<한국한자어사전>의 음독구결

하정수 단국대학교 동양학연구원 2016 東洋學 Vol.63 No.-

This paper is aims to discuss on how to utilize the results of research of the Eumdok-Gugyeol until now. For this purpose, First We analyze the information Gugyeol of the Dictionary of Korean-Chinese Characters. It said the data problems that authority is concentrated on 地藏菩薩本 願經(Ksitigarbha pranidhana Sutra) of the 15th century and 正俗諺解(Jeongsok-eonhae) of the 16th century. These documents became the authority of gugyeol data in the Dictionary of Korean-Chinese Characters. Gugyeol information of the Dictionary of Korean-Chinese Characters does not show enough with the overall look of the Gugyeol. Therefore, when compiling the enlarged the Dictionary of Korean-Chinese Characters. Primarily by reviewing the data of the early Joseon, such as 楞嚴經 (Śūraṅgama Sūtra), 南明集(Nammyeongjip), 直指心體要節(Jikjisimcheyojeol) and manuscripts 蒙山法語略錄(Mongsanbeobeoyaknok) and 佛說四十二章經(Bulseolsasibijanggyeong), 詳校正本慈 悲道場懺法(Sanggyojeongbonjabi doryangchambeob), 梵網經菩薩戒(Beommanggyeongbosalgye), 大方廣圓覺略疏注經(Daebanggwangwongakyaksojugyeong), 永嘉證道歌(Yeonggajeungdoga) etc it argued that there is a need to accommodate the performance. Depending on the previous proposal it showed a more specific way to the entry of Dictionary of Eumdok-Gugyeol by example of ‘伊’(i) and ‘是’(si). And we argue that to solve this imbalance to the point of entry hierarchy of the description of contents. We argued that it is necessary to change the layer structure of entry in Chaja·Idu·Gugyeol(借字·吏讀·口訣) by referring to present the meanings in the 漢韓大辭典(Great Chinese-Korean Dictionary). Lastly, We analyzed the emergence of patterns of Eumdok-gugyeol trailing from the Chinese characters in the Dictionary of Eumdok-Gugyeol. And We examined the actual examples in this reference and associated with which to determine the word of the Dictionary of Korean-Chinese Characters. 본고는 한국한자어사전의 증보편찬에 음독구결 영역에서 지금까지의 연구 성과를 활용하는 방법을 논의하는 데 목적이 있다. 이를 위해 우선 한국한자어사전의 구결 정보를 분석하여, 구결 정보의 근간이 되는전거 자료가 15세기의 地藏菩薩本願經과 16세기의 正俗諺解에 편중되어 있는 문제점을 밝혔다. 이는 한국한자어사전에서 다루고 있는 구결 정보가 구결의 전체적인 양상을 충분히 보여 주지 못한다는 점을 시사한다. 따라서 한국한자어사전의 증보편찬 시에는 조선 초기의 楞嚴經 구결 자료와 南明集, 直指心體要節, 필사본 蒙山法語略錄, 佛說四十二章經, 詳校正本慈悲道場懺法, 梵網經菩薩戒, 大方廣圓覺略疏注經, 永嘉證道歌 등의 자료를 우선적으로 검토하여 그 성과를 수용할 필요가 있음을 주장하였다. 그리고 앞의 제안에 따라 음독구결사전의 표제어를 수록하는 구체적 방안을 논의하기 위해 한국한자어사전의 ‘伊’와 ‘是’ 의 예를 정리하여 제시하였다. 여기에서 파악된 사전 기술의 항목위계의 불균형한 점을 음독구결사전의 내용을 활용하여 해결할 수 있음을 주장하였다. 이를 위해 漢韓大辭典의 뜻풀이 방식을 참조하여 이두·구결·차자어에 한정하여 사전항목의 위계구조를 변경하는 것이 필요함을 주장하였다. 즉 구결 용례로 사용된예들을 동일한 용법으로 파악하여 용법별로 묶어서 구결 항목에 모아 기술하는 것이 사용자의 편의에 부합한다는 점을 강조하였다. 마지막으로 음독구결에서 한자에 후행하는 음독구결의 출현 양상을 분석하여, 한국한자어사전의 단어 판별 기준과의 관련성이 있는 실제 예를 검토하였다. 그 결과의 일부로 구체적인 예문 자료가 포함된 음독구결사전의 정보를 활용하여 한국한자어사전에 수록될 한자어로 판별될 가능성이 있는 단어를 제시하였다.

口訣 및 吏 讀 漢字音 硏究의 回顧와 展望

金武林(Kim Moo-rim) 구결학회 2011 구결연구 Vol.26 No.-

본고는 口訣 및 吏讀의 漢字音에 대한 그동안의 연구를 정리하고, 그 성과에 대하여 비판적으로 검토하면서 앞으로의 課題를 제시한 것이다. 口訣 및 吏讀의 漢字音은 國語의 形態와 漢字音이 절충되어 나타나는 것이기 때문에 이에 대한 연구는 國語史的인 시각과 漢字音史의 측면이라는 內外의 안목이 필요하다. 이러한 기준과 안목을 바탕으로 할 때, 口訣 및 吏讀의 漢字音에 대한 지금까지의 연구는 아직 미흡한 수준에 머물러 있으며, 따라서 앞으로의 과제도 山積해 있다. This paper aims to review and prospect of the phonetic studies on Idu and Gugyeol. The characters of phonetic in Idu and Gugyeol have both sides, which are Chinese and Korean faces. Therefore to study on Idu and Gugyeol, it is very important to recognize the point of contact between two languages. But untill now the results of that studies are not enough for our expectation.

‘爲’자에 현토된 석독표기자와 그 해독

이전경(Lee, Jeon-kyung) 구결학회 2012 구결연구 Vol.28 No.-

‘爲’는 그 의미가 다양하여 우리말로 번역될 때 다양한 양상을 보이는 한자이다. 여말 선초의 불경 중 음독구결 자료에 ‘爲’자에 약체 한자가 작은 글씨로 첨기되어 있는 자료들이 있다. 팬아시아 종이박물관 소장의 보물1153호 법화경과 연세대 중앙도서관 소장의 법화경 귀중본 647 및 능엄경 귀중본 622에 그러한 예가 나타난다. 사용된 글자들은 대체로 ‘三, ?, ?, 乍, 是/?, 當, 以, 寸’ 등이다. 이들은 ‘爲’자의 새김을 표시한 것으로 보인다. 특히 ‘三’은 석독구결에서 ‘爲’에 현토되는 것이다. 다른 글자들도 그 의미상 ‘爲’자와 관련된 것으로 쉽게 추측할 수 있다. 이글에서 이들의 분포와 용법을 소개하고 이것이 석독구결의 한 종류로 연구될 수 있도록 자료를 제공하여 ‘爲’의 독법에 대한 해결의 실마리를 제시하려 한다. ‘爲’ is a chinese character that has discrete meanings, and thus even its Korean translations seem to reflect such discrete senses of the character. Out of the Eumdok-gugyeol materials of the Buddist scriptures written in the end of the Ko-Ryo dynasty and the beginning of the Cho-Sun dynasty are found the documents that show small letters attached to the word ‘爲’. The Beophwa-Gyeong (Treasure n.1153) of Junju Hanji Musium and the Beophwa-Gyeong(guijungbon n.647) and Neungeom-Gyeong(guijungbon n. 622) of the Central Library of Yonsei University can be taken as examples. The small characters most frequently used are ‘三, ?, ?, 乍, 是/?, 當, 以, and 寸,’ and they seem meant to instruct the semantic readings(saegim) of the word ‘爲’. For example the character ‘三’ is attached to the word ‘爲’, in materials of Seokdok Gugyeol. And it is not hard to surmise that the rest of the characters should be somehow related to the word ‘爲’. The aims of this paper are to examine the locations and usages of these characters for the purpose of suggesting that these characters were employed as a way to indicate semantic readings which originated from Seokdok Gugyeol, and to offer a solution to reading ‘爲.’ Hopefully, this project that takes an in-depth and multidimensional investigation of one text will better illuminate the prevalent translation and learning methods utilized in the end of the Ko-Ryo dynasty and the beginning of the Cho-Sun dynasty.

소위 감동법 ‘-ᄉ-’에 대하여

가와사키 케이고 국어사학회 2014 국어사연구 Vol.0 No.19

“너희히 아라라”(汝等當知)<月釋10:26a>의 ‘-ㅅ-’의 정체가 무엇일까. 고영근(1980)은 이를 ‘감동법’으로 분류하였다. 즉, ‘감동법’ 선어말어미로서 “-옷-, -돗 -” 系列과 따로 “-ㅅ-” 系列을 설정한 것인데, 이 견해는 현재까지 널리 받아들여지고 있다. 그런데 ‘-ㅅ-’을 ‘감동법’으로 본다면, 반드시 설명되어야 하는 문제가 있다. 즉,“-옷-, - 돗-” 系列과의 차이가 무엇인지, 언제 쓸 수 있고 언제 쓸 수 없는지에 관한 문제다. ‘- ㅅ-’이 이들과 음운론적, 형태론적으로 상보적 분포를 이루지 않는 이상, 통사론적, 의 미론적, 화용론적 측면에서 그 출현 조건이 밝혀져야 하는데, 그러한 문제가 해결되지 않은 채 막연하게 단지 ‘감동법’으로만 처리되어 온 것이다. 이에 대해 본고는, 이 ‘-ㅅ-’이 ‘감동법’이라고 하기보다는 오히려 主語가 ‘三人稱 이외 의 複數’(包括人稱도 포함)임을 수의적으로 표시하는 일종의 복수표지 선어말어미였다 는 사실을 지적하고자 한다. 즉, 중세어 한글자료 및 음독구결 자료에서 ‘-ㅅ-’이 사용 될 때는 그 主語가 반드시 ‘三人稱 이외의 複數’로 되어 있다는 사실을 밝히고자 한다. 그러나 ‘-ㅅ-’과 ‘감동법’과의 어떤 관계를 완전히 부정해 버리는 것은 여전히 주저되며 , 본고는 일단 이 문제를 보류해 두고자 한다. 그것은 무엇보다도 ‘감동법’이란 무엇인 지, 그 통사적· 의미적· 화용론적 기능이나 출현 조건에 대해, 우리는 아직 잘 모르고 있다고 해야 하기 때문이다. ‘감동법’이란 무엇이며, 이 “복수표지 ‘-ㅅ-’”과 어떤 관계에 있었는지, 그리고 무엇보다 도 “중세한국어는 활용어미에서 주어의 복수성을 표시할 수 있었다”는 새로 지적되는 사실이 한국어사 전체에 대해 어떤 의미를 가지게 되는지가 앞으로 우리가 추구해야 할 과제가 될 것이다. What is the function of the Middle Korean prefinal ending ‘-s-’(-ㅅ-) as in“nehuy dorh-i ar-asora”(너희히 아라라, 汝等當知, “You all must know it”)<Worin- seokbo, vol.10:26a>? Since the moment when Yong-Kun Ko(고영근, 1980) categorized it as a “Gamdong-beob(감동법)” marker by adding the “-s-”(-ㅅ-) series as well as the “-wos-, -dwos-”(-옷-, -돗-) series to the “Gamdong-beob(감 동법)” prefinal endings, this view has been widely accepted in the academiccommunity. If so, however, we can’t avoid this critical problem: What is the differencebetween the “-s-”(-ㅅ-) series and the “-wos-, -dwos-”(-옷-, -돗-) series, underwhich conditions are they applicable and when are they not? Since it is clear thatthe usage of the ‘-s-’(-ㅅ-) is not conditioned phonologically nor morphologically,then it is necessary for us to pursue some kind of syntactic, semantic, orpragmatic explanation for the appearance of the ‘-s-’(-ㅅ-). However, partly due tothe lack of sufficient examples, such studies have not been undertaken until morerecently. This means, consequently, that we have been unsurely believing it to bea Gamdong- beob(감동법) prefinal ending. This paper aims to point out that the ‘-s-’(-ㅅ-) is actually a kind of pluralmarker which can be applied optionally to a predicate so that it corresponds withits non- third-person plural subject, rather than a Gamdong-beob(감동법) prefinalending. In fact, all the verifiable examples of the ‘-s-’(-ㅅ-) from Middle KoreanHangeul and Eumdok-gugyeol(음독구결) materials show us that when a predicatetakes the ‘-s-’ (-ㅅ-), the corresponding subject always proves to be first person(either inclusive or exclusive) or second person plural, without any exception. To be precise, in most cases the subject is revealed as plural by certain words or morphemes, or at least considered appropriate or plausible as plural, without any counterexample at all. In spite of this fact, we still hesitate to deny any relationship between the ‘-s-’(-ㅅ-) and the Gamdong-beob(감동법) because we do not know enough about the Gamdong-beob(감동법) particularly in its syntax, semantics, and pragmatics. What is the nature of the Gamdong-beob(감동법) and how is it related to the newfound plural marker ‘-s-’(-ㅅ-)? What does it mean to the whole historical study of Korean linguistics that the Middle Korean Language had verbal conjugation that could optionally mark the pluralness of the corresponding subject? The author believes we will have to address these issues in the future.

여말선초 음독구결문의 성립배경 -≪능엄경≫, ≪법화경≫, ≪육조대사 법보단경≫을 중심으로-

남경란 영남대학교 민족문화연구소 2008 민족문화논총 Vol.40 No.-

This study looks through the construction, character, and acceptance aspect of Eumdok Gugyeol materials in the end of Goryeo and the early of Joseon, and at the same time, makes clear the approved background of Eumdok Gugyeol typed in these materials. In Goryeo Dynasty, there were many cases of reading Buddhist scriptures. These were tried to read and translate the scriptures with their purposes based on all kinds of commentaries. The public in Buddhism, in the end of Goryeo Dynasty and the early of Joseon Dynasty, had a strong sense of reading and transcribing the scriptures to accumulate more virtuous deeds. In this process, it was not Seokdok Gugyeol focused on translation which put emphasis on the meaning explanation and interpretation order depended on the character of Gugyeol letters, but it was popular that Eumdok Gugyeol focused on reading which put emphasis on reading Gugyeol letters and explaining in Chinese characters. These senses had something in common between the religion of reading the scriptures in Goryeo Dynasty and ceremony act like Tonggyeong, Myogyeong. This brought the variety of Eumdok Gugyeol letters, and had a little bit different forms in the way of the register's academic interest, religious sect, and the individual reading. ≪Neungeomgyeong≫ introduced at the end of Silla kingdom was received attention in the Goryeo Dynasty. ≪Yukjobeopbodangyeong≫ was introduced later than ≪Beophwagyeong≫ which was surpassed China in the profundity of ideas. So the approved period of Gugyeol was late. ≪Neungeomgyeong≫, paid attention In the realm of ideas in Goryeo Dynasty, was approved Gugyeol around 11th century, and ≪Beophwagyeong≫, paid attention in the end of Goryeo Dynasty and the early of Joseon Dynasty, was approved at least in the early 13th century. On the other hand, Gugyeol of ≪Yukjobeopbodangyeong≫ was approved in the 14th century by circulation the book published in the year of 1298 until today. This study looks through the construction, character, and acceptance aspect of Eumdok Gugyeol materials in the end of Goryeo and the early of Joseon, and at the same time, makes clear the approved background of Eumdok Gugyeol typed in these materials. In Goryeo Dynasty, there were many cases of reading Buddhist scriptures. These were tried to read and translate the scriptures with their purposes based on all kinds of commentaries. The public in Buddhism, in the end of Goryeo Dynasty and the early of Joseon Dynasty, had a strong sense of reading and transcribing the scriptures to accumulate more virtuous deeds. In this process, it was not Seokdok Gugyeol focused on translation which put emphasis on the meaning explanation and interpretation order depended on the character of Gugyeol letters, but it was popular that Eumdok Gugyeol focused on reading which put emphasis on reading Gugyeol letters and explaining in Chinese characters. These senses had something in common between the religion of reading the scriptures in Goryeo Dynasty and ceremony act like Tonggyeong, Myogyeong. This brought the variety of Eumdok Gugyeol letters, and had a little bit different forms in the way of the register's academic interest, religious sect, and the individual reading. ≪Neungeomgyeong≫ introduced at the end of Silla kingdom was received attention in the Goryeo Dynasty. ≪Yukjobeopbodangyeong≫ was introduced later than ≪Beophwagyeong≫ which was surpassed China in the profundity of ideas. So the approved period of Gugyeol was late. ≪Neungeomgyeong≫, paid attention In the realm of ideas in Goryeo Dynasty, was approved Gugyeol around 11th century, and ≪Beophwagyeong≫, paid attention in the end of Goryeo Dynasty and the early of Joseon Dynasty, was approved at least in the early 13th century. On the other hand, Gugyeol of ≪Yukjobeopbodangyeong≫ was approved in the 14th century by circulation the book published in the year of 1298 until today.

새 자료, 고려본 『자비도량참법』의 석독 구결 분석 및 음독 구결과의 상관성 비교 연구

남경란(Nam, Kyeong-Nan) 한국어문학회 2018 語文學 Vol.0 No.140

This study was conducted to analyze Seokdok Gugyeol in Goryeo ChojuDaejangkyung, ‘Jabigoryangchambeop’ discovered at Kirimsa Temple in December 2015. The purpose was to compare and analyze the correlation between Seokdok Gugyeol shown in this new material and Eumdok Gugyeol, which is a previous edition Goryeo period copy. The main study object, ‘Jabigoryangchambeop’ from the Kirimsa Temple remains only in chapters 17 to 20 of Volume 4 and it is the crucial information academics are studying due to the discovery of one more Seokdok Gugyeol material dated to the middle of the 13th century. Although the number of Gugyeol letter types in the text is only about 50, it has been paid a great deal of attention in academia because it uses letter types that are quite different from the existing Seokdok materials. In addition, this is very precious data in Korean history because it contains Eumdok Gugyeol data that can not be found in any other existing material. Furthermore, Seokdok Gugyeol and Eumdok Gugyeol can be analyzed at the same time, providing the potential for new discoveries. However, in ‘Jabigoryangchambeop’ from Kirimsa Temple, Gugyeol letter types have been erased or destroyed in some main parts of original copy, and it is difficult to clearly judge the original image of the Gugyeol letter types based solely on the released images. In order to more accurately understand the presented information, the researcher used Adobe Photoshop to precisely identify missing or damaged Seokdok Gugyeol letter types. The significance of this study lies in the correlation found between Seokdok Gugyeol and Eumdok Gugyeol in the Goryeo period, via and informaton processing method and comparative analysis of Seokdok Gugyeol of ‘Jabigoryangchambeop’ from Kirimsa and Eumdok Gugyeol of ‘Jabigoryangchambeop’ from a private collection.

고려본 《상교정본자비도량참법》의 구결 연구 -개인 소장본 〈권1~권5〉를 중심으로-

남경란 ( Kyeong Nan Nam ) 한민족어문학회 2007 韓民族語文學 Vol.51 No.-

우리 나라 文字史의 흐름

李基文(Lee Kimoon) 구결학회 2005 구결연구 Vol.14 No.-

中世語의 ‘사김’은 옛 문헌에서 ‘訓’ 또는 ‘釋’으로 적혔다. 일본어의 ‘訓’은 古代에 한국에서 건너갔는데, 현대에 이르러 이것이 다시 한국에 건너온 것이다. 漢字의 새김은 고구려에서 고유명사 표기에 먼저 쓰인 것으로 추정된다. 『三國史記』卷37의 표기들이 고구려 지명 표기의 一次的인 자료이다. ‘買忽一云水城’의 예와 같이 새김을 이용한 釋讀 표기와, 字音을 이용한 音讀 표기 두 가지가 함께 적혀 있다. 漢文의 풀어읽기 또한 古代에 한국에서 일본으로 건너간 것이다. 1973년에 발견된 舊譯仁王經 다섯 장이 단적인 증거 중의 하나이다. 漢字를 완전히 해체한 것이 특징인 口訣字를 사용한 사실 또한 언어와 文字에 대한 한국인의 뛰어난 재능의 소산이다. 訓民正音은 音素文字이면서 音節 단위로 묶어 쓰는 점이 주목된다. 이것은 漢字語 표기에는 漢字를 쓰지 않을 수 없음을 직시하여 한글이 한자와 잘 어울리도록 한 것이다. 한국의 문자 생활은 세 층-①漢文, ②漢字와 한글의 혼용체, ③순한글-으로 볼 수 있다. 高度로 발달된 學問, 文化의 全領域을 감당하기 위해서는 ②층이 필요하다. 漢字語를 배제하려는 시도가 있었고, 漢字를 배제하기 위해 기계화를 명분으로 한 한글 가로풀어쓰기 방안도 모색되었다. 그러나 이것들은 우리 나라의 文字 생활과 文字史의 관점에서 볼 때 정곡을 찌르지 못한 것이라 할 수 있다. The word 'sagim' in Middle Korean was synonymous with the Sino-Korean words ‘hun(訓)’ or ‘seok(釋)’. The Japanese word ‘hun(訓)’ was borrowed from Ancient Korea, and it was re-imported into Korea in modem times. We can guess that in Goguryeo(高句麗) sagims of Chinese characters were first used to write proper names. The primary source of place names of Goguryeo is the volume 37 of Samguksagi(三國史記). In examples like ‘買忽一云水城’, we can see that place names were written in two ways, i.e. using sagims or sounds of Chinese characters. The former is called ‘Seokdok(釋讀)’, and the latter ‘’Eumdok(音讀). The so-called Hundok(訓讀), i.e. the method of reading classical Chinese texts by one's own language, was transmitted from old Korea into Japan. This fact is evidenced by the five pages of Guyeok Inwanggyeong(舊譯仁王經). This material is also interesting in that it uses Gugyeol(口訣) characters, which were made by deconstructing Chinese characters. These show the excellent talents of Koreans on languages and characters. Hunminjeongeum(訓民正音) is remarkable in that it is basically a alphabetic writing, but graphemes are grouped into syllabic units, This was a thoughtful decision, based on the consideration that Hangeul characters should be used together with chinese characters expressing Sino-Korean words. The literary practice of Korea consists of three tiers: ①classical Chinese, ②mixed system of Chinese characters and Hangeul, and ③system consisting only of Hangeul. The second system was needed for a high level of culture and academie purposes. Some people attempted to exclude Sino-Korean words or Chinese characters entirely from the literary life of Korea, and also experimented with ways of writing Hangeul graphemes separately, i.e. not grouping them into syllabic units. However, these attempts were inappropriate from a historical perspective.

≪金沙論≫의 음독구결 연구 - 자형과 결합유형을 중심으로 -

정은영,안창덕,이인수 한국말글학회 2019 한국말글학 Vol.36 No.-

≪金沙論≫ 음독 구결의 계열관계 양상분석

정윤호 한국말글학회 2019 한국말글학 Vol.36 No.-