고려의 정치제도와 권력관계-통일신라의 정치제도와 비교-

박재우 한국중세사학회 2011 한국중세사연구 Vol.0 No.31

In this article, the political system and the power structure of Goryeo are compared with those of the Unified Silla dynasty. The Jungseo Munha-seong and Sangseo-seong of the Goryeo dynasty were founded during the king Seongjong. They were directly modeled after their Chinese counterparts(the “Three Seong and Six Bu” system), as devices which would ensure that Confucian ideals (documented in the Dang dynasty’s 『Jeong-gwan Jeong-yo』) be realized in Goryeo politics and institutions. Silla was also under influences of the Chinese political system, yet it never adopted the Chinese system wholeheartedly, as Silla was still using the Golpum system. The number of regular offices established in the Goryeo government was actually smaller than that of the Silla government. And running the country with such small number of offices turned out to be a bit of a problem. Also, adopting a Chinese political system had its own share of problems as well, as in design the Chinese system showed some elements that were simply inadequate to be applied to Goryeo-specific situations. So, other than the regular offices, ‘Temporary offices’ had to be set up, operated and dismantled on a regular basis, to meet all the necessities of the operation of the government. In Silla, among regular offices there were more offices related to the royal family than offices unrelated to the royal family and designated to oversee administrative matters. As a result, royal family-related offices operated independently from the administrative offices, and more importantly, oversaw administrative affairs of the dynasty themselves. On the other hand, in Goryeo all the royal family-related offices, even including the ones which had been in charge of managing the personal life of the kings and the kings’ relatives, were all replaced by purely administrative offices that had no attachment to the royal family. This shows us that the authority of the Goryeo king was indeed more strengthened than that of the Silla king (free from the weight of the royal family), and the ‘public and official nature’ of the offices were significantly enforced as a result. In Silla, the Golpum system granted the Jin-gol nobility with considerable amount of power, and the king and the Dupum(頭品) used to find themselves in very disadvantageous situations. Yet in Goryeo, the Golpum practice was abandoned, and such change allowed the king and other governmental officials to wield more power. Goryeo also not allowed the royal family members to participate in governing, so their political influences remained rather limited. On the other hand, the authority of the king was significantly enhanced, and other governmental officials came to enjoy a stronger political stand as well. Some of their houses even established a long term marital relationship with the Goryeo royal family. Yet with the abolition of the Golpum system, and with the authority of the blood-nobility gone, increased clashes and conflicts became a new probability inside the government and inside the ruling party, so such concerns prompted the Goryeo king and the governmental officials to seek for agreements and compromises in their governing, to avoid unnecessary confrontations that could bring the government to a halt. With similar intentions, a comprehensive remonstration system was designed and commissioned as well, in order to monitor the illegal and inappropriate actions on the kings’ and officials’ part. This so-called “Consultation politics” can be seen even in Silla. In case of Silla, the heads of senior offices were manned by officials bearing other titles at the same time, and were also occupied by more than one person at a time. Such considerations were also apparent from the dynastic council’s fashion of convening and operating. Then, as it came to the time of Goryeo, more elaborate devices to accommodate such Consultation politics appeared. Both regular and temporary offices made it a p... In this article, the political system and the power structure of Goryeo are compared with those of the Unified Silla dynasty. The Jungseo Munha-seong and Sangseo-seong of the Goryeo dynasty were founded during the king Seongjong. They were directly modeled after their Chinese counterparts(the “Three Seong and Six Bu” system), as devices which would ensure that Confucian ideals (documented in the Dang dynasty’s 『Jeong-gwan Jeong-yo』) be realized in Goryeo politics and institutions. Silla was also under influences of the Chinese political system, yet it never adopted the Chinese system wholeheartedly, as Silla was still using the Golpum system. The number of regular offices established in the Goryeo government was actually smaller than that of the Silla government. And running the country with such small number of offices turned out to be a bit of a problem. Also, adopting a Chinese political system had its own share of problems as well, as in design the Chinese system showed some elements that were simply inadequate to be applied to Goryeo-specific situations. So, other than the regular offices, ‘Temporary offices’ had to be set up, operated and dismantled on a regular basis, to meet all the necessities of the operation of the government. In Silla, among regular offices there were more offices related to the royal family than offices unrelated to the royal family and designated to oversee administrative matters. As a result, royal family-related offices operated independently from the administrative offices, and more importantly, oversaw administrative affairs of the dynasty themselves. On the other hand, in Goryeo all the royal family-related offices, even including the ones which had been in charge of managing the personal life of the kings and the kings’ relatives, were all replaced by purely administrative offices that had no attachment to the royal family. This shows us that the authority of the Goryeo king was indeed more strengthened than that of the Silla king (free from the weight of the royal family), and the ‘public and official nature’ of the offices were significantly enforced as a result. In Silla, the Golpum system granted the Jin-gol nobility with considerable amount of power, and the king and the Dupum(頭品) used to find themselves in very disadvantageous situations. Yet in Goryeo, the Golpum practice was abandoned, and such change allowed the king and other governmental officials to wield more power. Goryeo also not allowed the royal family members to participate in governing, so their political influences remained rather limited. On the other hand, the authority of the king was significantly enhanced, and other governmental officials came to enjoy a stronger political stand as well. Some of their houses even established a long term marital relationship with the Goryeo royal family. Yet with the abolition of the Golpum system, and with the authority of the blood-nobility gone, increased clashes and conflicts became a new probability inside the government and inside the ruling party, so such concerns prompted the Goryeo king and the governmental officials to seek for agreements and compromises in their governing, to avoid unnecessary confrontations that could bring the government to a halt. With similar intentions, a comprehensive remonstration system was designed and commissioned as well, in order to monitor the illegal and inappropriate actions on the kings’ and officials’ part. This so-called “Consultation politics” can be seen even in Silla. In case of Silla, the heads of senior offices were manned by officials bearing other titles at the same time, and were also occupied by more than one person at a time. Such considerations were also apparent from the dynastic council’s fashion of convening and operating. Then, as it came to the time of Goryeo, more elaborate devices to accommodate such Consultation politics appeared. Both regular and temporary offices made it a princip...

15세기 부산포왜관에서 한일 양국민의 교류와 생활

김동철 ( Kim Dong-chul ) 부경역사연구소 2008 지역과 역사 Vol.- No.22

This paper organized many opinions about the establishment of Japanese office in the period of opening Busanpo. I studied the appearance of Japanese office of Busanpo, the Japanese life, and their exchange with Korean in the early period of Chosun. Especially, I examined each Japanese office in each port, not combining Japanese offices into ‘Three ports(三浦)’. There were Japanese offices and Japanese villages(倭里) in Jepo(薺浦) and Busnapo which opened in 1407. Japanese office of Jepo had been most prosperous out of three ports, but only Japanese office of Busanpo survived after 1547. Japanese town of Busanpo was divided into Japanese office and Japanese village in the early period of Chosun, but was combined two in the latter period. I also took notice of an official interpreter, Hyangtongsa(鄕通事) who worked for Japanese office. They who came from opening ports not only interpreted for and entertained a Japanese mission but also took charge of practical affairs toward Japan. This study could find consistency and diversity in Chosun's policy toward Japanese office and its understanding of Japan by examining Japanese office of Busanpo continuously from the early period of Chosun to the late period.

魏晉시기 관리의 三年喪 “解官” 법제화 과정

김선민 동양사학회 2022 東洋史學硏究 Vol.158 No.-

This study attempted to clarify the process that the three-year mourning costume, which was merely a traditional practice of Confucianism, was legalized as a duty for officials in the Wei-Jin era. In particular, this paper focused on the task of confirming whether the law of “Resignation from public office(解官)” to mourn for his parents actually existed in the Jin’s Code. The conclusions obtained from the analysis of related materials are as follows. First, the case of Yu-Chun(庾純), who was impeached for violating the law of “resignation from public office(去官)” to care for his father over 80-years(侍養), suggests the following. The law of “去官” for old was legislated on the basis of the scripture phrase in Liji wangzhi (『禮記』 「王制」). Then, in the same way, there is no reason not to enact the law of “去官” for 3-years mourning based on the phrase of “No participation in government affairs for 3-years mourning” in the same Liji wangzhi. Second, another important basis to support the existence of the “解官” law is the “wear mourning in mind(心喪)” system. It was a new mourning method that allows the missing number of months from 25 months to be supplemented with 心喪 if the 25-month period stipulated in the Li(禮) was not possible due to mother status or other reasons. In Jin, there was a system that gave 25 months of vacation to the bereaved officials, and it continued to the Sui-Tang era as it was, and the reality can be confirmed in the Code of Sui and Dang dynasty. In short, there doesn't seem to be much difference between the two eras in the ‘心喪’ system. From this, it can be inferred that the provision of 3-year mourning and “解官” laws included in the Tang Code(唐律) must have been recorded in the Jin Code as well. Third, the close similarity of the laws between Jin and the Tang is also confirmed in the case where Yin Zhongkan(殷仲堪), the governor of Jingzhou(荆州) during the Dongjin period, judged a case of impersonation for 3-years mourning. Two types of impersonation articles are cited here. First, “Anyone who falsely pretends that their parents are dead will be put to death.” or “Anyone who falsely pretends that their parents are dead, even though their parents are still alive, will be put to death.” Second, “Anyone who falsely pretends that their parents died in the past but is now dead (will be punished.)” Comparing the above articles with those of Tang’s law, that is, “Criminal name and general rule(「名例律」) and “The law on deception and falsehood(「詐僞律」)”, despite the differences in punishment standards according to the times, there is a striking similarity between the two. In the end, the close succession relationship between Jin and Tang can be confirmed as far as the three-year mourning-related laws are concerned. In that sense, the initial legislative period of the law of “resignation from public office(解官) for 3-years mourning” can also be raised to the early Jin dynasty.

지방자치단체장의 3기연임 제한제도에 관한 공법적 검토

오준근(Oh Jun Gen) 한국지방자치법학회 2005 지방자치법연구(地方自治法硏究) Vol.5 No.1

Provisions concerning the “maximum three terms of the heads of local governments” have been introduced in the Local Autonomy Act, which was amended by Act No. 4789, since December 20, 1994. These provisions were adopted to prevent the possibility of hampering local development due to the appointment of public officials through the spoils system and unjust collusion between specific regional groups, as well as of blocking up the election of competent men as the heads of local governments, which may be caused by four or more consecutive elections of the same heads of local governments. Judging from experiences of local autonomy for the last eleven years, however, the above matters presented as grounds for introducing such provisions are not valid. It is because, in the case of the heads of elementary local governments, the rate of those first selected as such amounts to 56.5 % while the rate of those third selected is only 14.6 %, which shows that residents can exercise and have exercised their right of self-decision in a proper way. The provisions of the maximum three terms of local government heads are not proper from the viewpoint of the Constitution because they infringe on the right of citizens to take a public office and restrict the right of residents to choose their heads autonomously, lacking the propriety of regulative objects, the pertinence of application means, and the balance of legal benefit and protection. Also, such legal regulation has no “reasonable grounds” in differentiating the heads of local governments from the members of the National Assembly or the local councils who are not subject to such restrictions as put in the said provisions. Thus, it would be valid from the viewpoint of the Constitution and administrative law to repeal such provisions to completely restore the right of citizens to take a public office and the right of residents to choose their heads autonomously. The need to prevent the : “arbitrariness of local government heads”, which is intended by the said provisions, is for all heads of local governments in whatever term they hold office. In conclusion, such problem should be solved in such a way as to strengthen the right of residents self-decision through the adoption of the recall system as a substitute means of the existing provisions.

南朝 시대 三年喪 “解官” 법률의 시행상 문제점과 개선책

김선민 중국고중세사학회 2022 중국고중세사연구 Vol.66 No.-

This study examined the problems of the law of “Resignation from public office(解官)” for Three-Year Mourning from the perspective of uncertainty in the standard of the mourning period, and reviewed measures of the southern countries that secured legal stability. One of the important criminal components of the Resignation law is the violation of the period of mourning. However, if the period of mourning is not clearly defined, it is impossible to judge the violation of the law itself. In this respect, the Resignation law had the following problems. First, the date of xuanji(禫祭), which means the end of the mourning period, was not unified. The court officially adopted Wangsuk's 25 months, but there were many people who followed Jeonghyeon's 27 months in the private sector. It was not until 27 months was announced as an official example in Song(宋), and all of the southern countries followed Song later. Unification of the date of xuanji should be a priority in order to eliminate the ambiguity and uncertainty of the law. Second, there is a problem of leap month as a matter to be particularly careful about in mourning period. Since it takes 13 months every 2-3 years, confusion occurs if there is no unified leap month application method when calculating the mourning period. In the Southern Dynasty, the principle of calculating leap month was repeatedly confirmed, that for one-year(朞年服) and three-year mourning the leap month was not calculated but for nine months(9月大功服) or less it separately calculated, which had the effect of enhancing legal stability. Third, the in-mind Mourning Rites(心喪制) introduced in the early Jin was followed by southern state. The original deadline for the in-mind Mourning was 25 months, but at that time, some people added xuanji(禫祭) to perform 27 months of mourning. If the deadline for in-mind Mourning is not clearly determined, administrative disruptions will occur, as well as serious judicial problems due to confusion in the criteria for judgement. In Song, a national law was announced to limit the deadline for in-mind Mourning to 25 months, and the Southern Dynasties followed suit. It should not be forgotten that all of the legal texts related to “Resignation from public office(解官)” in the statutes of the Sui-Tang period are laws that have come through the legislative and improvement process of the Yangjin-Nanjiao era.

장서각 소장 군영 자료로 본 조선 후기 삼군영의 군사 복식 보급

염정하(Yum, Jung-ha) 한국학중앙연구원 2019 장서각 Vol.0 No.42

한국학중앙연구원 장서각에 소장된 조선 후기 군영 자료는 다양한 군사 정보를 담고 있으며, 이 중 군사의 의생활 문화도 빼놓을 수 없는 주요 정보이다. 이 글에서는 장서각에 소장된 군영등록을 바탕으로 그동안 파악하기 어려웠던 조선 후기 삼군영의 계급별 군사 복식의 보급에 관해 알아보았다. 삼군영의 대장은 왕의 갑주를 사여 받아 착용하거나, 고급재료의 갑주를 착용하였다. 중군 이하 장관과 장교는 주로 단갑주 등을 착용하였다. 훈련도감의 군병은 병종에 따라 갑주를 보급받았으며, 어영청과 금위영에서는 각 상황과 수행 위치에 따라 갑주를 보급받아 착용하였다. 삼군영의 장관과 장교는 군복값과 전대용 남방사주, 전립용 상모를 지급받아 군복을 마련하였다. 각 군영의 재정과 운영 상황에 따라 지급 기준에 약간씩 차이가 나타났다. 훈련도감은 대다수 군병에게 군복을 지급하였으나, 어영청과 금위영에서는 행행과 관련된 군병을 중심으로 군복을 지급하였다. 그리고 각 군병은 시위하는 대상에 따라 지급받는 군복값이 달랐다. 이 글을 기반으로 장서각 소장 군영 관련 문헌을 참고하여 더욱 다양한 군사의 의생활 문화에 관한 연구가 지속되길 기대한다. The Military Camps-Related Documents at the Jangseogak archives of the Academy of Korean Studies includes a variety of military information and military clothing life culture is one of the main information among them. This study aims to look into the distribution of the Military Costumes in the Late Joseon Dynasty based on the Military offices’ Deung’rok Registers, a collection of materials from Jangseogak archives. The captain of Three Military Camps wore high-quality armor or the one bestowed upon them by the king. Low-rank graded officials and civilian employees of military force wore a studded coat type armor called Dangap (緞甲) and a helmet with ear flaps. Soldiers at Hun’ryeon Dogam were supplied with armor according to their roles while those at Eo’yeong-cheong and Geum’wiyeong were supplied according to their respective situations and locations of operations. Ministers and Officers of military force of Three Military Camps received sashes, helmets and the expenses for their uniform. Each Military Camp provided different equipment basis of issue was varied according to the financial and operational situations of each Military Camp. Hun’ryeon Dogam issued most soldiers with uniform, however, Eo’yeong-cheong and Geum’wiyeong supplied uniform to the soldiers those who participated in parades. Also, the different expenses were offered to each soldier according to whom they escorted. It is hoped that there will be more diverse studies on military clothing life culture based on Military Camps-Related Documents at the Jangseogak archives.

학군장교(ROTC)후보생의 양성교육 프로그램 분석을 통한 리더십 향상방안 연구

김정수(Jung-Su, Kim) 한국전략문제연구소 2016 전략연구 Vol.68 No.-

본 연구의 목적은 학군장교 후보생 과정에서 교육중인 학군장교 후보생들의 리더십을 향상시키는 데 목적이 있다. 이를 위해 학군장교 후보생 교육 과정에 관한 문헌분석과 학군장교 후보생의 리더십에 직, 간접적으로 연관된 4개의 그룹에 대한 실증분석을 실시하였다. 분석결과 학군장교 후보생과정은 육군사관학교나 3사관학교, 미국 ROTC 과정에 비해 훈련시간이 부족하고 리더십 수준, 소통능력과 사회성 등에서 낮게 나타나 학군장교 후보생 교육과정에 대한 개선이 필요한 것으로 나타났다. 개선방향으로 첫째, 학군장교 후보생 교육과정의 양성기간을 현재의 2년에서 3~4년 과정으로 확대하는 것이다. 둘째, 학군장교 후보생 교육기간 중에 후보생들에게 임관 전에 야전부대 이해를 위해 병 체험 훈련이나 야전부대 지휘실습을 통해 적응능력을 배양시켜줄 필요가 있다. 셋째, 학군초급장교들의 리더십 분석결과 개인적이고 소통능력이 부족한 경향이 분석되므로 후보생 교육을 통하여 단체의식을 함양하고 병사들과의 소통능력을 배양시키는 것이 필요할 것으로 보인다. The purpose of this research is to enhance the leadership of ROTC cadets who are training at ROTC courses. The aim is to check whether the current ROTC training program provides proper education for ROTC cadets to get the proper leadership applied to young soldiers of new generations and the modern surroundings of military units. First, qualitative analysis on ROTC cadets education program was carried out. Then four major groups that are directly and indirectly related to ROTC junior officer"s leadership were selected through quantitative analysis. Survey, SPSS descriptive statistics, frequency analysis, cross analysis on these four groups were carried out as well. As ROTC training program provides too short of an education to cadets compared to KMA , KAA and US ROTC training program, scores low on ROTC junior officers’ leadership, and produces ROTC junior officers who lack in both communication and social skills, it has been concluded that improvements should be made to ROTC training program in order to raise the leadership skill of ROTC junior officers. Following solutions are proposed. The first proposed solution is extension of the training period. Developing the officers’ military expertise is important for leadership improvement. It is thus recommended that ROTC training period should be increased from the current two years to four years. This extension can allow further diversification of education subjects, giving cadets an opportunity to learn proper military education, leadership education, military spiritual education, and moral education in more depth. Secondly, cadets need direct experiences as enlisted soldiers and command exercises in order to fully comprehend before their commissions in the real fields. Finally, ROTC junior officers tend to be individualistic, frequently running into conflicts during communication with their soldiers. This raises the need to reinforce teaching cadets the importance of team-spirit, and communication skill with soldiers.

문재인 정부 검찰개혁에 대한 평가

오병두 ( Oh Byung Doo ) 민주주의법학연구회 2021 민주법학 Vol.- No.76

이 글에서는 문재인 정부의 검찰개혁을 평가하였다. 그 가장 큰 가시적 성과라면 「검찰청법」과 「형사소송법」의 개정안 그리고 「고위공직자범죄수사처 설치 및 운영에 관한 법률」 제정안 등 소위 ‘검찰개혁 3법’이 2020년 초 국회를 통과한 것이다. 이에 따라 수사지휘권이 폐지되면서 검·경의 수사권이 조정되고 검사의 직접 수사범위가 축소되었으며, 제한적 기소권을 가진 독립 수사기구로 고위 공직자범죄수사처(이하 “공수처”)도 설치되었다. 이 ‘검찰개혁 3법’에 따른 제도적 변화는 의미가 적지 않다. 그러나 ‘검찰권의 분리·분산’과 ‘기관 간의 통제장치 마련’이라는 당초의 제도적 구상은 실제 입법이 될 때 충실하게 구현되지 못했다. 우선, 경찰의 권한은 크게 늘었으나 이에 대한 통제수단은 충분히 갖추어지지 못했다. 반대로, 검찰권한은 크게 줄어들지 않았다. 공수처의 기소권이 제한적이어서 검찰의 기소권이 크게 줄어들었다고 하기는 어렵다. 무엇보다도 중요한 것은, 광범하게 남아 있는 검찰의 직접수사권이다. 이는 검찰이 여전히 유지하고 있는 ‘직접수사 인력’에 의해 뒷받침되고 있다. 검찰의 직접수사권을 용인하는 문재인 정부의 초기 검찰개혁 구상에 대해서 검찰은 소극적인 순응의 입장을 견지했다. 이것이 검찰의 기존 발전전략인 ‘전문수사’, ‘특수수사’ 강화와 모순되지 않았기 때문일 것이다. 최근 이를 넘어 ‘직접 수사권’과 ‘직접수사 인력’의 배제가 논의되자, 검찰은 이러한 검찰개혁의 방향에 대해 노골적인 거부감을 공공연히 드러내고 있다. 검찰개혁의 국면이 여기에 이르렀다는 사실은 그 자체로 검찰개혁 논의가 이제야 그 핵심 영역에 들어섰음을 시사한다. 동시에, 이는 검찰개혁의 추진과정에서 검사의 직접수사에 관하여 ‘수사-기소 분리’라는 검찰개혁론의 기본방향이 잘 지켜지지 않았던 것이 왜 문제였는지 그리고 향후 검찰개혁 과정에서 어디에 중점을 두어야 하는지 또한 잘 보여준다. 현시점에서 검찰개혁이 한 걸음 더 나가기 위해서는 검사의 직접수사권과 검찰 내 직접수사 인력을 줄이기 위한 조치가 우선 필요하다고 보인다. This article aims to evaluate the prosecution reform of Moon Jae-In government. This reform is carried out as part of rearrangement plan of “power organizations”, that is, the police, the prosecution, and the National Intelligence Service(NIS). In this context, the so-called ‘Three Bills on Prosecution Reform’ went through the National Assembly in 2020. With the revisions of ‘Prosecutors' Office Act’ and ‘Criminal Procedure Act’, and the enactment of ‘Act on the Establishment and Operation of the Corruption Investigation Office for High-ranking Officials’(CIO), the prosecutors’ authority to direct and supervise police investigations was abolished, the independent investigative authorities of the Police were granted, and the scope of direct initiation of prosecutorial investigations was considerably reduced. In addition, CIO was established as an independent investigative body with limited authorities to institute and maintain prosecutions of the specific corruption crimes committed only by judges, prosecutors and high-ranking police officers. The legislative and administrative changes as results of this reform are noteworthy. However, the original conception of “separation and distribution of the prosecutors’ power” and “checks-and-balances among ‘power organization’” has not been fully accomplished in the actual process of legislation. First of all, the prosecution still has broad authority to directly initiate the investigation and keeps the number of investigation officials in Prosecutors’ Office supporting this prosecutorial investigation at the same level as before. Secondly, the authorities of the police have been extended significantly, while the prosecution’s not being so substantially reduced. Finally, the prosecutors of the Prosecutors' Office still have overwhelming positions in criminal procedure, especially in prosecuting criminal cases, since CIO has very limited authorities in prosecution. The prosecution reform of Moon Jae-In government, at its initial stage, was based on the notion that the prosecution's direct investigative authorities would be maintained. This was not inconsistent with the strategy of the Prosecutor's Office to strengthen the ‘specialized investigation’. Recently the government confronts strong opposition of the prosecution, when it comes to discussing the reduction of investigation officials in Prosecutors’ Office. This shows that the prosecution reform has now entered its core area and that it is necessary to abide by the original ideas of the prosecution reform, in other words, the idea of the separation of the investigation and the prosecution to prevent the prosecutors from abusing their authorities. At this point, in order for prosecution reform to go one step further, it seems urgent to take measures to reduce the prosecutors’ authority to directly initiate investigation and the investigation officials in Prosecutors’ Office.

고려 초기 兵部의 기능과 지위

권영국(Kwon Young-Kook) 한국사학회 2007 史學硏究 Vol.- No.88

고려 초기의 兵部는 태봉과 신라의 병부를 계승한 것이었다. 신라의 병부는 법흥왕대에 일반 행정과 군사 업무를 분리시키면서 여러 관부 중에서 가장 먼저 설치되었다. 이때의 병부는 비록 漢式 명칭이지만 후에 수용되는 六典制下의 병부와는 무관한 신라 고유의 것이었다. 신라 이래 병부의 기능은 군사행정이었다. 한편 軍令업무는 국왕이 친히 장악하였으나 태봉대에 이르러 정복지역의 확대로 군령 업무가 크게 늘어나면서 徇軍府가 설치되어 군령업무를 담당하였다. 이로써 군정을 담당한 병부와 군령을 담당한 순군부가 군사 기구의 두 축을 이루게 되었다. 신라시대에 처음 설치된 병부는 執事部와 더불어 서열 1, 2위를 차지하였고, 摩震 때까지 2위의 지위를 유지하였으나 태봉대에 이르러 4위의 지위로 하락하였다. 이러한 서열의 변화는 국가체제가 재정비되는 태봉대에 內奉省의 기능과 기구가 확대되면서 정무기구의 하나로 부상하고, 또 군령 기구로서 순군부가 새로 설치되는 정치적 변화 속에서 나타난 것이었다. 태조 이래 병부의 지위는 성종대 이전까지 그대로 유지되다가 3성 6부를 중심으로 하는 6典制가 본격적으로 수용되면서 그 지위가 크게 격하되었다. 그동안 광평성ㆍ내봉성 등 정무기구와 병렬적인 위치에 있던 병부는 상서성 아래 6부의 하나로 편제되었던 것이다. 그러나 6부의 순서가 唐의 吏, 戶, 禮, 兵, 刑, 工과 달리 吏ㆍ兵ㆍ戶ㆍ刑ㆍ禮ㆍ工으로서 병부가 2위의 자리에 위치하였다. 이는 신라시대 이래 정치기구에서 병부가 중요한 위치를 차지해온 전통이 반영된 것으로 고려 6부제의 특징이라 생각된다. The Ministry of Military Affairs(兵部) in early Goryeo Dynasty(高麗) succeeded that of Taebong Dynasty(泰封) and Silla Dynasty(新羅). In the period of King Bubheung(法興王) in Silla Dynasty, the Ministry of Military Affairs was established first in the course of dividing military affairs from administrative affairs. Even though the Ministry of Military Affairs was named as Chinese style, it was not related with that of Six-Cords System(六典制) which was accepted later. It was native to Silla Dynasty. Since Silla Dynasty, the Ministry of Military Affairs took charge of the affairs of military administration(軍政業務). Before Taebong Dynasty, kings were personally in charge of the affairs of military command(軍令業務). In Taebong Dynasty, the affairs of military command were increased according to the expansion of governing areas. Sunkunbu(徇軍府) was established and took charge of the affairs of military command. So, the Ministry of Military Affairs(兵部) and Sunkunbu made up the two posts of the military office. The Ministry of Military Affairs established in Silla Dynasty was ranked as the fist or second position, and was kept up as the second position in Majine Dynasty(摩震). However, it fell down to the fourth position in Taebong Dynasty. This change of the rank was caused by the rising of Naebongsung(內奉省) which became the office of political affairs(政務機構) and the establishment of Sunkunbu which was the office of military command(軍令機構). The rank of the Ministry of Military Affairs was maintained from Taejo(太祖), the first king of Goryeo to King Sungjong(成宗). It fell down with the adoption of the Three Ministries and Six Departments System(3省6部制) after King Sungjong,. Then, the Ministry of Military Affairs which was standing in a row with Guangpeungsung(廣評省) and Naebongsung(內奉省) was organized into one of Six Departments(6部) under the Secretariat of State Affairs(尙書省). However, the order of Six Departments(6部) in Goryeo Dynasty was different from that of Six Departments in Tang Dynasty(唐). The Ministry of Military Affairs in Goryeo Dynasty was ranked second. : The Ministry of Personnel Affairs(吏部), The Ministry of Military affairs(兵部), The Ministry of Taxation Commission(戶部), the Ministry of Punishments(刑部), the Ministry of Rites(禮部), the Ministry of Public Works(工部). This was the reflection of the tradition that the Ministry of Military Affairs had taken up the important position in the central government organizations(中央政治機構) since Silla Dynasty. And this showed the unique characteristic of Three Ministries and Six Departments System in Goryeo Dynasty.

Toward Integrated and Automated Management of Government Affairs

Changyu Liu,Juntao Xiong,Bin Lu 보안공학연구지원센터 2016 International Journal of Hybrid Information Techno Vol.9 No.1

An efficient government office automation system, which contributes significantly to social supervision, administrative efficiency, administrative quality, and service capacity, has been an important criterion for assessing the development of a country. With the rapid development of the global economy, more and more such systems are designed and implemented. However, few of them could take into unified account ever changing requirements of government affairs. In this paper, we develop an integrated and automated management system for government affairs. In the beginning, we analyze why we need the new system by introducing the overall background of the electronic governments and the office automation system. Then, according to system requirements, we divide the system into four functional modules, i.e., the login module, the approval flow module, the document management module, and the system management module. After that, we present many details about the architecture, the modules, and the database for the system design. Finally, illustrating both processes and interfaces of required modules, we implement the system based on the well known three-tier B/S architecture.