goal by exploring the types of mall shoppers that currently exist in Colombia and by exploring how consumption patterns differ between and among different demographic consumer segments. Interestingly, one of the primary findings that emerge from this research is that the Colombian middle-class consumer exhibits essentially the same consumption pattern as any other consumer in an industrialized nation. That is, the typical middle-class consumer is a female housewife who enjoys shopping as a leisure activity. In the following section, we discuss a brief review of the literature and then discuss our research methodology and findings. We conclude this extended abstract with a discussion of managerial and theoretical implications and research limitations.

      • KCI등재

        중간계급 비교연구 1979-2010

        강명세,마인섭 한국유럽학회 2014 유럽연구 Vol.32 No.1

        This paper aims to provide an empirical analysis of cross-country variation in the size of the middle class among countries. The middle class is defined as a group whose income ranges from 70 to 150 percentage of the median income. The middle class is the bedrock of democracy as well as the backbone of market activities. The middle class plays an important role in politics, economics, and society. The middle class provides much of the labor force for the economy and is a key market for the national product. It pays a large portion of tax revenue. Two theories are tested to confirm whether power resources of the working class or political institutions are more critical in shaping the middle class. Politically, the middle class contributes to maintaining political stability. Socially, it moderates polarization made up of rich and poor. Our analysis seeks the determinants of the size of the middle class. Two findings are suggested. First, power resources of the working class are important in shaping the size of the middle class. Pressures from the middle class make public policy redistributive favoring income groups below the median, and therefore, enlarge the middle class. Second, political institutions are found to be statistically insignificant as variables influencing the size of the middle class. This result is contrary to what a large literature has demonstrated the importance of political institutions. New tasks ahead remain to explain institutional impact using different techniques. 중산층은 여러 가지로 중요하다. 경제적으로는 소비능력이 있는 집단으로서 경제적 균형에 기여하는 한편, 정치적으로는 극단적 정치를 배제하는 완충역할을 한다. 사회적으로는 저소득집단에 대해서 역할모델의 역할을 하는 동시에, 상층계급과는 별도의 집단적 정체성을 유지하여 사회적 균형을 유지한다. 중산층의 감소는 사회적 균형의 와해를 의미한다는 점에서 충분한 분석을 요구한다. 특히 최근 불황이 장기화되면서 중산층에 대한 관심이 늘고 있다. 중간층은 사회적 갈등의 완충지대이다. 마르크스가 말한 것과는 달리 계급투쟁은 노동계급과 부유층 간의 극한 대립으로 발전하지 않았다. 중간층은 어느 나라에서도 소멸하지 않았고 오히려 그들은 사회에 따라서 중추 역할을 함으로써 사회적 안정에 기여하기도 했다. 그러나 이러한 양상은 나라별로 편차가 크며 따라서 그와 같은 차이를 설명하는 것이 본 글의 목적이다. 지난 10년 동안 중산층의 위축이나 소멸을 우려하는 목소리가 커졌다. 세계화와 탈산업화가 가중하면서 중산층이 설 자리를 잃었으며 양극화로 인해 정치적 불안정이 증폭된다는 점이 우려된다. 이 글은 두 가지 목적을 추구한다. 첫째 목표는 중간층이 정말로 사라지는 경향을 보이는가의 여부를 40개국의 경험자료를 통해 관찰하는 것이다. 둘째 목표는 무엇이 중산층 규모의 국가 간 및 역사적 변화를 설명하는가의 질문에 답하는 것이다. 우리는 여기서 중간층 규모문제를 사회경제적 갈등과 관련하여 두 가지 이론을 통해 검증하고자 한다. 권력자원이론에 따르면 중산층 규모는 노동계급이 자신의 몫을 늘리려는 시도의 결과이다. 또 패널분석은 노동자의 조직화와 좌파정당의 집권이 재분배정책을 통해 중간계급을 확대시키는데 기여한다는 점을 보여준다. 즉 노동계급의 자원이 강력하면 중산층으로 성장할 수 있다는 가설이다. 한편 제도이론은 사회적 요구는 정치제도를 통해 실현된다는 가정 위에서 중산층 규모는 어떤 정치제도가 지배적인가에 달려 있다고 지적한다. 그러나 이러한 가설과는 달리 필자들의 경험분석에 따르면 정치제도는 중간계급의 편차를 설명하는데 중요성을 발휘하지 않는 것을 나타났다.

      • MEET THE COLOMBIAN MALL SHOPPER

        Mauricio Losada Otalora,Germ?n Contreras Ram?rez,Mark S. Rosenbaum 글로벌지식마케팅경영학회 2014 Global Marketing Conference Vol.2014 No.7

        Colombia is an emerging country that has institutional stability and perspectives of fast economic growth. Indeed, despite decades of internal conflict and drug related security challenges, Colombia maintains relatively strong democratic institutions characterized by peaceful, transparent elections and the protection of civil liberties (CIA World Factbook, 2014). Today, Colombia is Latin America’s fourth largest economy. Most importantly, the country is witnessing the benefits of governmental and economic stability, as evidenced by its commodity markets, strong macroeconomic policies, and improved security and infrastructure conditions. The bottom line is that Colombia has been witnessing strong economic performance since the early 2000s (OECD, 2013), and now its citizens are reaping the benefit of being new middle-class and upper-class members. A remarkable characteristic of emerging countries is the increase in the size and the economic power of their middle-class population (Bridsal, 2010). The middle-class is an ambiguous social classification, which reflects the ability of a group of citizens within a country to lead a comfortable life. These comforts include, stable housing, access to quality healthcare, educational opportunities, job security, and discretionary income that can be spent on vacation and other leisure pursuits (Kharas, 2010; p.7). As country’s become increasingly wealthier in term of gross national output, the country’s middle-class typically witnesses corresponding increases in income levels and more available cash to use for marketplace consumption. Indeed, in terms of Colombia, its middle-class represents approximately 26% of total consumption (Ferreiro et al., 2013; Bridsal, 2010; p.11). Perhaps, one of the common characteristics across all global middle-class populations is their unique affinity for mall shopping compared to the lower-class and upper-class populations (Jafferlot & van den Veer, 2008; Conroy, 1998). That is, middle- class consumers show strong preferences for visiting and patronizing modern department stores and shopping malls (Mathur, 2010). Indeed, shopping malls are important for newly minted middle-class populations because it signals to them they have reached a higher status and possess disposable income for engaging in shopping, luxury consumption, and entertainment activities (Banerjee & Duflo, 2008). Given Colombia’s economic growth and its newly created middle-class population, understanding consumption patterns among this group is well-warranted, especially given Colombia’s emerging nation status. Thus, the goal of this presentation is to introduce the global community to the growing and affluent Colombian middle-class consumers. We achieve this goal by exploring the types of mall shoppers that currently exist in Colombia and by exploring how consumption patterns differ between and among different demographic consumer segments. Interestingly, one of the primary findings that emerge from this research is that the Colombian middle-class consumer exhibits essentially the same consumption pattern as any other consumer in an industrialized nation. That is, the typical middle-class consumer is a female housewife who enjoys shopping as a leisure activity. In the following section, we discuss a brief review of the literature and then discuss our research methodology and findings. We conclude this extended abstract with a discussion of managerial and theoretical implications and research limitations.

      • KCI등재

        소비에서 정치로 : 박영한의 『우리는 중산층』에 나타난 ‘중산층’ 연구

        류경동 고려대학교세종캠퍼스 한국학연구소 2024 한국학연구 Vol.88 No.-

        This paper examines the representation of the middle class in Park Young-han's 『We are a middle class』 and analyzes how the sense of novel problems related to the middle class is linked to political and social changes in the mid-1980s. This article noted that the narrative of "We Are the Middle Class" consists of three characters as focus speakers. The purpose of this study was to examine the life and desire of the middle class, reflection on it, and the search for middle class consciousness, which are reproduced in each narrative. This article first analyzed the consumption propensity and attitude of the middle class in the narrative of "Sera". It was also analyzed whether the middle class, which functions only as a consumer subject and lacks rational values or ethical consciousness, was critically viewed. The narrative with "I" as the focus speaker begins with the question of "Are we the middle class?" and leads to the search for new possibilities for the social role of the middle class and reflection on the ownership of the middle class. The narrative of "Mrs. Youngam" corresponds to a warrior of the middle class. Through "Mrs. Youngam", the novel allows us to reflect on the original value of the land we lost in the process of industrialization and community relationships. Park Young-han's 『We Are a Middle Class』 reproduces the daily life of the middle class in the mid-1980s. And it delicately captures the aspects of desire and conflict within them. In this respect, this novel is a remarkable work. In particular, unlike works that reproduced the middle class in the 1970s and 1980s, it can be said to be a meaningful work in that it seeks a new direction for the middle class to function as a political subject.

      • KCI등재

        19세기 중산층 남성성으로의 고통스러운 여정: 너새니얼 호손의 「젊은 굳맨 브라운」을 중심으로

        김은형 ( Eun Hyoung Kim ) 한국근대영미소설학회 2014 근대 영미소설 Vol.21 No.3

        This paper attempts to read Nathaniel Hawthorne`s “Young Goodman Brown” in terms of how the short story dramatizes psychological ordeals that young men, including the 31-year old yet unmarried author himself, underwent as a rite of passage for growing into middle-class adulthood during the 1820s and 1830s. For successful initiation into the middle class in early 19th-century America, young men were required to live up to the following two ideals: self-made manhood and the middle-class ideology of domesticity that touted the new family form of a privatized nuclear household based on strictly divided gender roles and spheres. First, young Brown, who married just three months ago, feels still confused about his new role as the head of a middle-class nuclear household, particularly because his family does not fit into the middle-class domestic ideology: his wife, Faith, sexually overpowers Brown, dismantling the gender hierarchy in the house. Bewildered, the young husband`s immediate response to the threatening female sexuality is to repress and evade it, in accordance with the precept of split gender roles of the middle-class family ideology. Second, this feeble-minded young man cannot cope with the uncertainties and complexities surrounding the middle-class men`s world either. More specifically, the social vicissitudes and consequent, confusing moral standards that are inextricably intertwined with the middle-class market are beyond his epistemological and psychological capacities, as evidenced in the following examples: his childish belief in his ancestors` absolute morality; his parochial worldview limited to what he has assimilated from the teachings of his village religious leaders; and his weak-heartedness. Overwhelmed by this complicated middle-class adult world, the young man represses a dawning awareness of the vulnerable state of his own mind. That is, he allegorizes the complexities as the Devil`s omnipotence so as to displace his own anxiety onto others, just as the Puritans did in the Salem witch trials at the end of the 17th century. Hawthorne, however, does not intend to reprimand this immature young man for his failures. What the author wants to suggest by foregrounding Brown`s psychological ordeals and failures in “Young Goodman Brown” is to share and discuss with the age`s youths the excruciatingly painful experiences they have to go through to grow into middle-class manhood. More specifically, with this sympathetic and self-reflective short story, the author awakens his contemporary young men to typical mistakes that arise from their shared epistemological and psychological limitations, thereby warning them of a possible tragic end like Brown`s: a young man`s gloomy alienation from the harsh middle-class world of early 19th-century America.

      • KCI등재후보

        중국 중산층의 해외여행과 소셜미디어에서의 자아 구축

        저우치엔(Qian Zhou) 서울대학교 아시아연구소 2016 아시아리뷰 Vol.6 No.1

        이 연구는 중국 중산층의 해외여행에 대한 해외 매체의 보도 현상에 주목하고, 먼저 중국 중산층은 무엇인가에서 시작하여 기존 중산층 연구를 개관했다. 그리고 매체에서 ‘주관적 중산층’의 출현과 그 영향으로부터 독창적인 ‘중산층 이해 모형’을 설립했다. 그리고 이 모형에 근거하여 중산층과 인구통계학적 특성이 비교적 일치하는 웨이보(微博) 이용자를 분석 대상으로 삼아 중국 중산층의 해외여행이 어떠한 특성이 있는지, 매체를 이용하여 해외여행이라는 소비 행위를 통해 자신의 계층 의식과 이미지를 어떻게 형성하는지 알아보았다. 아울러 중국 중산층의 해외여행과 소셜미디어에서의 자아 형성이 중국 사회와 기타 계층에 미치는 영향에 대해서도 살펴보았다. 이 연구는 웨이보의 글과 그림의 분석, 인터넷 가상 커뮤니티에서의 상호작용 관찰을 통해 다음과 같은 사실을 발견했다. 중국 중산층의 해외여행 동기는 경험과 휴식, 그리고 사회 교류로 복합적이다. 여행 방식은 자가용 이용과 자유여행이 주를 이룬다. 여행 특징은 “깊이와 품위의 표현, 합리적인 기호의 소비, 개성화와 다양화”로 요약할 수 있다. 중국 중산층 여행자는 웨이보에 글과 사진을 결합하는 전략을 사용함으로써 ‘현실적인 자아’를 구축한다. 그리고 이러한 자아 구축은 ‘관람과 공연’에서 서로 주고 받는 관계(授受)다. 요컨대, 현재 중국 중산층의 해외여행은 중국 사회의 안정과 소비 견인 작용을 한다. 그들의 여행 소비 활동 중의 문명화된 행위 또한 중국의 대중적 여행자의 관념에 영향을 미치고 있다. 중국 중산층의 해외여행 중 과시적 소비가 중국의 일반 대중에게 어느 정도 부정적인 영향을 미칠 수 있지만 이러한 부작용이 분명 주된 것은 아니다. 결론적으로, 이 연구는 중국 중산층의 해외여행과 소셜미디어에서의 자아 구축이라는 주제를 시도해 봄으로써 기존 사회학의 여행과 계층에 대한 연구, 여행과 소셜미디어 사용에 대한 연구, 중국 웨이보 관련 연구의 부족한 부분을 보충하고자 한다. This study focuses on the foreign media’s coverage of the foreign travels by the Chinese middle class. Starting from examining the Chinese middle class, this article reviews previous studies on the middle class. It proposes a “three-fold model for understanding the middle class,” and applies it to analyze the Weibo users, who, as a group, have the same demographic characteristics of the middle class. This model analyzes the characteristics of the foreign trips of the Chinese middle class, their use of the media, and their consumption behavior while on the trip. The aim is to examine their impact on the formation of class identity of the Chinese middle class, and how such identity formation, in turn, affects other parts of the Chinese society. By examining the texts and pictures on the micro-blogs and the interactions within the virtual communities on the internet, the findings were: the Chinese middle class has complex motives for traveling abroad – gaining experiences, leisure, and cultural interchange. The mode of travel was dominated by car and leisurely travel. The characteristics of the travels can be summarized as “expressing of culturedness and social statue, rational consumption, individualization and social diversification.” Chinese middle class travelers establish “realistic selves” by posting a combination of texts and pictures on micro-blogs. Currently, the trips abroad by the Chinese middle class have the function of stabilizing the Chinese society and promoting consumption. Their civility while traveling positively affects the mindset of the popular travelers. The negative effects of the conspicuous consumption of the Chinese middle class are not the dominant aspect of their travels. In conclusion, by examining the foreign travels of the Chinese middle class and their construction of the self on the social media, this study attempts to complement previous sociological studies on traveling and class, traveling and social media, as well as on the Chinese micro-blog.

      • KCI등재

        황지우의 1980년대 초중반 시에 나타난 신중산층 재현 양상

        강정구 ( Kang Jeong-gu ),김종회 ( Kim Jong-hoi ) 국제어문학회 2016 국제어문 Vol.0 No.71

        1980년대 초중반의 신중산층은 당대의 중산층담론에서 민중계급과는 다른 차원에서 사회의 개혁·발전에 기여한 대안적·복수적인 계층으로 이해됐는데, 이시기의 황지우 시에서는 이러한 신중산층의 모습과 그 특성이 실감나게 잘 재현됐다. 그의 시는 특유의 정치적·경제적·사회적인 위치를 지닌 신중산층의 실제적·실체적인 이해·인식을 구체화한 것이었다. 지금까지 황지우의 1980년대 초중반 시는 주로 정치적 비판과 해체주의 전략이라는 두 요소를 중심으로 논의되어 왔는데, 이 글에서는 신중산층을 다룬 시라는 시선으로 접근했다. 첫째, 황지우의 시에서 시적 화자를 비롯한 주요 인물들을 신중산층으로 전제한 뒤에 그들이 지배계급과 민중계급 사이에서 분명한 계층의식을 지니고 있음을 분석했다. 시적 화자는 스스로 신중산층이라는 계층귀속의식을 지녔고 자기 계층의 인물들과 함께 어울렸으며, 다른 계급과는 분명히 구별된다는 차별적인 계층의식을 보여줬다. 둘째, 1980년대 초중반의 신중산층은 현실 개혁에 대해서 비교적 진보적인 입장을 드러내면서도 안정과 변화를 동시에 추구하는 중간자적인 성향을 지녔는데, 황지우가 그의 시에서 이러한 신중산층의 성향을 잘 포착했다. 그의 시에 나타난 신중산층은 지배계급이 유도하는 사회 안정을 중요시하되 그 안정의 이면에 개인적인 희생이 은폐됐음을 폭로했고, 민중계급처럼 현실 개혁을 강력히 원하면서도 자기 내면의 변화(자기 개혁)를 우선시·중요시했다. 셋째, 황지우 시 속의 신중산층은 사회체제의 틀을 인정하고 부분적인 문제점과 자신을 비판하는 양상을 보였다. 그의 시에서 신중산층은 당대의 사회체제 틀을 인정하면서도 부분적인 문제점을, 나아가서 그 문제점을 지니게 되는 자기 모습을 스스로 비판했다. 황지우의 1980년대 초중반 시는 한국시사에서 보기 드물게 신중산층의 모습과 그 특성이 타(他)계급과 구별된다는 것을, 더욱이 신중산층이 당대의 현실을 생생하게 살아가고 있다는 것을 실감나게 서술했다는 점에서 중요한 문학사적인 의미와 가치가 있다. This study discusses the representation of new-middle class in the Hwang, Ji-u`s poems of 1980`s early and middle. In the 1980`s mimjung-discourse, middle class who contains new-middle class is not important, because middle class is not the minjung-class or is those who absorbs in minjung-class. But in the Hwang, Ji-u`s poems, new-middle class of 1980`s early and middle means those who develops in their society and represents reformer. New-middle class in the Hwang, Ji-u`s poems is the very important man in his society. New-middle class has his unique consciousness of class beside capitalist and laborer. And new-middle class pursues social security of living and change simultaneously, but capitalist seeks mainly social security of living and laborer pursues social change. Also new-middle class criticizes and recognizes the frame of social structure and many social issues of society. The Hwang, Ji-u`s poems of 1980`s early and middle is important that his poems focuses on the representation of new-middle class and his nature in history of korean poetry.

      • KCI등재

        1980년대를 전후로 한 도시 중산층의 형성과 한국 소비사회의 발전 ― 도시 중산층의 소비 양상을 중심으로

        왕웅원(Wang, Woong Won) 도시사학회 2021 도시연구 Vol.- No.27

        이 논문은 대한민국 사회가 1980년대 이래 소비사회의 발전이라는 거시적인 흐름에 놓여있음을 주장하고, 그 근저에 중산층 귀속의식을 가지고 있는 다수 도시 중산층 인구가 동력으로 활동하고 있었음을 확인하고자 했다. 1960년대와 1970년대를 거쳐 경공업에서 중화학공업으로 이어지는 경제성장 정책이 전국적으로 시행되었으며, 정책의 결과를 토대로 유의미한 가정경제의 향상이 나타났다. 경제적 성과의 수혜를 받은 도시 거주 근로자 집단이 내구재 중심의 소비 양태를 나타냈다. 하지만, 이들은 인플레이션으로 인한 경제적 불안정성, 그리고 사회 차원의 소비 억제 기조로 인해 한계에 부딪혔다. 1980년대에 들어 이들은 안정적인 경제적 축적과 거주 안정성을 기반으로 도시 중산층으로 변전하였다. 이 시기의 도시 중산층의 특징은 실제 소득 기준보다 더 많은 사람들이 자신을 중산층으로 평가하는 세력 비대화가 일어났다는 것이다. 이것은 광범위한 소득 증대로 인한 중산층 귀속의식의 확대로 인한 것이다. 이 시기 도시 중산층들은 가처분 소득의 증대를 기반으로 이전보다 확대된 소비 양태를 보였다. 그 양태는 크게 상위 계층에 대한 모방과 비슷한 계층에 대한 차별화라는 방향으로 나타났다. 전자의 예시로는 백화점 소비의 확대와 패션 영역에서의 소비 진작이 있으며, 후자의 예시로는 비주류 소비품의 소비확대와 부동산 영역에서의 주말농장 문화 확산과 같은 사례를 들 수 있다. 1990년대에 도시 중산층 집단은 그 2세대인 ‘신세대’를 기반으로 양적, 질적으로 향상된 소비문화를 발전시켰다. 이 ‘신세대’들은 자아실현, 대외적 개방성, 새로운 매체에 대한 과감한 도전 등 다양한 특징을 바탕으로 서비스 영역 등 이전에 발달하지 않았던 새로운 소비 영역을 탐색하였다. 1997년을 기점으로 한국 소비문화와 이를 견인했던 도시 중산층은 타격을 받았다. 도시 중산층들은 핵심 중산층과 주변적 중산층으로 계층 분화를 겪었으며, 전체적인 소비 규모 또한 저하되었다. 하지만, 이러한 고통에도 불구하고 중산층 집단이 가지고 있는 중산층 의식과 소비 경험은 훼손되지 않았으며, 이후 경제위기가 해소된 뒤 다시 적극적 소비를 통하여 소비문화를 계속 발전시킬 수 있었다. This paper argued that Korean society has been in a macro trend of development of consumer society since the 1980s, and wanted to confirm that middle-class people in many cities with a sense of middle-class attribution have been the driving force behind it. Throughout the 1960s and 1970s, economic growth policies from light to heavy chemical industries were implemented nationwide, and significant improvements in the domestic economy were made based on the results of the policies. A group of urban resident workers who benefited from economic performance showed consumption patterns centered on durable goods. However, they faced limitations due to inflation-induced economic instability and social-level spending controls. By the 1980s, they had evolved into urban middle class based on stable economic accumulation and residential stability. The characteristic of the urban middle class during this period is that there has been a power hypertrophy in which more people rate themselves as middle class than the actual income standard. This is due to the widening sense of middle class attribution due to widespread income growth. During this period, urban middle-class people showed an expanded consumption pattern based on increased disposable income. The pattern has largely been shown in the direction of imitation of the higher classes and differentiation of similar classes. Examples of the former include the expansion of department store consumption and acceleration of consumption in the fashion sector, while examples of the latter include the expansion of consumption of non-mainstream consumption and the expansion of weekend farm culture in the real estate sector. In the 1990s, urban middle-class groups developed a quantitative and qualitatively improved consumption culture based on the second generation, the "new generation". These "new generations" explored new areas of consumption that had not previously developed, such as service areas, based on various characteristics such as self-realization, external openness, and bold challenges to new media. As of 1997, the Korean consumer culture and the middle class, which drove it, were hit hard. The urban middle class suffered a class division between the core middle class and the surrounding middle class, and the overall size of consumption also declined. Despite the pain, however, the middle class awareness and consumption experience of middle class groups remained intact, and after the economic crisis was resolved, the consumption culture could continue to be developed through active consumption.

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