1950~1960년대 북한의 ‘혁명전통’ 확립과정과 역사인식의 변화

문미라(Moon Mi-ra) 한국역사연구회 2021 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.119

The purpose of this study is to historically analyze how North Korea’s ‘revolutionary tradition’ was ‘discovered’ and settled in the 1950s and 1960s, when the anti-Japanese armed struggle began to be deified as the ‘revolutionary tradition’ in North Korea. In order to restore Kim Il Sung’s anti-Japanese armed struggle as the only ‘revolutionary tradition’ North Korea sent investigation teams to investigate and collect related relics and artifacts while traveling to sites where Kim Il Sung staged the anti-Japanese armed struggle. In particular, in May 1959, a research team visited Yanbain, which was the main stage of Kim Il Sung’s activities, and explored more than 200 historic sites over a long period of five months. The performance of the team was actively promoted to North Koreans through exhibitions and publications of records on the expeditions. The restoration of North Korea’s domestic revolutionary sites and museums was also carried out, making the Bochonbo and Yanggang areas where Kim Il Sung’s actual combat activities took place a place of ‘revolutionary tradition,’ while the Bochonbo Museum and other museums served as schools of ‘revolutionary tradition’ culture. As invention of the history and creation of spatial sculptures were the contents of the ‘revolutionary tradition,’ these had to be used to promote the ‘revolutionary tradition.’ North Korea organized field trips and marches to anti-Japanese war sites with students and young people in order to promote them as part of sports activities focused on ‘playfulness’. Encouraging North Korean people to study Memoir and commemorate ‘revolutionary tradition,’ which had swept the entire North Korean society since 1959, played a crucial role in the everyday of people. As North Korea attached the meaning of ‘revolutionary tradition’ to Kim Il Sung’s anti-Japanese armed struggle from the late 1950s to the early 1960s, the direction of history description and education was bound to change accordingly. History of Korean National Liberation Struggle (1958) and History of Korean Modern Revolution Movement (1961) that were written based on ‘revolutionary tradition’ defined Kim Il Sung’s armed struggle against Japan as the only ‘revolutionary tradition.’ Such changes in history description were reflected in history education in schools. Teachers had to educate their students that all the anti-Japanese armed struggles were done to prepare for founding the Party after liberation. In addition, from a much earlier period than other units, ‘Research Group for Educating People about Kim Il Sung’s Revolutionary Activities’ was established in education field to train students into human being that embodied the ‘revolutionary tradition.’

북한의 갑산파 숙청과 ‘혁명전통’의 굴절

문미라 역사문제연구소 2022 역사비평 Vol.- No.139

The purge of the Gapsan faction in 1967 was an important turning point in the history of North Korea. After this incident, the monolithic ideological system and leadership of North Korea were established and the personality cult crystallized. In this process, the ‘Revolutionary Tradition’ based on the history of Kim Il Sung’s anti-Japanese guerrillas became rich in content and became an indispensable regulatory power. This article re-examines the reasons for the purge of the Gapsan faction by analyzing the historical materials of the time and analyzes how the political aftermath of the incident changed the narrative of the ‘Revolutionary Tradition’. Here are the analyzes. First, it is difficult to note that the Gapsan faction emphasized its own experience with the anti-Japanese guerrillas as different from that of Kim Il Sung and denied the exclusivity of the ‘Revolutionary Tradition’. Contrary to previous studies, there is no evidence that the faction espoused a socialist patriotism that was supposedly different from the ‘Revolutionary Tradition’. The two concepts -socialist patriotism and ‘Revolutionary Tradition’- were not in opposition to each other. In summary, the Gapsan faction’s attempt to pluralize the ‘Revolutionary Tradition’, as claimed in many studies, did not exist. Second, the main reason for the purge was the Gapsan faction’s opposition to the succession system. Around 1966, Park Geom-chol, a representative figure of the faction, vehemently opposed Kim Yong ju and Kim Jong Il, who emerged as candidates for succession. After the faction was purged during the succession conflict, the content of the ‘Revolutionary Tradition’ was distorted in a way that emphasized Kim Il Sung’s lineage. The revolutionization of Kim’s family was an attempt to legitimize the succession from Kim Il Sung to Kim Jong Il. In other words, the ‘Revolutionary Tradition’ in North Korea was completed by honoring Kim Jong Il, a legitimate son, as the successor. 1967년 갑산파 숙청은 북한 역사의 중대한 전환점이었다. 갑산파 숙청 이후 북한에서는 유일사상체계와 유일지도체계가 확립되었고 개인숭배 구조가 정착되었다. 이 과정에서 김일성의 항일무장투쟁을 핵심으로 하는 ‘혁명전통’은 점차 그 내용을 풍부히 하면서 북한사회의 절대적인 규정력으로 자리매김하였다. 본 연구는 갑산파 숙청 원인을 당대 자료에 기초하여 다시 살펴보고, 갑산파 숙청이라는 정치 변동의 여파가 ‘혁명전통’의 내용을 어떻게 바꾸었는가를 분석하였다. 분석 결과는 아래와 같다. 첫째, 당대의 자료에서는 갑산파가 김일성의 항일무장투쟁과 별개로 자신들의 항일투쟁을 강조하려는 모습이나 ‘혁명전통’의 유일성을 부정하는 양상을 확인하기 어렵다. 또한 선행연구의 주장과 달리, ‘혁명전통’과 결이 다른 사회주의적 애국주의를 갑산파가 주도했다는 증거도 찾을 수 없다. 사회주의적 애국주의는 ‘혁명전통’과 대립하는 개념이 아니었다. 요컨대 기존 연구에서 주장하는 갑산파의 ‘혁명전통’ 다원화 시도는 존재하지 않았다고 할 수 있다. 둘째, 갑산파 숙청의 근본적인 원인은 후계체제에 대한 갑산파의 반발이었다. 1966년경 박금철 등 갑산파는 김일성의 후계자로 떠오른 김영주와 김정일을 강력하게 반대하였다. 후계구도를 둘러싼 갈등의 결과로 갑산파가 숙청되자 ‘혁명전통’의 내용은 김일성 가계(家系)를 강조하는 방향으로 굴절되었다. 김일성 가계의 ‘혁명화’는 김정일로의 대를 이은 계승에 대한 정당화 시도였다. 즉, 북한에서 ‘혁명전통’은 그 전통의 ‘적자(嫡子)’인 김정일을 후계자로 추대함으로써 비로소 완성되었던 것이다.

탈식민지화의 요구와 북한미술가들의 정체성형성 -1950년대 말 1960년대 초 혁명전통 성립과정을 중심으로-

이영지 ( Youngji Lee ) 덕성여자대학교 인문과학연구소 2021 인문과학연구 Vol.- No.33

1950년대 말 1960년대 초 북한미술계는 김일성의 1930년대 항일무장투쟁을 중심으로 조선독립과 민족해방 그리고 조국통일로 이어지는 탈식민지적 역사의 패러다임을 구축하고, 김일성과 항일무장투사들을 영웅적으로 형상화하여 당의 역사를 이룬 공산주의자의 전형으로 내세운다. 천리마 운동이 펼쳐지던 1959년 생산품의 질적 제고 문제가 대두되자, 그 흐름에 맞춰 미술계에서도 기존의 혁명전통 주제화를 재평가하고, 그 사상-예술적 질을 향상시키기 위한 대안을 마련한다. 이에 미술가들은 혁명전적지 조사사업에 참여하여 역사화와 기념비 제작을 위한 실증적 창작태도를 취하며, 새로운 창작 기풍을 세우기 위한 제도적 장치로서 집체창작과 합평회 그리고 미술써클 활동을 본격적으로 조직화한다. 혁명전통의 수립과정은 미술가들에게 일제강점기에 주입된 “낡은 부르죠아 사상”과 반동적인 미술사조, 그리고 바람직하지 못한 창작태도를 고치고, 새로운 탈식민지적 주체로 거듭날 것을 요구하는데, 이때 읽기와 형상화, 발화와 글쓰기가 새로운 정체성 형성에 큰 역할을 한다. 한편 재일조선인귀국사업의 여파로 북한의 탈식민지화 정책은 일본에까지 그 영향을 미치게 되고, 북한의 혁명전통 교양사업이 냉전시대의 영향으로 초국적 성격을 띠며, 반자본주의, 반제국주의, 그리고 강한 민족주의적 성격으로 변하게 된다. In the late 1950s and early 1960s, North Korea reconfigured a paradigm of post-colonial history that led to Korean independence, national liberation, and Korea’s reunification centering on Kim Il-Sung’s anti-Japanese armed struggle in the 1930s. The historical lineage of the revolutionary tradition positioned Kim and his heroic comrades, who originated the revolutionary tradition, as the epitome of communists amid the anti-Japanese guerrilla war. In 1959, when the Chollima Movement was unfolding, how to improve the quality of products became a pivotal issue in North Korea. North Korean artists reevaluated pre-existing revolutionary traditional art and attempted to improve its ideological-artistic quality in tandem with the party-led economic and political policy. The party organized a revolutionary battlefield investigation team to research revolutionary sites in Yanbian and Manchuria where Kim and his partisans fought against Japanese imperialism in the 1930s. The research team took an empirical approach to the historicization of the revolutionary tradition by collecting evidence and conducting interviews with former anti-Japanese partisans. Likewise, during their field research, artists Jung Kwanchul (1916-1983) and Moon Haksu (1916-1988) drew portraits of local revolutionaries and painted landscapes of historic sites. Sculptors including You Jinmyeong also joined this movement of historical research by visiting revolutionary battlefields in order to design and build monuments to commemorate revolutionary history in local areas. Meanwhile, the North Korean art world produced a new mode of art-cultural production that combined collective creation and evaluation. This systematic organization became the platform on which artists as a group studied the revolutionary tradition represented by Kim and his partisans and reshaped their own collective identity in relation to this tradition. North Korean artists were expected to abandon their bourgeois mindset, remove lingering styles of formalism, and reform themselves as decolonial subjects. With North Korea’s implementation of the Homecoming Movement for ethnic Koreans in Japan, the revolutionary tradition took on a more transnational, anti-capitalist, and anti-imperialist characteristic. North Korean artists and Zainichi artists together formed a transnational network underpinned by the anti-capitalist and antiimperialist rhetorics of the Cold War. The returnees from Japan followed the decolonial movement of North Korea by performing as desirable communist subjects in everyday life as a means to cater to Kim Il-Sung and his party.

‘혁명적 문학’의 발명

남원진 한국언어문화학회 2019 한국언어문화 Vol.0 No.68

Is ‘revolutionary literature’ real art or invention of revolutionary tradition in the Juche Ideology Age? This text begins with the question. The history which has become part of national ideology has not actually been piled up by people’s memories but selected, reconstructed and also institutionalized by the state powers in charge of the role. In the Juche Ideology Age, they have created new ‘revolutionary literature’ with various old materials for a new purpose. The North Josun Planning which reconstructed Josun literature in the colonial age chose to construct the cognitive map of North Josun style Josun literature with proletarian literature, especially, socialist realist literature as the nucleus. However, the penetration of the anti-Japanese armed struggle history guided by Kim Ilsung in the latter half of the 1950s had the selection of Josun literature rearranged centering on ‘his revolutionary poems and songs’. Since Unique ideology system was constructed, the planning has provided a peculiar form of Juche literature made, in particular, anti-Japanese revolutionary literary art including ‘his immortal classical masterpieces’ advocating Kim Ilsungism. And how should the Juche literature made centering on Kim Ilsung’s revolutionary poems and songs be seen? Past incidents do not objectively exist but only in recorded data and human memories. The past results from the data and memories put together. His revolutionary poems and songs including ‘his immortal classical masterpieces’, which are said to be his creations, are presumably the examples typical of such past reconstruction. That is, his poems and songs including ‘his immortal classical masterpieces’ ordinarily seem to have been made in the colonial age, but if they are actually traced to their origin, they are not only recent but also invented. Also, it disproves the fact that the power of North Josun organizes and controls the past according to its political intention. Therefore, the revolutionary literature of North Josun is not actual art but invention of revolutionary tradition. In the current point of time, it is urgently necessary to restore the past made by the power. 주체 시대, ‘혁명적 문학’은 실재의 기술인가, 혁명적 전통의 발명인가? 이 글은 이에 대한 의문에서 시작된다. 국가의 이데올로기의 일부가 된 역사는 실제로인민의 기억에 의해 쌓인 것이 아니라 그 역할을 맡았던 국가권력들에 의해 선별되고 재구성되며, 또한 제도화된 것이다. 이는 주체 시대, 새로운 목적을 위하여낡은 여러 재료를 갖고 새로운 ‘혁명적 문학’을 창출한 것이라는 말이다. 식민지 시대 조선문학을 재구성했던 북조선 문화정치적 기획은 프롤레타리아문학, 특히 사회주의적 사실주의 문학을 중핵으로 북조선식 조선문학의 인식적 지도를 구성하고자 했다. 하지만 1950년대 후반 김일성이 지도한 항일무장투쟁사의침투로, 조선문학의 선별은 ‘혁명적 시가’들을 중심으로 재배치됐다. 유일사상체계가 구축된 후, 이런 북조선 기획은 만들어진 주체문학, 특히 김일성주의를 표방한 ‘불후의 고전적 명작’ 등의 항일혁명문학예술의 특이한 형태를 제공했다. 그런데 김일성의 혁명적 시가를 중심으로 만들어진 주체문학을 어떻게 보아야할 것인가? 과거의 사건들은 객관적으로 존재하는 것이 아니라 오직 기록된 자료와 인간의 기억 속에서만 존재하며, 과거는 그 자료와 기억이 한데 뭉친 것이다. 김일성이 ‘친필’한 것으로 말해진 ‘불후의 고전적 명작’ 등의 혁명적 시가들은 이런 과거 개조의 대표적인 예일 것이다. 즉, 김일성의 ‘불후의 고전적 명작’ 등의시가들은 통상 식민지 시대에 만들어진 것처럼 보이지만, 실제로 기원을 따져본다면 최근의 것일 뿐만 아니라 발명된 것이다. 또한 이는 북조선 권력이 정치적 의도에 따라 과거를 조작하고 통제한다는 사실을 반증한다. 따라서 북조선의 혁명적문학이란 실제의 기술이 아니라 혁명적 전통을 발명한 것에 해당된다. 현 시점에서, 북조선 권력에 의해 만들어진 과거를 복원할 필요가 절실하다.

역사가 입장에서 보는 역사소설과 사료 해석

박광용(Park Kwang-yong) 한국현대문학회 2006 한국현대문학연구 Vol.0 No.20

There are many historical novels. Historians want a novelist to study a lot of sources and to think with different views correctly and synthetically about his or her material when he or she write a historical novel; the novelist can express appropriately about the traditional features and typical characters through the process. Hwang Jin-ee( 黃眞伊) by Hong, Seok-joong(洪錫中) in North Korea is an excellent historical novel in this view. There are four original historical records about Hwang Jin-ee but Chinese poetry and shijoes(Korean odes; a kind of short lyric poem). But only three are left which show the thought of the time. The first of them is Eouyadam(於于野談; a historical romance) by Yu Mong-in(柳夢寅), which was written before the other two. Yu Mong-in, who was an administer, found Hwang Jin-ee's activism beyond any restriction and her self-realization. She was a different person. One of the other two is Songdokiee(松都奇異) by Lee, Deok-hyeong(李德泂), and the last is Chisorok(識小錄) by Heo, Kyoon(許筠). Lee, Deok-hyeong was a leader to form the main family of the gentry in Korea and he was caught Ms. Hwang's traditional beauty and a kisaeng's charm and aroma. Heo Kyoon who had a revolutionary temperament described her as an 'Eein(異人)' which means outstanding heroine. Without these, we have Songdoinmulchi which was written by Kim, Taeg-yeong(金澤榮, a Neo Confucianist) long after above three but many choose it to read. He gave warning of Ms. Hwang's action for herself from a patriarchism. Mr. Hong's Hwang Jin-ee didn't refer to Eouyadam by Yu Mong-in but chose Songdoinmulchi by Kim Taeg-yeong among the above references. This shows that he wanted to portray her kisaeng's life in ruled class prior to her self-realization. So we can tell the novel as a ‘Kisaeng Story'. Mr. Hong designed the common people who went to ruin as a pivot. Hwang Jin-ee's life represents the common ruined and their resist. This is for their relationship with the revolutionary tradition. Ms. Hwang has a gigolo who's called Nomi. Their relationship is destiny and the relations appear in the beginning, the middle, and the end. We can understand the Nomi is important as its heroine. Ms. Hwang's father is a noble(兩班) in origin, but her mother is a female slave, so she becomes a humble person in this novel. Nomi is a lowly man as a male slave originally but he appears as a common(平民). He is a son whose father has no his land and make money by a daily labor as a gogong(雇工). But his parents abandoned him(遺棄兒), so he is a roamer and becomes steward for the house of Mr. Hwang(Jinsa: a successful candidate in the secondary grade civil service examination). He is disappointed in the failure with Ms. Hwang and he leaves the house to become a leader of bandits and is put to death. Mr. Hong's Hwang Jin-ee was born in North Korea. The North Korea's historical school accept the popular resistance in the line of modern revolutionary tradition. A gang becomes a set of bandits, and the farmer's war which rose in Pyongan-do with leading of Hong Kyong-rae in 1811, resistances against Western invasions, Palchisan movement, and the North Korea's 'Juche (self-reliance) ideology(主體思想)' are followed. Nomi is a typical in the beginning of revolutionary tradition based on this 'Juche ideology'. Mr. Hong's Hwang Jin-ee is on the literary tradition of Lee Tae-joon's Hwang Jin-ee. And this historic novel is based on 'the revolutionary tradition' not based on 'the national cultural heritage' which are North Korea's two main pivots. So we can find some shortages. The first and the biggest is Mr. Hong's Hwang Jin-ee didn't see Chisorok by Heo Kyoon and didn't represent her outstanding character as an 'Eein'. The 'Eein' was the opposition of ‘Kunja(君子, a true gentle class)', but he or she is accepted as an important character because his or her accomplishment for subversion of a main community. Another shortage is Mr. Hong didn't represent her 'angelic beauty b

취치우바이(瞿秋白) 문학, 최후의 3년 ―취치우바이-루쉰 〈공동집필잡감(共同執筆雜感)〉(1933)과 《부질없는 이야기[多餘的話]》(1935)를 중심으로

이보고 ( Lee Bogo ) 한국중국어문학회 2020 中國文學 Vol.103 No.-

This paper tried to read again the literary practice of Quqiubai for his last 3 years. The last 3 years of Quqiubai’s literature are the period from the first half of 1933 to 1935, May. This period is in which Quqiubai was forced out of the Nationalist Party and hid himself in Shanghai only to run away to Ruijin that is the Jiangxi Soviet. Later, he was aisled in Ruijin and due to the 5th Communist subjugation of the Nationalist, he started on its big run, and in this time Quqiubai was ordered to remain in Ruijin from the party and to start a guerrilla war. Finally, escaping himself from Ruijin, Quqiubai went toward the place to be arrested and be executed on June, 1935 by the Nationalist Party. The texts mainly treated by this paper wereLuxun-Quqiubai’s < Coauthorized Miscellanies >written when he lived a secluded life by the help of Luxun in Sanghai and 《The Superfluous Words(多餘的話)》written before being executed by the Nationalist Party. This paper traced the mental trajectory at the final moment of Quqiubai’s life who was the representative intellectual and revolutionary from these two texts. First, in Luxun-Quqiubai’s <Coauthorized Miscellanies>text, he still sticked to his revolutionary position and challenges his criticism of intellectual used by the king with the techniques of satire. Although he was running away from the Nationalist Party, he said as Luxun’s story embodied China’s “Revolutionary Tradition”, he was proceeding the strict criticism with the writing for the Anti-revolutionary forces. Although his run-away environment was psychologically very pressed, Quqiubai was putting the strict criticism to such antirevolutionary intellectual as the position of Luxun. On the other hand, 《The Superfluous Words[多餘的話]》(1935)written before being executed by the Nationalist Party, he reflected on his role in the revolutionary history of China and confessed frankly his helplessness or limitations. Although he cannot be free from the root of the Gentleman’s class, he lead the Communist Party due to ‘the historical misconception’, but he did only confess that he did his role attributed by the history. Specially, he criticized that he could not be free from the past limit of gentleman’s limit about his identity as a ‘literary person(文人)’, while rather he had such a talent of literary man and from the inner side, he brought the identity conflict between the revolutionary and literary man. This paper traced his mind and inner contradiction of “literary man” who lived as a “revolutionary” like this through the case of Quqiubai. This paper found his merciless “self dissection” to recognize his limit of gentleman class in the case of Quqiubai, and his literature embodies well the “literary sublime” made by this self dissection. The final life sentence of Quqiubai was “This chinse Matou is so delicious. It is the best in the world.”, and from it could not we feel such a noble beauty? It is worth enjoying.

1871년 파리 코뮈나르의 혁명전통의 계승과 이용

玄在烈 부산경남사학회 2003 역사와 경계 Vol.49 No.-

The ideas and actions of a group are expected to be influenced, to some extent, by the past. Similarly the Communards of 1871 was influenced greatly by the French revolutionary traditions of nineteenth-century. Of the French revolutions of the nineteenth-century, the Paris Commune of 1871 was the revolution most influenced by the past. But the fact that a group had been influenced by the past does not mean that it had intended a return to the past. In general, there are three aspects in the traditions: transmission, selection and mobilization. The traditions are newly made as much as they are transmitted in the course of the transmission. This transmission process is accomplished on the basis of the reality of receivers. In this respect, the contents of traditions were selected in accordance with their circumstances. And the traditions must the most important factor of the collective mobilization of which the collective behaviors premise. Thus the inheritance of traditions is the use of traditions as well. As for the Communards, they also received and utilized actively the revolutionary traditions of the nineteenth-century according to their own needs under circumstances of that time.

1960년대 북소・북중관계와 ‘혁명전통’의 변화

문미라 한국사연구회 2022 한국사연구 Vol.- No.197

In the 1960s, North Korea began to expand its independence and Juche amid the gap between the Soviet Union and China. In the face of the division of the socialist camp and mounting national security instability in North Korea, independence and Juche have become more important values than anything else. Accordingly, the ‘Revolutionary Tradition’ also needed to be newly written. North Korea removed the Soviet Union from the history of the ‘Revolutionary Tradition’ and tried to prove that it was a people with a history of continuous struggle with nationalism, dogmatism, and left-leaning lines. In addition, with friendly North Korea-China relations and the restoration of North Korea-Soviet relations, North Korea could be recognized for its own ‘Revolutionary Tradition’ by China and the Soviet Union, which know best about Kim Il-sung`s history of anti-Japanese armed struggle. As a result, North Korea was able to realize not only the four principles of Juche ideology, ‘identity in thought,’ ‘independence in politics,’ ‘self-reliance in economy,’ and ‘self-defense in national defense,‘ but also ‘independence in history.’ 1960년대 북한은 소련과 중국의 틈바구니 속에서 자주와 주체의 외연 확장에 나섰다. 사회주의 진영의 분열과 북한의 안보 불안이 가중되는 상황에서, 자주와 주체는 그 어떤 것보다 중요한 가치가 되었고 이에 따라 ‘혁명전통’도 새롭게 쓰일 필요가 있었다. 그것은 ‘혁명전통’에서 소련을 지우고 자신들이 대국주의, 교조주의, 좌경노선과 끊임없이 투쟁해온 역사를 가진 민족이었음을 증명하려는 모습으로 나타났다. 또한 우호적인 북중관계와 북소관계 회복을 계기로, 북한은 김일성의 항일무장투쟁 역사를 가장 잘 알고 있는 중국과 소련으로부터 자신들만의 ‘혁명전통’을 인정받을 수 있었다. 그 결과 북한은 ‘사상에서의 주체’, ‘정치에서의 자주’, ‘경제에서의 자립’, ‘국방에서의 자위’라는 주체사상 4대 원칙뿐 아니라 ‘역사에서의 자주’까지 실현할 수 있게 되었다.

1960년대 중반 북한 경제위기 양상과 혁명전통의 유일성 확립

조우찬(Cho, Woo Chan) 서강대학교 현대정치연구소 2018 현대정치연구 Vol.11 No.1

1960년대 중반에 박금철을 제거한 숙청의 본질은 김일성으로의 고도의 권력 집중화를 위한것이었다. 한편, 박금철은 이 무렵에 나타난 경제적 무질서와 혼란, 경제 침체를 타개하기 위한 방안으로 소련의 리베르만 방식을 부분적으로 시도하였다. 그러나 비효율을 개선하기 위해서 시범적으로 현장에 적용한 경제 조치는 뒤늦게 수정주의의 유포라는 비판에 직면하였다. 수정주의는 박금철과 갑산파를 제거하기 위한 정략적 명분으로 활용되었다. 혁명전통의 유일성에 찬동하지 않던 갑산파는 ‘반당수정주의자’ 규정되었다. 박금철에 대한 숙청은 중국의 류사오치(劉少奇)처럼 실용적인 경제 방안을 시도했다가 제거되었다는 점에서 일정 부분 유사점이 있다. 그러나 노선투쟁 혹은 권력투쟁이 본격화되기도 전에 상황은 종결되었고 정치, 경제, 사회, 문예 등 전 영역에서 혁명전통의 유일성이 유례없이 강화되는 추세에 돌입하였다. 김일성은 경제 혼란의 와중에서 개혁에 대한 배격과 함께 박금철과 갑산파에 대해서 ‘반당수정주의자’라는 굴레를 씌워 제거하였다. 이로써 혁명전통의 유일성 확립과 유일지배체제 확립을 위한 토대가 구축되었다. The purpose of this study is to analyze an economic crisis and the purge of Kapsanpa(Kapsan-faction) in North Korea in the mid 1960’s. Park Geum-cheol utilized Liberman’s Reform of the Soviet Union for the overcoming of the economic depression of North Korea. At that time, Kapsanpa was stipulated as ‘anti-party revisionists’. These criticisms were used as a basis for removing the Kapsanpa who did not agree with the uniqueness of the revolutionary tradition. A few months before the purge of Pak Geum-Cheol occurred, the uniqueness of the revolutionary tradition was greatly strengthened in all areas such as North Korea’s politics, economics, society, literature etc. The exclusion of the reform and the purge of the Kapsanpa, which has the “anti-party revisionist” yoke, is closely linked with the establishment of uniqueness of the revolutionary tradition.

북한의 김일성시대 문화상징으로서 공간 : ‘혁명전통’관련 공간을 중심으로

조은희 한민족문화학회 2008 한민족문화연구 Vol.27 No.-

This study analysis practical using of conventional history and symbol space a period of Kim Il Sung. This is used to an political instrument of propaganda that Kim il sung's political power and a regime. History of Kim Il Sung's military strife against the empire of Japan is restored in the North Korea next to 1953. A battle of Bo-chun-bo become known to among History of Kim Il Sung's military strife against the empire of Japan is restored to symbol space. After august 1953, History of Kim Il Sung's military strife against the empire of Japan become the 'Revolutionary Tradition'. At that time, mu-san-ji-gu -hyeok-myeong-jeon-jeok-ji centering around bak-du mountain become symbil space. Legitimacy of Kim-il-sung is broad the battle hero of bo-chun-bo to hero of military strife against the empire of Japan. After 1967, All dissident groups of Kim-Il-Sung was eliminated. And symbol space of Kim-Il-Sung is overemphasized. Also the greatness of Kim-Il-Sung and historic of military strife against the empire of Japan is overemphasized. 김일성 시대 상징 공간은 김일성 정권의 정당성에 대한 강화의 한 도구로 충실한 역할을 하였다. 1953년 전쟁 후, 김일성은 전쟁에 대한 책임과 관련 김일성과 경쟁하고 있던 몇몇 다른 파벌들의 제거와 전쟁으로 피폐해진 인민들의 생활은 김일성으로 하여금 정치체제에 대한 인민들의 확산된 지지를 이끌어내기 위해 방법을 모색해야 했다. 이후 김일성의 항일무장투쟁 역사가 발굴되기 시작하였고, 그 주요 무대였던 보천보와 백두산 지역이 복원되어 만들어지기 시작하였다. 그 당시 보천보 전투는 김일성을 ‘항일의 영웅’으로 알려지게 한 중요한 역사적 사건이었다. 이 공간은 1956년 8월 종파사건을 계기로 더욱 집중적으로 발굴되었고, 그 곳에는 김일성의 동상이 세워졌고, 기념탑과 박물관이 만들어졌다. 1964년부터 1966년 사이에는 당내 사상문화 분야를 담당하던 갑산파들이 혁명전통의 다원화를 주장하면서 당내 갈등이 진행되었는데, 이러한 정치적 상황들이 반영되어 이 시기에는 ‘혁명전통’의 언급과 공간발굴이 자재되었다. 하지만 1967년 제4기 15차 전원회의를 계기로 갑산파가 숙청되면서 북한에서는 김일성의 정치권력에 반대하는 정치세력들이 완전히 제거되면서 이후 김일성의 ‘혁명전통’관련 모든 역사가 발굴되었고, 관련 공간이 성역화 되었다. 이후 북한에서는 보천보혁명전적지는 물론 백두산 일대의 김일성의 ‘혁명전통’과 관련된 역사적 배경이 된 모든 공간이 발굴되었고, 더 나아가 이시기 김일성의 가족들(김정숙과 부모와 조부모 등의 혁명사적지 발굴)에 대한 상징공간이 함께 복원되어 만들어졌다. 이것은 김일성의 ‘위대한 혁명전통’이 몇 십년 이전부터 몇 대에 걸쳐 내려온 것임을 강조하여 김일성 권력의 정통성을 강화하려 한 것이다.