북일 국교정상화 교섭과 북한의 체제전환

전진호 동아시아국제정치학회 2018 국제정치연구 Vol.21 No.2

North Korea and Japan have been negotiating for normalization of diplomatic relations since the 1990s, but they could not reach the normalization of diplomatic relations due to North Korea’s nuclear tests, missile launches and Japanese abductions. However, Japanese Prime Minister, Koizumi, who visited Pyongyang in 2002, announced the “9.17 Pyongyang Joint Declaration” and arrived at principle agreements for normalization of diplomatic relations with North Korea. If North Korea and Japan launch summit meeting, following the South-North Korea summit and the North Korea-U.S. summit, the possibility of successfully reaching normalization of diplomatic relations between North Korea and Japan appears to significantly raise. Following the normalization of diplomatic relations between North Korea and the U.S., if diplomatic relations between North Korea and Japan are normalized, cross-recognition of North Korea will be accomplished. This accomplishment will lead North Korea to set-up a new system to cooperate with South Korea, the U.S. and Japan, instead of taking opposition against South Korea, the U.S. and Japan. The transition of North Korea will naturally take place. This paper focuses on the analysis of negotiations for diplomatic relations, which would be the basis of normalization of relations between North Korea and Japan, while focusing on analysis of Japan’s roles to induce system transition and stabilization of North Korea. To achieve the analysis, past of negotiations for normalization of diplomatic relations between North Korea and Japan, the direction and contents of the normalization between North Korea and Japan, roles of Japan and responses of South Korea are taken into considerations. Due to surrounding environment changes of North Korea, Japan actively seeks for conversation with North Korea, also there are plenty space for Japan to contribute to reaching peace regime within Korean Peninsula. Therefore, with denuclearization of North Korea, South Korea should lead North Korea and Japan to normalize diplomatic relations between two countries. 북한과 일본은 1990년대 이래 국교정상화 교섭을 추진해 왔지만 북한의 핵실험 및 미사일발사, 일본인 납치문제 등으로 국교정상화에는 이르지 못했다. 하지만, 2002년 평양을 방문한 고이즈미 총리는 북한과의 ‘9.17 평양 공동선언’을 발표하여, 북일 국교정상화를 위한 중요한 원칙에 합의한 바 있다. 최근 남북 정상회담, 북미 정상회담에 이어 북일 정상회담이 이뤄진다면 양국이 국교정상화에 합의할 가능성은 비교적 높게 보인다. 북미 관계정상화에 이어 북일 국교정상화가 이뤄지면 북한에 대한 교차승인이 완성되어, 북한은 한미일과 대립하고 있던 상황에서 벗어나 한미일과 협력하는 새로운 체제를 구축할 것으로 보인다. 이른바 북한의 체제전환이 자연스럽게 일어날 것이다. 이러한 점에 주목하여 이 논문은 관계정상화의 토대가 될 북일 국교정상화 교섭에 분석의 초점을 맞추었으며, 동시에 북한의 체제전환과 안정화를 유도하기 위한 일본의 역할을 집중적으로 분석하였다. 이를 위해 북일 국교정상화 교섭의 과거는 물론, 북일 국교정상화의 방향과 내용, 일본의 역할 및 한국의 대응까지 폭넓게 살펴보았다. 북한을 둘러싼 환경변화로 일본도 북한과의 대화를 적극적으로 모색하고 있으며, 한반도 평화체제 구축에 일본이 기여할 공간은 충분하다. 따라서 한국은 북한의 비핵화와 동시에 북일 국교정상화가 진행될 수 있도록 북일 양국을 견인해야 한다.

소프트파워 자원에 대한 상호 평가와 한일관계

박용구(Park Yong Koo, 朴容九),김미정(Kim Mi Jung, 金美廷) 한국외국어대학교 일본연구소 2015 日本硏究 Vol.0 No.66

This study researched ① How do Korea and Japan evaluate the other's soft power resources respectively? ② Among them, which ones are pros and cons toward the relationship between Korea and Japan? ③ How can we examine the present and future of the relationship between Korea and Japan with the evaluation of soft power resources? Joseph Samuel Nye categorized soft power resources into political value, culture and foreign policy. In the political value, Korea perceived Japan to be militarism or nationalism and Japan also perceived Korea to be nationalism or statism. In cultural aspect, Japan showed interest in tourist spot, cuisine, history of Korea and Korea showed interest in tourist spot, manufactured goods, animation and Manga, history of Japan. Generally, Japan presented more interest than Korea in cultural aspect. In foreign policy, Korea has taken much firmer stance toward clearing the past affairs, apology, compensation and recompence consistently. Japan also has held stronger stance since 2013 although it is difficult to assert because of the absence of material. Japanese answer of "going well in the relationship between both Countries" decreased from average 40% to 7% betwenn 1980's and 2000's. Korean answer of "going bad in the relationship between both Countries" was average 69% during same period, but it increased up to 90% in 2015. It is considered that the relationship of two countries has a rough time for a while because of negative forecast about the future of the two countries. This negative forecast has begun with minus evaluation of political value and foreign policy. Nevertheless, the evaluation of mutual culture is optimistic and both nations desire cultural exchange and resolution in relationship strongly. Namely, the future of the relationship between Korea and Japan is not dark.

韓美 FTA와 日本의 對應

임천석 한국일본학회 2008 日本學報 Vol.75 No.-

Last April, Korea and U.S. agreed on establishing a FTA and have signed the agreement on last June. Due to Korea's organization's calculation and prospect, with the effectuation of the Korea-U.S. FTA, Korea's products exported to U.S. will be exempted from tax, which will bring a great advantage to Korea's exportation. However. the fact that in U.S. market, Korea's main competing countries are China, Japan, and Mexico and the fact that Japan is the main competing country in Korea's main export market(cars and electronics), need to be noted. Also, it can be predicted that Japan would consider multiple countermoves such as lowering the price of exported goods, increasing the production and utilizing NAFTA to catch up with Korea's competitive price. In this paper, economic relationship between Korea and the U.S. between Japan and the U.S. will be discussed as well as the competition between Korea and Japan in U.S. market. Also, the thesis will discuss Japan's evaluation on Korea-U.S. FTA and forecast Japan's countermoves.

構造変動期の日朝関係と韓国-南北関係との因果性に注目 しながら

Park, Jungjin Korea Consensus Institute(KCI) 2018 Analyses & alternatives Vol.2 No.1

This paper aims to elucidate the historical significance and issues about DPRK-Japan relations in terms of the Korean Peninsula-Japan relations. The first issue is the 'Treaty on Basic Relations between Japan and the Republic of Korea', and DPRK-Japan relations during the Cold War. The Relations Order between the Korean Peninsula and Japan, of 1965 ("65 Order), was closely linked with inter-Korean relations. The second issue is a critical re-interpretation of previous studies on the Stockholm agreement. Previous studies have focused on analyzing the question "Why did North Korea and Japan agree to Stockholm?", In other words, what was the intention of North Korea and Japan in Stockholm? This paper adds to raise the question of "How Did the Stockholm can be agreed?", to critically review the analysis performed by the previous studies. Through the analysis of this question, this paper reveals that the relationship between North Korea and Japan is on the qualitative change. And, based on this analysis, this paper argue that the South Korean government should attempt more active engagement and deploy more comprehensive approach to improve the relationship between North Korea and Japan.

이승만 정부 시기의 한일관계: 한미일 냉전전략의 불협화음과 한일관계의 정체

최희식 ( Hee Sik Choi ) 한국세계지역학회 2009 世界地域硏究論叢 Vol.27 No.3

본 논문은 이승만 정부 시기 한일관계가 정체된 이유를 한미일 삼국 냉전전략의 불협화음에서 해명한다. 미국은 소련과의 냉전을 수행하며 세계적 맥락에서 아시아 냉전전략을 사고하면서 반공 전선국가와 반공 후방기지 국가와의 적극적 연계를 통해 방공망을 구축하려 했다. 미국의 냉전전략에서 중심적 역할을 요구받던 일본은 이른바 요시다 노선에 입각해, 미일동맹을 주축으로 하면서도 미국의 냉전전략에서 일정한 거리를 두면서 공산권을 포함한 아시아 지역에서 경제성장의 동력을 확보하려했다. 이러한 중립주의적 냉전전략은 미국의 우려와 한국의 반발을 초래했다. 반면 한국은 북한과의 체제경쟁(반공)을 우선하면서도 탈식민지화(반일)를 추구하며, 미국의 대한 방위공약을 확보함과 동시에 한반도에서 일본의 영향력을 배제하려했다. 이러한 국지적이며 반일적 냉전전략으로 미일과의 마찰을 불가피하였다. 이렇듯 삼국의 냉전전략이 불안정하게 동거하는 현상으로 인해 한미일 삼각관계에 역동성을 부여했으며, 한일관계에 부정적 영향을 미쳤다. 이 상황에서 미국은 양국 간 불신이 두터웠던 한국과 일본의 국교정상화에 중재적 역할을 하려고 시도하였지만, 오히려 한국과의 마찰을 초래할 뿐이었다. This thesis tries to explain why the relationship between Korea and Japan was retarded under Lee Seung-Man Government from the viewpoint of the discord of ROK-U.S.-Japan`s “Cold-War strategy”. U.S. tried to build the anti-communism block by connect front-communism country(korea) and rear base country(Japan). Japan which was demanded the positive role in America`s Cold-War strategy, playing the positive role, tried to approach the communist country such as China and North Korea under a policy separating economy from politics. Japan`s Cold-War strategy blended with neutralism caused America`s anxiety and Korea`s antipathy. The other hand, Korea pursuited the anti-communism(competition with North Korea) and anti-Japanism (post-colonialization). Korea`s local and anti-Japan Cold-War strategy caused the conflict with Japan and America. In this way, the discord of ROK-U.S.-Japan`s Cold-War strategy led the dynamic relationship of triangle and retarded normalization between Korea and Japan.

최근 일본 통상정책의 추이와 한·일 경제관계 - 일본의 EPA 전략을 중심으로 -

정훈 한일경상학회 2010 韓日經商論集 Vol.47 No.-

‘From multilateralism to bilateralism’ is one of the important trends at present in the world trade environment. Since the late 1990s, Japan has supported a FTA-based trade policy for both a WTO-based multilateral trade system and an active participation in promoting regionalism in relation to bilateral free trade agreements. This policy shift began in earnest with the Japan-Singapore FTA in 2002. Thus, this study aims to analyze how Japan has responded to overall environment changes and promoted its trade policies recently. It also takes a look at what relationship exits in East Asia Community and FTA, and how Japan’s EPA, a center of Japan’s trade policy, has progressed. This study offers policy suggestions and future strategic responses to Japan’s trade policy shifts. Chapter 2 will address the present situation and characteristics of Japan’s EPA-centered trade strategies. Chapter 3 will cover the recent commercial relationship between Korea and Japan, and suggest Korea’s strategic responses to Japan. At last Chapter 4 will provide implications for the Korean economy in view of general aspects.

1931年朝鲜排华事件与中华商会的因应

冯国林 인천대학교 중국학술원 2021 비교중국연구 Vol.2 No.1

After the Wanpaoshan Incident, large-scale anti-Chinese campaigns in colonial Korea led to the loss of lives and severe damage to overseas Chinese-owned properties. They also ruined Chinese business and significantly impaired trade networks in colonial Korea. After the turmoil broke out, the Nanjing Nationalist Government could not handle overseas Chinese relief efforts due to under-staffing at the Nationalist Chinese embassy in colonial Korea. Eventually, the Chinese Chamber of Commerce's active cooperation in addressing the anti-Chinese incident in Korea helped recoup victims and provide needed assistance. The Korean Chinese Chamber of Commerce immediately transmitted anti-Chinese information back to China. It also appealed to all walks of life to tend to the anti-Chinese incident, promoted the Nanjing Nationalist Government to negotiate with Japan, and made every effort to assist distressed overseas Chinese while cooperating with the Nanjing Nationalist Government in the investigating losses. Moreover, it provided crucial information for the Nanjing Nationalist Government to carry out negotiations with Japan. After the anti-Chinese incident, Chinese commerce and businessmen also suffered heavy losses. The Chinese Chamber of Commerce thus initiated and organized various negotiations and made essential contributions to catalyze the resumption of business activities. The complicated relationship between the Chinese consulates in colonial Korea and the Chinese Chamber of Commerce in colonial Korea triggers a need to rethink the relationship between the overseas Chinese society and the home country, as well as the overseas Chinese society's internal relations during the Nationalist government period. In allocating relief funds, conflicts and disputes arose between China’s Chamber of Commerce in various parts of colonial Korea that the consul general in colonial Korea failed to mediate. The relief fund turmoil reflects the contradictions within the overseas Chinese groups and reveals the Chinese Consul General in Korea’s lack of control of the overseas Chinese groups. Overall, the anti-Chinese incident in colonial Korea sheds light on the complexity of cooperation and conflict between China and overseas Chinese communities. 万宝山事件后,朝鲜发生大规模排华风潮,华侨的生命财产遭到严重损失,在朝华商贸易网络亦遭受重创。风潮爆发后,因驻朝使馆管理力量有限,处理救济华侨事务力有未逮。在朝鲜排华事件的处理中,中华商会的积极配合为其提供了重要帮助。朝鲜中华商会第一时间向国内传递排华信息,呼吁各界关注排华事件,推动国民政府对日交涉,并努力援助遭难华侨,配合国民政府进行损失调查,为国民政府展开对日交涉提供了重要的材料。排华事件后,华商商业遭受重创,华商会组织各方展开谈判,为恢复排华事件后的商业作出了重要贡献。此案展示出驻朝展开谈判,为恢复排华事件后的商业作出了重要贡献。此案展示出驻朝鲜领事机构与朝鲜中华商会间关系的复杂面相,亦透视出在朝华商团体间的复杂关系,引发我们对国民政府时期海外华侨社会与母国关系及海外华侨社会内部关系的再思考。在分配赈款过程中,朝鲜各地中华商会之间发生冲突,而驻朝鲜总领事则无法调和商会内部的争执。赈款风波体现出华侨团体内部的矛盾,同时也体现出驻朝鲜总领事对华侨团体的掌控力不足。朝鲜排华事件这一个案,揭示出祖籍国与海外华侨社会间合作与冲突交织的复杂面相。

한일 과거청산의 법적 구조

김창록(Kim, Chang-rok) 한국법사학회 2013 法史學硏究 Vol.47 No.-

1965년에 한국과 일본은, 14년에 가까운 오랜 기간 동안 진행된 회담을 거쳐, 「기본조약」과 「청구권협정」 등을 체결함으로써, ‘1965년 체제’라고 불릴 수 있는, 한일 과거청산에 관한 하나의 법적 구조를 만들어냈다. 하지만, 「기본조약」의 체결에도 불구하고 1910년 한일조약의 효력에 관한 합의는 도출되지 못했으며, 「청구권협정」의 체결에도 불구하고 청구권이 어떻게 해결된 것인지에 대한 합의도 도출되지 못했다. 1910년부터 1945년까지 35년간 이어진 일제의 한반도 지배의 성격에 대한 한일 양국의 역사관 차이에 기인하는 이러한 애매성 때문에, ‘1965년 체제’는 불안정한 상태에서 출발하지 않을 수 없었다. 냉전의 산물이기도 했던 ‘1965년 체제’는 이후 25년간 이어진 냉전 기간 동안에는 별다른 도전을 받지 않고 유지될 수 있었다. 하지만, 냉전 종식 이후인 1990년대에 들어와, 한국인 피해자들의 강한 과거청산 요구에 직면하여, ‘1965년 체제’에는 균열이 생기게 되었다. 일본 정부가 1995년의 「무라야마 담화」를 통해 한반도에 대한 식민지지배 책임을 인정함으로써, 그 책임을 배제한 ‘1965년 체제’에는 우선 일본 측에 의해 균열이 생기게 되었다. 나아가 한국정부가 2005년의 「민관공동위원회 결정」를 통해, 「청구권협정」에도 불구하고 일본군‘위안부’ 문제 등과 관련하여 “일본 정부의 법적 책임이 남아있”다고 선언함으로써 그 법적 책임을 부정하는 일본 정부와의 간극이 더욱 벌어지게 된 결과, ‘1965년 체제’의 균열은 더욱 심각한 것이 되었다. 그 위에, 2010년대에 들어와 한국의 헌법재판소와 대법원이 획기적인 결정과 판결을 내림으로써 ‘1965년 체제’는 그 수명을 다하기 직전의 상태에 이르게 되었다. 2011년에 한국의 헌법재판소는, 일본군‘위안부’ 문제에 관해 한일간에 해석상의 분쟁이 존재한다는 사실을 인정하고, 그것을 「청구권협정」 제3조의 절차에 따라 해결하지 않고 있는 것은 위헌이라고 선언했다. 2012년에 한국의 대법원은, 일제의 한반도 지배는 “불법적인 강점”이며 “식민지배와 직결된 불법행위”로 인한 청구권은 「청구권협정」에도 불구하고 소멸되지 않았다고 선언했다. 이로써 ‘1965년 체제’를 둘러싼 한일간의 대립은 결정적인 것이 되었으며, 그 결과 ‘1965년 체제’는 붕괴 직전의 상태에 이르게 된 것이다. 한일 과거청산의 법적 구조와 관련하여 나아가야 할 방향은 명확하다. ‘1965년 체제’가 그수명을 다했다는 사실을 공식적으로 선언하고, ‘식민지지배 책임’을 전면적으로 청산하는 새로운 법적 구조를 구축하는 것이 그것이다. ‘1965년 체제’ 50주년이 되는 2015년은 그 점에서 주목되고 준비되어야 할 해이다. In 1965, a legal structure of righting the wrongs of the past between Korea and Japan was built, based on the Treaty on Basic Relations and the Agreement on the Settlement of Problems Concerning Property and Claims(hereinafter “the Agreement”), which were concluded after a 14-year long negotiation. But, despite the Treaty on Basic Relations, no agreement was achieved on the validity of 1910 Treaty between Korea and Japan. Despite the Agreement, no agreement was achieved on how the claims had been settled. ‘The 1965 System’ made an unstable start, because of these ambiguities, which stemmed from the conflict of views on the characteristic of the Japanese rule of the Korean Peninsula from 1910 to 1945, ‘The 1965 System’, which was a product of the Cold War, maintained unchallenged during the Cold War years. However, after the cessation of the Cold War, Korean victims’ fierce struggle for the righting the wrongs of the past caused cracks in ‘the 1965 System’. When the Japanese government accepted the responsibility for the colonial rule of the Korean Peninsula by the ‘Murayama Statement’ in 1995, ‘1965 System’ cracked from the Japanese side. When the Korean government declared that despite the Agreement “the legal responsibility of the Japanese government still remains” regarding the Japanese military ‘comfort women’ issue, the crack in ‘the 1965 System’ grew all the more serious, because the declaration made the gap between Korea and Japan widen. At present, hit by the epoch-making judgements of the Constitutional Court and the Supreme Court of Korea, ‘the 1965 System’ is on the verge of collapse. In 2011, the Constitutional Court recognized the fact that there was an interpretation dispute between Korea and Japan about the Japanese military ‘comfort women’ issue, and declared that it is unconstitutional that the Korean government did not resolve the dispute according to the article 3 of the Agreement. In 2012, the Supreme Court declared that the Japanese rule of the Korean Peninsula was “an illegal occupation” and that despite the Agreement, the claims deriving from “the unlawful acts directly connected to the colonial rule” were not extinguished. It is obvious that the conflict between Korea and Japan regarding ‘the 1965 System’ became dramatic by these declarations. It is clear where we should aim. We should declare officially that ‘the 1965 System’ have had its day, and establish a new legal structure which can totally liquidate the colonial rule. The year 2015, which will be the 50th anniversary of ‘the 1965 System’, should be the starting point of the new legal structure.

김영삼 정부 시기 한일 비정부 교류 연구: 신시대 한일관계 비전 제시를 향한 도정

최희식 현대일본학회 2014 日本硏究論叢 Vol.39 No.-

The Kim Young-San government has experienced the turmoil in the midst of democratization, post Cold-War, the North Korea nuclear problem. Naturally, the turmoil was also the time for groping for the new relationship between Korea and Japan. Korea and Japan organized the new non-governmental organization(Korea-Japan Forum) to create new agenda for future-oriented relationship between Korea and Japan, and these new agenda had an effect to awaken public opinion by media. At the same time, Korea and Japan accepted the new agenda which non-governmental organization proposed. This manner which civil society create new agenda and government accept it, in short democratic way or down-up way became established. The new agenda which was created by Korea-Japan Forum was realized into Korea-Japan Partnership Communique in 1998. Here is the need to revaluate the Kim Young-Sam government which has been described as a dark age by an impropriety in speech. 김영삼 정부 시기는 민주화, 탈냉전, 북핵 문제 등 구조적 변화의 소용돌이 속에서 혼란기를 보냈다. 하지만 당연하게도 혼란기였기에 새로운 한일관계 구축을 위한 모색기이기도 하였다. 새로운 비정부 교류단체를 만들어 미래지향적 한일관계를 구축하기 위한 포괄적 협력의제를 창출하였고 언론보도를 통해 양국 국민 의식을 환기하는 효과를 가져왔다. 또한 양국 정부는 민간에서 협의된 협력의제 상당부분을 채택하는 ‘민주주적 방식’ 혹은 ‘상향식(down-up) 방식’을 정착시켰다. 그리고 이러한 한일포럼의 포괄적 협력의제는 <한일 파트너십 선언>으로 꽃을 피웠다. ‘버르장머리’ 발언으로 오명을 남기며 한일관계의 ‘암흑기’로 묘사되던 김영삼 정부에 대한 재평가가 요구되는 이유가 바로 여기에 있는 것이다.

한일관계의 불교적 해법 모색 - 계율 수용의 변천사를 중심으로 -

오호연(유정) 대각사상연구원 2021 大覺思想 Vol.35 No.-

현대 세계 경제는 총성없는 전쟁으로 더욱 강력한 전쟁을 하고 있다. 한일간의 오 랜 관계도 경제와 종교·문화의 얽힘 속에서 주도권 싸움을 치열하게 해왔다. 그러나 한국은 일본에 불교를 전한 나라이며, 처음 계율과 대장경을 전했다. 고려대장경과 금속활자를 얻어간 일본은 수행보다는 불교도서 관련 출판 강국이 되었고, 우리는 일제강점기에 대처·육식의 허용으로 인한 뼈아픈 상처를 받았다. 일본의 선신니는 백제에 와서 식차마나 기간을 보내고 구족계를 받고 일본 최초의 비구니가 되었으며, 일본으로 돌아가서 일본 최초의 비구를 탄생시키기도 했다. 이후 통일신라 시대의 원효와 태현의 범망경 관련 저술들은 일본으로 건너가 여러 주석 서를 나오게 한 중요한 불교 사상적 바탕을 제공했다. 고려시대 고려대장경이 만들어진 이후부터 임진왜란이 일어나기까지의 수백 년 동 안 고려대장경을 구해간 일본은 중국에서 구해온 불서들과 함께 6천여 권의 방대한 ‘일체경(一切經)’을 편찬했고, 이는 현대사회에서 독보적인 『신수대장경』을 편찬하는 밑거름이 되었다. 이렇게 계율과 경장에서 한국의 도움을 받은 일본은 일제강점기에 한국과 일본 승가에 대처·육식·축발을 허용하여 청정승가를 무너뜨리고 배불론(排佛 論)을 일으켰다. 그리고 현대 한국승가에서는 청정승가 구현을 위해 지속적으로 노력 하고 있으나, 일본에서는 청정승가가 거의 무너진 상황이다. 한일간 불교 교류의 역사적 관계에서, 경색된 한일관계의 개선 방향을 불교적으로 찾아보자는 취지에서, 한국과 일본불교계가 서로 계율에 대한 다양한 대화의 장을 열 필요성과 불교적 해법을 찾아보고자 한다. Today, world economy seems to be in the fierce battle field without any sound of bullet heard. The relation between Korea and Japan has long experienced ups and downs in the economic, political entanglement to take the initiative. But It was Korea that brought Buddhism to Japan and delivered the Precepts and Tripitaka Koreana for the first time. Japan to which Korea introduced Tripitaka Koreana and metal type was able to become a powerhouse in publishing, including Buddhist canon, rather than focusing on meditation. On the other hand Korean Buddhist sangha which has kept purity through celibacy tradition was tarnished by Japan’s officially allowing Sangha marriage and meat during the Japanese colonial occupancy. A Japanese śrāmaṇerī named Zenshin(善神) came to Baekje(百濟), and practiced for two years under the guidance of Korean bhikṣunīs. After becoming the Japanese first bhikṣunī, she returned home to Japan ordained the first Japanese bhikṣu by herself. From the creation of Tripitaka Koreana(1365) in the Koryo(高麗) to the Japanese invasion of Korea(朝鮮) in Imjin year(壬辰倭亂, 1592-1598), Japan obtained diverse Buddhist scriptures from Korea and China, including Tripitaka Koreana. Finally Japan succeeded to compile a vast “Tripitaka (一切經)” of over 6,000 books. The Tripitaka became the foundation for the compilation of the “Taisyou shinsyu daizoukyou(大正新修大藏經)”, which is unrivaled in modern Buddhist society. However, during the Japanese colonial period, the Japanese government tried to ruin the pure Korean Sangha by forcing Korean bhikṣus to get married and eat meat. Their intention was to cause anti-Buddhism in Korean people and to Japanize Korean Buddhism. Up to Today, the Korean Sangha has tried to keep celibacy for the pure Sangha, but in Japan, the pure Sangha has almost collapsed, which is originated from a false understanding of the precepts. Thus, for the restoration of the pure Sangha, it is time to promote the cooperation between Korea and Japan and to establish the right understanding of Buddhist precepts. So, this paper try to find a Buddhist solution in the historic relations of Buddhist interchange between Japan and Korea. Especially nowadays when the relations in almost all aspects are getting worse, we need to seek measures needed to improve the relation and enlarge the cultural exchanges. And we, Japan and Korea, can think to reopen a place for conversations on the Precepts and exchange the diverse viewpoints on them.