당나라 당삼채 여성도용의 조형성에 관한 연구

방옥금 한국도자학회 2021 한국도자학연구 Vol.18 No.3

Tang SanCai ceramic figurine is elaborately sculpted and shows colorful colors with a rich formative sense. In addition, it shows a vivid and natural figure that suits the status of the character in a living and breathing form with a sense of vitality, and it shows the figure of each social class during the Tang Dynasty and the bustling international trade going back and forth on the Silk Road. Due to the frequent exchanges of foreign cultures in the Tang dynasty and an open and inclusive attitude toward multiculturalism, elements of foreign culture were naturally fused into the production of Tang SanCai ceramic figurine. It accurately reflects the microcosm of the social life of the people of that time. In particular, the rich and diverse images of female ceramic figuries in the Tang Dynasty bring infinite imagination and inspiration to future generations, and also give us a sense of the freedom, the bold and inclusive humanistic spirit of the Tang Dynasty, It makes you feel at close range of the prosperous Tang Dynasty. This paper has a more comprehensive understanding of the social and aesthetic climate of the Tang Dynasty, and to know the characteristics and the social style of the Tang Dynasty by analyzing the shape, color and spirit of the female ceramic figurines. Through the types of female ceramic figurines that shows the bright facial expression, the shape of the voluptuous body and the variety of hair ornaments, the various shape and the style of clothes , the glaze color and the various aspects, women's role and status in the context of the Tang Dynasty can be glimpsed. Also, on the basis of inheriting the production skills of Tang SanCai, we hope to obtain unique inspiration from an aesthetic point of view to create an artistic work of Tang SanCai that fits the modern aesthetic. 당삼채 인물도용은 조각이 정교하고 풍부한 조형적 감각으로 다채로운 채색을 보여주고 있다. 또한 인물의 신분에 맞는 생생하고 자연스러운 모습을 보여주고 있으며, 이는 생동감이 있는 살아 숨 쉬는 듯한 조형으로서 당나라 시기 각 사회 계층의 인물상과 실크로드를 오가는 번화한 국제무역의 모습을 잘 보여주고 있다. 당나라는 대외문화교류가 잦은 데다 다문화에 대한 개방적이고 포용적인 태도로 인 하여 외래문화의 요소가 자연스럽게 당삼채 인물도용 제작에 융합되었다. 당시 사회인들의 사회생활의 축소판들을 정확하게 반영하고 있다. 특히 당삼채 여성도용의 풍만하고 다양한 이미지는 후대에게 무 한한 상상과 영감을 가져다주며 또한 현대의 우리에게 당나라 시대의 자유롭고 소탈함과 대범하고 포 용적인 인문정신과 번창했던 당나라 성당(盛唐)시대의 모습을 근거리에서 느끼게 하여 준다. 본 논문은 당삼채여성도용의조형과색조, 작품정신등에대한분석을통해당나라시기의부흥한사회풍모와 시대적특징, 그당시의사회미적풍토등에대해좀더포괄적인이해를하게되었다. 당삼채여성 인물도용이 보여주는 밝은 얼굴 표정의 형상, 풍만함 몸체의 형상과 머리 장식의 다양성, 복장의 형태 와변화, 유약색채의심미적감흥등다양한모습을보여주고있는여성도용의종류를통해그시대 상황에서의여성의역할과지위등을엿볼수있다. 또한당삼채의제작기예를계승하는기초위에서 문화적 가치와 예술의 미적 영감을 얻어 현대적 미감에 맞는 당삼채 예술작품을 재창출하기를 희망한 다.

唐边塞诗在朝鲜朝的传播和影响研究

靳雅姝 한국중국언어문화연구회 2023 한중언어문화연구 Vol.- No.68

Tang Dynasty frontier poetry is a treasure of ancient Chinese literature, not only occupying an important position in the history of Chinese literature, but also having a profound impact on the development of frontier poetry in the Joseon Dynasty. The attention of Joseon literati to Tang Dynasty's frontier poetry involves various aspects, from the theme connotation to the standard of rhythm, from frontier things to cultural allusions, from the evaluation and comparison of Tang Dynasty's frontier poetry to the interpretation and evaluation of previous annotations, and so on. The learning and imitation of Tang Dynasty's frontier poetry by Joseon literati are reflected in many aspects, such as the use of imagery in Tang Dynasty's frontier poetry, and the agreement with the theme of Tang Dynasty's frontier poetry. In addition, Joseon literati often used the works of Tang frontier poets as a benchmark to measure or evaluate the works of their own literati. The above indicates that Joseon literati were familiar with Tang Dynasty frontier poetry and accepted and recognized Tang Dynasty frontier poetry.Therefore, it is necessary to conduct a comprehensive analysis and research on the communication and influence of Tang Dynasty's frontier poetry on Joseon Dynasty's frontier poetry from various aspects such as dissemination and comparative research.

晚唐士族女婚姻生活的個案研究

胡娜(HU Na) 경북대학교 아시아연구소 2014 아시아연구 Vol.- No.19

현재 당대 묘지를 활용하여 당대 여성을 연구한 성과가 상당히 많이 있다. 그러나 대다수는 당대 여성과 사회문화 및 습속에 대한 연구로 여성주의 시각에서 당대 여성의 개체 생활 경험을 미시적으로 관찰한 사례 연구는 부족한 상황이다. 본문은 이에 기초하여 섬서 사범대학 박물관에 소장되어 있는 만당 사대부 李毗妻 盧氏 墓誌 拓片을 활용하고 李毗 墓誌와 상관된 내용을 결합하여 范陽 盧氏 여자의 혼인 생활에 대한 개별적인 사례 연구를 통해 만당 산동지역 士族 여성의 짧은 혼인 생활에서 부딪힌 경험을 분석하고자 한다. 먼저 盧李 두사람의 혼인은 중후기 당나라 때 혼인이 門第科第가 중시되었음을 볼 수 있다. 특히 李毗의 進士出身은 門第, 家境과 년령상의 부족을 보완한 것으로 盧氏가 비록 17歲이었지만 여전히 혼인을 허락받을 수 있었다. 다음으로 盧氏 婚事는 우역곡절이 있었는데, 盧氏가 22세때 李毗와 정혼할 수 있었지만 미혼부 李毗의 임직 조정과 父喪으로 혼사가 연기되었다. 26세때 盧氏는 비록 아버지가 돌아가셨지만 아버지의 유언으로 "因情廢禮"함으로 부상을 지키지 않고 늦은 나이에 출가할 수 있었다. 이외에 盧와 李의 老夫少妻의 혼인에서 나이 많은 李毗는 노씨를 취하기 전에 姬妾과의 사이에 아들을 하나 두었고, 노씨는 혼인 후 3년반 동안 두 아들을 낳은 후 불행히 30세에 병환으로 사망하였다. 노씨의 혼인 사례 연구는 몇가지 대표성이 있다. 만당 시기 사족녀 혼인중의 생존 상태를 집중적으로 반영하고 굴절시켜주고 있다. 만당시기 점차 몰락하는 고문사족의 "作嬪君子, 以援吾宗"라는 혼인 목적하에 여성의 혼인 의사가 별로 관심을 끌지 못했고 어떤 때는 가정 변고 등의 요소에 영향을 받아 혼인이 지연되거나 늦게 시집을 가기도 하였다. 老夫少妻의 혼인 관계 중 남성은 과거 급제나 사회적 지위로 나이나 모습의 부족을 보완할 수 있지만 여성은 단지 부모의 명령하에 피동적으로 老夫少妻의 婚姻을 받아들일 수 밖에 없었다. 나이든 남편은 종종 첩을 취한 후 처를 맞이하여 혼전에 姬妾과의 사이에 자녀를 생육하기도 하였는데, 이는 자주 처첩에게 嫡嗣不立의 婚姻곤경과 불안을 초래하였다. Many scholars in China have already made good use of the epitaphs in the researches on history of women in the Tang Dynasty. However, most of the researches focus mainly on women and social culture in Tang Dynasty. Scholars pay less attention to women themselves experience of individual in Tang Dynasty. There exists a lack of a case study on Tang Dynasty woman .This paper takes the late Tang Dynasty Fang-yang Lu Lady's epigraph rubbing collected in Shaanxi Normal University Museum as key point. With a combination of the message of her husband Li Pi's epigraph, this paper takes Fang-yang Lu lady's marriage life with Li Pi as a case study, aiming to analyze Fang-yang Lu lady's experience of individual in her marriage life. According to Fang-yang Lu lady's epigraph, she was from Fang-yang Lu shi family which was very famous family in Tang Dynasty. Meanwhile, according to Li Pi's epigraph, Li Pi depicted himself from Long-xi Li shi family which was another famous family in Tang Dynasty. As for their marriage, it reflected that the marriage in gentry's class was based on the family social status and also the imperial examination system exerted an important influence on the society of Tang Dynasty. That is, marriage focus on family social status as well as to what a young man had achieved in the imperial examination. In Fang-yang Lu lady's marriage, while Li Pi was 17 years older than her. The fact that Li Pi got the official career by imperial examination and his official career was very smooth gave Li Pi a big advantage for the marriage with Fang-yang Lu lady. Fang-yang Lu lady's marriage was not smooth. She should have married to Li Pi at the age of 22. Unfortunately, her wedding was delayed because of her husband's promotion and the death of his husband father. Li Pi had to be in mourning for three years for his father according to the funeral etiquette. When Fang-yang Lu lady was 26 years old, her father died. Thanks to Fang-yang Lu lady's father last wishes, Fang-yang Lu lady needn't to be in mourning for three years for her father according to the funeral etiquette, so her weeding was not delayed again. Finally, Fang-yang Lu lady married to Li Pi at her 26 years old which was considered an older age above the average age for marriage at that time. But the fact that can not be ignored was that her husband Li Pi was 17 years older than her. In this marriage of "an old man with a young wife", Fang-yang Lu lady was also faced with the fact that Li Pi took concubine and had a son before their wedding. Even more unfortunately, Fang-yang Lu lady died at the young age of 30. In the less than four years of marriage life with Li Pi, Fang-yang Lu lady gave birth to two children. Fang-yang Lu Lady's case reflected the marriage of the noble ladies in Late Tang Dynasty. Under the concept of marriage of dying gentry in late Tang Dynasty, the noble ladies' will was ignored. Sometimes, in order to get the help from another family, their family married them to the man who may be more than ten years older than them but had smooth official career. Affected by some factors, noble ladies got married above the average age for marriage at that time. In the marriage of "an old man with a young wife", faced with the fact that husband may take concubine and have children before marriage, they worried that they had no son but the concubine had already a son. On the contrary, man could have normal sexual experiences and rich feelings before marriage, and then could have a young wife. Man offset their older age by their smooth official career, but women couldn't. Men were the beneficiaries of the marriage of "an old man with a young wife". 目前學術界運用唐代墓誌研究唐代女性的成果頗多,但大多側重對唐代女性與社會文化及習俗的研究,缺少從女性主義角度對唐代女性個體生活經驗的微觀關注和個案研究,本文正是基於此,嘗試以陜西師範大學博物館藏晚唐士大夫李毗妻盧氏墓誌拓片為切入點,幷結合李毗墓誌的相關內容,對范陽盧氏女的婚姻生

『신당서』를 통해 본 한중관계 고찰

김재선 한민족문화학회 2008 한민족문화연구 Vol.27 No.-

Traditionally, the foreign affairs between ancient Korean dynasties and Chinese dynasties have mainly been based on economic trading partnerships. Exchanges of high quality goods and farm products and cultural items are done through the channel of government level visits between dynasties in Korea and China. This kind of government channel is vital in compensating the short comings of the commercial trading in privet sectors between them. This channel has been mostly smooth, although it was in tense situations occasionally. The tense situations occurred, when this channel was degraded into “Jo-Gong,朝貢” relationship. Consequently, these situations have generated significant impacts on nationalism and misconception throughout long generations and history of Korea and China. Under today’s globalization trend, it is not desirable to carry the burden of the past history regardless of good or evil. However, it is critical to understand the true nature of the past experiences, and, then, apply what we’ve learned in beneficial way. With this positive and forward thinking, this study reports the new findings and interpretations based on ‘Shin-Dang-Se (New Tang Dynasty Record)’, especially in the roles and activities of China Tang Dynasty’s ‘Ho-Bu (Treasury Department)’ and ‘Ye-Bu (Foreign and Royal Affair Department,禮部)’ related to Korean Dynasties. After in depth analysis, this report provided clarification of the differences between ‘Bun (Province within Tang Dynasty,藩)’ and ‘Bun (Country/Nation outside Tang Dynasty,蕃)’ --- Although both ‘Bun’s have the same pronunciations and also have similar character shapes, but they are two different words with opposite meanings. 예부터 한중 양국 간은 서로 부족한 것은 취하여 짧은 것을 보완하고 없는 것을 교환하여 서로 보충하는 수단으로 삼으며 때로는 소원했지만 대부분 좋은 관계를 유지하며 우의를 가진 관계인 것이다. 그러나 이러한 양국 간의 관계를 주종관계로 인식하려는 책동이 우리 한민족에게 주는 정신적 충격은 이후 민족의 역사발전에도 막대한 영향력이 있음을 간과해서는 안 된다. 우리는 과거 역사의 恩怨에 대하여 연연하거나 어깨에 짊어지고 다닐 필요는 없는 것이다. 그러나 진지하게 과거를 되돌아보고 그중에서 필요한 경험을 배우는 것은 반드시 필요한 것임은 의심할 필요가 없는 것이다. 이에 본고에서는 『신당서』에 나타난 빈례와 호부와 예부 그리고 藩과 蕃을 분석 고찰하여 당과 우리민족과의 실제적 관계를 밝히는데 일조하였다.

당대(唐代) 시회(詩會)의 통시적(通時的) 변화: 상사일(上巳日) 시회(詩會)를 중심으로

강필임 ( Kang Pilyim ) 한국중국학회 2017 중국학보 Vol.81 No.-

본 연구는 唐代 上巳日 詩會를 중심으로 당대 시회의 통시적 변화를 고찰했다. 상사일 시회를 주요 연구대상으로 삼은 이유는 시회의 직접적인 기원이라 할 수 있는 蘭亭雅會가 상사일에 열렸고, 당대 문인들은 상사일이면 蘭亭雅會의 풍류를 모방하고 시회의 전통을 계승하고자 많은 시회를 개최했기 때문이다. 『全唐詩』에서 上巳日, 上巳, 三月三日, 三日, 修?, ?? 등의 시어가 사용된 작품을 뽑아 주요 연구대상으로 했다. 전통적으로 상사일에는 동으로 흐르는 물가에서 몸을 씻으며 한 해의 재앙을 떨어버리는 `修?`라는 전통풍습이 행해졌다. 당대 문인들은 이 수계 행사와 함께, 시회를 개최하기도 했다. 당대 황실에서는 상사일이면 渭水나 曲江으로 나가 수계를 진행하고 관료들과 시를 지어 酬唱하기도 했다. 이때 지어진 시는 應制詩나 奉和詩였는데, 전반적으로 내용보다는 修辭가 중시되었다. 시의 형식은 시대에 따라 古詩에서 점차 律詩나 絶句로 지어졌다. 상사일 宮庭詩會는 전반적으로 初·盛唐 시기에 빈번하게 개최되었고, 中唐 이후 현저히 감소한다. 당대 일반 문인들도 시회에서 지은 작품에 봄날의 경치나 상사일 연회의 즐거움 등을 주로 묘사했다. 특히 초성당의 시회에서는 주어진 제목으로 참가자들이 동시에 시를 짓거나, 현장에서 제시된 韻 자로 시를 창작함으로써, 각자의 作詩 능력을 발휘했다. 그러나 궁정시회와는 달리, 문인 간의 시회는 단순히 시가 창작만이 목적이 아니라, 궁극적으로는 그것을 통한 상호 소통이 목적이다. 대표적인 작품이 中唐 大和 4년(830년)의 상사일에 李德裕와 劉禹錫이 주고받은 唱和詩이다. 唱和詩의 和詩 작자는 일차적으로 唱詩에 대한 독자여서 기본적으로 상호 내면적 교류가 가능하다. 이처럼 중당 이후의 문인 시회에서 창화시가 시회의 주요 형식이 된 것은, 시회문화가 干謁이나 詩才의 경쟁보다는 문인 간의 소통과 교류의 역할이 중시되면서 보편적 교류문화로 정착했기 때문이다. 또 中唐 시기 元?, 白居易가 `和韻`의 唱和詩를 수창하면서, 시회에서도 依韻, 次韻 등의 방식으로 和詩를 창작했고, 晩唐에는 次韻詩가 창화시의 주요 형식이 되었다. 당대 시회는 初·盛唐에는 宮庭과 귀족을 중심으로 전개되다가, 中唐 이후 문인 사회에 파급되면서 정치성이 약해지고 상대적으로 수평적인 교류문화로 정착했다. 이러한 환경변화를 바탕으로 唱和詩나 和韻詩 등 상호성이 담보된 시가형식이 보편화 될 수 있었고, 시회문화는 문인사회의 보편적인 교류, 오락, 창작문화로 정착된 것이라 할 수 있다. This study examined the diachronic changes in the poetry parties during the Tang Dynasty focusing on the Sangsiri(上巳日) Poetry Party(詩會). Sangsiri was originally the “snake day” in the beginning of March, however, was fixed to March 3 after the Wei- Jin(魏晉) period. The reason the Sangsiri Poetry Party was chosen as the major subject of study is that the Meeting of Scholars in the Lan Pavilion which is considered as the direct origin of poetry party was held on Sangsiri, and the literary people at the time held a number of poetry parties on Sangsiri to take after the art of and continue the legacy of the Meeting of Scholars in the Lan Pavilion(蘭亭). The works that used poetic words such as Sangsiri, Sangsi(上巳), March 3, Xiuxi(修?) and Fuxi(??) in 『Quantangshi (全唐詩)』 were selected as the major subjects of the study. Traditionally, people had the custom of `Xiuxi` which was to bathe in the waters flowing toward the east to wash away ill fortunes of the year on Sangsiri. Literary men of the Tang Dynasty also held the poetry party with xiuxi. The royal family of Tang also did xiuxi in Weishui(渭水) or Qujiang(曲江) on Sangsiri and wrote and exchanged poems with bureaucrats. The poems written during this time were Yingzhi poetry(應制詩) or Fenghe poetry(奉和詩), which emphasized rhetorics than the overall meaning. The format of the poems gradually moved on from ancient poem to lvshi or quatrains according to the period. The poetry party in the palace on Sangsiri was held frequently during the early Tang Dynasty and quite rarely from the mid-Tang Dynasty. Ordinary literary people during the Tang Dynasty also mainly appreciated the spring scenery or the joy of the party on Sangsiri in the poems they wrote at the party. During the poetry parties held in the early Tang Dynasty, in particular, the participants demonstrated their poetic mastery by writing poems at the same time on the given subject or using the rhyme presented at the scene. Unlike the poetry party in the palace, however, the poetry parties held by literary people were intended for not only writing poems but also communicating with each other through the poems. One of the typical examples is the antiphon poems(唱和詩) exchanged between Li Deyu(李德裕) and Liu Yuxi(劉禹錫) on Sangsiri in the fourth year in the reign of King Wenzong(文宗) of the mid Tang Dynasty(830). The author of the responding poem(和詩) in antiphon poetry is primarily the reader of the changshi(唱詩) and basically it enables internal reciprocal exchange. The fact that the antiphon poetry became the main format for a poetry party indicates that the culture of poetry party settled down as a universal exchange culture as the emphasis was given on the communication and exchange between literary people than as a way of seeking to interview with requests for favor or as the competition of poetic talent. After Yuan Zhen(元?) and Bai Juyi(白居易) began to write antiphon poetry in the mid-Tang Dynasty, the participants of poetry parties created responding poems in the manner of yiyun(依韻) or ciyun(次韻), and rhyme poem became the major format of the antiphon poetry in the late Tang Dynasty. The poetry parties were mainly held by the royal family and bureaucrats in the early Tang Dynasty and gradually lost political aspects as they were spread to literary people and settled down as a relatively horizontal exchange culture from the mid Tang Dynasty, and the formats that assured reciprocality such as antiphon poetry and poems with the same rhythm became universal.

당대(唐代) 연유도기(鉛釉陶器)의 생산 및 수출 지역의 변화와 그 의미

김은경 ( Kim Eun-kyoung ) 동양미술사학회 2019 동양미술사학 Vol.8 No.-

당대는 축적된 연유기술을 바탕으로 화려한 삼채도기 문화를 꽃피운 시기였다. 당대의 연유도기는 이전의 단색 연유기술과 달리 다양한 색상의 구현이 가능했으며, 세 가지 색 이상을 혼용하기도 하여 시각적인 화려함이 극대화되었다. 소위 당삼채라는 당대의 대표적 연유도기는 7세기 중반 盛唐 이후 크게 유행하였다. 주로 부장품인 明器로 활용되었으나 출토 상황에 의하면 일상생활에서도 적지 않게 사용되고 있음이 확인된다. 오늘날 고고학적 발굴 성과에 의하면 당대의 연유도기는 화북 및 화남 등 여러 窯場에서 생산되었으며, 중국 내 소비와 함께 동아시아는 물론 동남아시아와 서아시아로까지 널리 수출되어 활발한 소비가 이루어졌다. 본 연구에서 당대의 주력 생산품이었던 당대 연유도기의 생산과 소비, 그리고 수출에 관한 그간 학계의 연구성과를 소개하고 관련 논제들을 검토해보고자 하였다. 아울러 그간 동아시아에 비해 덜 주목되었던 동남아시아와 서아시아 지역의 출토 사례를 중심으로 해외 전파와 그 의미를 살펴보고자 하였다. 그 결과 몇 가지의 결론을 내릴 수 있었다. 먼저 여러 발굴성과를 토대로 살펴보면, 당대 厚葬문화 덕에 初唐부터 이미 삼채 도용이 대규모로 생산되었고, 이는 황족묘나 고관대작 분묘 출토품을 통해 어렵지 않게 추정이 가능하다. 하지만 한편으로 섬서 서안의 中堡村이나 하남성의 張思忠夫婦墓 등의 출토 예를 통해, 無官職이거나 중상급의 평민계층 사이까지 폭넓게 향유되었음을 알 수 있어 이는 당대의 전형적 부장문화임을 알 수 있었다. 그러나 8세기 중엽 안녹산의 난(755~763) 이후, 화려한 당삼채의 생산이 종식되고 대신 백유녹채의 생산이 활발해졌다. 이는 성당기의 삼채와는 성격을 달리하는 새로운 채유 도기로 성당시기 당삼채는 부장용 명기의 성격이 강했으나, 9세기 백유녹채도기는 실용기에 가깝다. 그런데 이 백유녹채도기의 제작을 촉구한 역사적 배경은 바로 8세기 후반 이후 바닷길을 통해 이루어진 서아시아, 즉 이슬람제국과의 교역이라고 할 수 있다. 특히, 9세기 폭발적으로 증가한 이슬람과의 도자무역은 결과적으로 이슬람 시장과 영향력에 대한 당나라의 태도에 기인한 것이라 판단된다. 이는 단순히 동방의 연유 도기가 이슬람권에 수출된 것이 아니라 이슬람권의 기호를 중국 측이 수용한 결과로 보아야 할 것이다. The Tang Dynasty was a period when three colors of pottery flourished based on the accumulated technology of lead glaze. Lead-glazed Stoneware of the Tang Dynasty was able to implement a variety of colors, unlike previous monochrome lead-glaze technology, and it was possible to combine more than three colors to maximize its magnificence. Tang sancai [the three-colored ware], which is the representative lead-glazed stoneware in tang dynasty became popular after the High Tang Dynasty in the middle of the 7th century. It was mainly used as a grave goods, but according to the excavation data it is confirmed that used in everyday life. According to today’s archaeological findings, the lead-glazed Stoneware of the Tang Dynasty was produced by several kiln sites, including both northern and southern part of China. Along with consumption in China, it has been widely exported to East Asia as well as Southeast Asia and West Asia and had been actively consumed. In this study, I wanted to introduce the research results of academia on the production, consumption and export of the Lead-glazed Stoneware in the Tang Dynasty, which was the main product of the Tang Dynasty, and examine related issues. In addition, plans to examine Overseas propagation and its meaning with the focus on the cases of excavated in Southeast Asia and Western Asia, which have been less noticeable than in East Asia. As a result, I was able to draw a few conclusions. On the basis of various excavation results, three-colored ware figure have already been produced on a large scale from Early Tang due to the lavish burial culture of the Tang Dynasty, This can be easily estimated through the Excavated article of the royal family tomb or high office tomb. on the other hands, it can be confirmed that sancai figures had been enjoyed among the upper middle class including non-official civilians by the excavations of zhongbaocun(中堡村) in Xi'an and Tomb of Zhang SiZhong(張思忠夫婦墓) in Henan province. However, after the middle of the 8th century An Lushan Rebellion(安史之亂,755~763), the production of magnificent three-colored ware was terminated and the production of green on white lead-glazed Stoneware became active. This is a new glaze colored pottery which is different from the three colored pottery of High Tang Dynasty. The three colored pottery of the High Tang Dynasty were mainly grave goods, but the 9th green on white lead-glazed Stoneware was close to a practical ware. It is interesting to note that the historical background that prompted the production of this green on white lead-glazed Stoneware was the trade with West Asia, that is to say Islamic empire, through the sea route since the late 8th century. In particular, the explosive growth of ceramic trade with Islam in the 9th century is consequently attributed to Tang’s attitude toward the Islamic market and its influence. This is not merely the export of lead glazed stoneware of Eastern to the Islamic world, It should be seen as the result of China's acceptance of the Islamic tastes.

당대(唐代) 형요(邢窯) 자기에 보이는 서역의 영향과 특징

신현진 ( Shin¸ Hyeon-jin ) 동양미술사학회 2021 동양미술사학 Vol.13 No.-

당대(唐代)는 고대 중국 사회 발전의 전성기로 대외교류가 매우 활발하였고 도자기도 빠른 속도로 발전한 중요한 시기이다. 이 시기에는 요장들이 각지에 널리 퍼졌으며 생산 규모가 방대하고 그 기술 수준 또한 높았다. 그 중 가장 저명한 요장은 남방의 청자를 대표하는 월주요(越州窯)와 북방의 백자를 대표하는 형요(邢窯)였다. 형요는 남북조(南北朝)시기에 개요한 후 초기에는 청자가 주를 이루다가 북조 후기 중국에서 백자를 가장 먼저 생산하였다. 그 후 수대(隋代)에 빠른 속도의 발전을 거쳐 당대에 가장 성행하여 중국 백자 생산의 중심이 되었으며 만당(晩唐)시기에 대규모의 홍수와 전란으로 요업이 쇠퇴하여 오대(五代)시기에 요업이 정지되었다. 당대는 형요 역사상 가장 번성한 시기로 청자가 주도하던 발전 방향을 변화시켜 “남청북백(南青北白)”의 국면을 맞을 만큼 자기의 수준이 정점에 이르렀다. 이 시기 형요는 중앙아시아를 통한 서역과의 대외교류를 통해 유입된 문물들의 영향을 받아 독특한 조형의 기물들을 생산함으로써 당대의 국제성과 개방성을 보여주었다. 이러한 이국적인 기형들의 기원은 그 계통에 따라 로마-비잔틴, 사산, 소그드로 분류할 수 있으며 이들은 유입 경로나 발전 과정에서 문화 요소들이 융합되면서 양식 변천을 보이기도 한다. 중국에서는 1950년대부터 형요 자기가 각지에서 출토되고 80년대 이후 발굴이 진행되면서 종합적인 연구가 이루어졌으나 한국에서는 형요 백자가 월주요 청자와 비교되거나 함께 사용되었던 간략한 사례 정도로 다루어져 왔을 뿐 형요 자기 자체에 대한 연구는 이루어지지 않았다. 따라서 본 논문에서는 형요 역사상 가장 번성한 시기인 당대에 주목하여 형요 자기에 보이는 서역의 영향과 특징에 집중하였으며 경제, 문화, 무역이 번영하였던 당대가 가지는 개방성과 국제성을 형요 자기를 통해 전달하는 데 의의가 있다. The Tang Dynasty is the heyday of ancient Chinese social development when economy prospered and active foreign exchanges took place and it was also a time when ceramic industry made rapid development. During this period, facilities for producing porcelain were springing up everywhere and quantity and quality of production were immense and advanced. The most famous facilities for producing porcelain were Yue kiln representing the celadon of the southern region and Xing kiln representing the white porcelain of the northern region. Xingware was mainly comprised of celadon in the initial stage after it began to be manufactured from the Period of Northern and Southern Dynasty. However, in the late Northern Dynasty, white porcelain began to be produced for the first time. Afterwards, after undergoing rapid development in the Sui Dynasty, Xingware dominated the Tang Dynasty and became the center of white porcelain production in China. When the ceramic industry degraded due to large_scale flood and war in the late Tang Dynasty, the industry ultimately came to a close in the period of Five Dynasties period. The Tang Dynasty was the period when Xingware was the most prosperous and the level of Xingware was at its climax and new chapter of Chinese porcelain development began at a time when development direction led by celadon transformed into the phase of “Southern Region is celadon and Northern Region is white porcelain”. Furthermore, the Tang Dynasty Xingware gave rise to unique sculptures after being influenced by culture from active exchanges with the Western countries through Central Asia and displayed internationality and openness of the Tang Dynasty. The origins of works produced after the influence of Western factors were classified into Sogdiana, Sasanian Persia and Byzantium based on their descent and changes in style occurred after cultural factors united in influx channel or development process. In China, the studies on Xingware began from a basic level after they began to be excavated from everywhere from the 1950s and comprehensive studies began to be conducted through excavated Xingware from the 1980s. However, Xingware have been treated as simple cases being compared with celadon of Yue kiln or being used along with Yue kiln and not a single comprehensive study on Xingware has been conducted until now. Thus, this study began to accurately look into detailed aspects of the Tang Dynasty Xingware. In particular, Western sculptures and exported Xingware reflect the Tang Dynasty’s global and open nature. This study is meaningful in the sense that it understood unique form and decorating style influenced by Western factors after analyzing their origins.

수당대 화친 정책과 주변국과의 역학 관계에 대한 검토

우성민 중국고중세사학회 2019 중국고중세사연구 Vol.54 No.-

In general, Wang Zhaojun (王昭君)’s marriage to a Hun named Huhanye (呼韓邪單于) and Princess Wencheng’s marriage to a Tibetan named Songtsen Gampo are considered as the main examples of the ancient Chinese marriage alliance. However, such practice continued for over a thousand years when looking into Han Dynasty (漢) up to Tang Dynasty (唐) between Han and Hun/Wusun; Northern Wei and Rouran Khaganate; Western Wei and Rouran Khaganate; Eastern Wei and Tuyuhun; Eastern Wei and Rouran Khaganate; Northern Qi and Rouran Khaganate; Northern Zhou and Gokturk; Sui & Tang and Tuyuhun/Gokturk; Tibetan Empire, Khitan, Xi, Uyghur Khaganate; Nanzhao, among others. In most cases, princess from Zhongyuan dynasties were married to the kings of neighboring states. However, diverse cases are recorded where princess of neighboring states were married into Zhongyuan dynasties or marriage alliances practiced between neighboring states. Interestingly, the marriage alliances policy of Sui and Tang dynasties, the most powerful dynasties in the history of Chinese dynasties, was executed more frequently than any other dynasty. As highlighted in the Chinese academia, marriage alliance had a positive influence on the future generations in terms of racial union, cultural development, and economic growth. But at the same time, it also had some negative impact with some humiliating cases from the perspective of dynasties, as demonstrated in the tragic case in which a princess of a Zhongyuan dynasty had to be the wife of four qaghans in accordance with the levirate marriage tradition of the Northern nomad. Nevertheless, examination of the reasons for continuous practice of marriage alliances reveals that it was a desperate measure to stabilize the country’s governance in the Sui and Tang dynasties, and that it was frequently affected by the dynamics of neighboring states. As indicated in the preceding research on the amicability policy of the period, the aspects of the policy in the former period of Tang is clearly distinctive from that of the latter period, which reflects the pluralistic dynamics with Tang and its neighboring states. One example of the difference between the former and the latter periods of Tang would be that in the former period, most cases were royal family going hefan Princess, whereas in the latter period, princesses of the direct lineage (眞公主) such as daughters or sisters of the emperor of Tang were dispatched as hefan gongzh, including Princess Ningguo, Princess Xianan, Princess Taihe, Princess Anhua, among others. As indicated in the conversation of Princess Ningguo (寧國公主) who said she was obeying the command of marriage alliance for the well-being of the country. When Tang was in crisis after AnLushan Rebellion, it requested Uyghur Khaganate for military support, which was given to them after they sent Princess Ningguo to marry into the Uyghur Khaganate empire. The marriage alliance of Princess Xianan and Taihe was also for the stability of frontiers of Tang dynasty, suggesting marriage alliance had become a diplomatic measure to control dynamics with neighboring states. By reviewing marriage alliance cases between Zhongyuan dynasties and neighboring states in the former and the latter periods of Sui and Tang dynasties, this paper aims to comprehend the limits of the control of the neighboring states through tribute-investiture system, and focuses on various cases that demonstrate the equal positioning of Zhongyuan dynasties and neighboring states in the mutual relationship. Mainly it will examine the cases when Zhongyuan dynasties conducted marriage alliance in the equal position in order to cease or weaken the military force of neighboring states. A Tang poet, Li Shanfu (李山甫) wrote about Princess Chonghui (崇徽公主) marrying into the Uyghur khan under the governance of emperor Daizong of Tang (唐代宗) in “The Handwriting of Princess Chonghui of Yindi Pass” 『阴地关崇 ...

朝鮮宣祖時期唐詩接受特徵論

張景昆 연민학회 2024 연민학지 Vol.41 No.-

宣祖時期打破朝鮮詩壇二百年學蘇的局面, 由宋轉唐, 並孕育了“三唐”詩人這一宗唐創作高峰, 是朝鮮時代唐詩接受的關鍵時期。 其唐詩接受既與其後光海君、仁祖時期呈現不同的階段性特點, 也與中國本土的唐詩接受不同。 首先, 在宗唐緣起方面, 既得益於本土湖南詩壇李後白與文衡朴淳的引導, 又受到元明唐詩學影響, 如唐詩選本≪唐詩絕句≫≪唐音≫、格法著作≪詩法源流≫≪文筌≫以及李東陽等。 從文集流傳時間差以及取法對象、風格、用典、詩體的差異來看, 明代前後“七子”並非宣祖詩人的宗唐緣起。 朝鮮詩人申翊聖、金昌協對此有明確判斷。 其次, 宣祖時期的唐詩接受具有很強的實踐屬性, 重創作、輕理論。 打破宋詩的以學問爲詩、以議論爲詩, 重性情之真與性情之正, 少用典而重興象的建構, 並注重詩歌的聲韻美。 再次, 關於宣祖詩壇對唐詩的摹擬方式, 創作上以集句、次韻、效體(以高敬命爲代表)或沿襲唐人詩題(以許蘭雪軒爲代表)爲接受標誌, 同時包括對唐代詩人觀物方式、情感模式、詩法、風格、意境與審美理想的深層接受。 總體上追求的是唐詩格調的純粹, 宗唐得似, 其背後是嚴辨華夷、欽慕中华的文化心態。 最後, 關於唐詩典範的選擇, 接受媒介具有重要導向作用, 如蘇軾與朱熹共同促進了韋應物詩在朝鮮的經典化, 並認爲學杜不等於學唐。 During the Xuanzu period of the Joseon Dynasty, poets began to emulate Tang Poetry instead of Song Poetry, coinciding with the peak of Santang Poets’ fame and literary excellence. The period is momentous in the history of accepting Tang poetry, differing significantly from both the Guanghaijun and Renzu periods and developments in China. Firstly, the acceptance of Tang Poetry during this period was influenced significantly by Hunan poets of the Joseon Dynasty, especially Lee Houbai and Park Soon. It was also shaped by the Tang Poetry studies during the Yuan and Ming dynasties, including the Tang Poetry anthology Tang Poetry Jueju or Sound of Tang Dynasty, and prosody works such as The Source of Poetry Practice or Wenquan. The famous poet Lee Dongyang further contributed to this influence. It is crucial to emphasize that Qianhou Qizi in the Ming Dynasty was not the cause of Santang Poets, not only due to the time difference in the collection’s circulation but because their learning objectives, style, literary quotations, and literary form were different. Clear judgments on this matter were made by Joseon poets Shen Yisheng and Kim Changxie. Secondly, emphasizing writing over prosody theory, the poetry of this period reflected genuine and sincere emotions with fewer literary quotations and a focus on imagery. The pursuit of the rhyme beauty of poetry distinguished it from Song Poetry, which paid attention to knowledge and discussion. In addition, there are two signs that poets of the Xuanzu period emulated Tang Poetry. Firstly, they wrote Jiju, Ciyun, or Xiaoti represented by Gao Jingming. Secondly, they adopted titles of Tang Poetry represented by Xu Lanxuexuan. Additionally, they learned from the observation of the world, emotional modes, poetic methods, styles, artistic conceptions, and aesthetic ideals of Tang Dynasty poets. Collectively, they sought the purity of Tang poetry style with a cultural mentality that admired ancient Chinese culture. Last but not least, accepting media played an important guiding role in selecting a model from Tang poetry. For example, Sushi and Zhuxi played a significant role in promoting Wei Yingwu’s poems, which subsequently became classics in the Joseon Dynasty. They also distinguished between learning from Dufu and learning from Tang Poetry.

당대(唐代) 서승(書僧) 고한(高閑)의 서예(書藝)와 역대의 평가

禹在鎬 영남중국어문학회 2019 중국어문학 Vol.0 No.82

In the Tang Dynasty, there were many monks who had knowledge and cultural literacy: monk poets(Shi seng) who wrote poems well; monk painters(Hua seng) who painted pictures well; and monk calligraphers(Shu seng) who were excellent in calligraphy. There are countless monks of the Tang Dynasty who were well known as monk calligraphers. Among them, Huai Su and Gao Xian are the representative monk calligraphers of the Tang Dynasty. As a second review on the monk calligraphers of the Tang Dynasty, this study, first, briefly introduces Gao Xian’s life and calligraphy. Next, this study analyzes the literary works of the Tang Dynasty that sang and evaluated Gao Xian’s calligraphy and the poems of the Tang Dynasty, as well as the evaluations of Gao Xian’s calligraphy by the literary men since the Tang Dynasty. Some discriminating features in the evaluations of Gao Xian’s calligraphy are as follows: Extreme praises and criticisms exist at the same time; the praises and criticisms of Gao Xian’s calligraphy are compared with those of Zhang Xu’s and Huai Su’s; the evaluations since the Tang Dynasty were very much mediated by Han Yu’s Farewell speech for monk Gao Xian. Although, unlike Zhang Xu and Huai Su, extreme praises and criticisms exist for Gao Xian’s cursive script, the fact that Gao Xian is compared with Zhang Xu or Huai Su, who were representative cursive script calligraphers in the Tang Dynasty, demonstrates the excellence of Gao Xian’s cursive script, who was the representative cursive script calligrapher in the Late Tang period.