朱熹和陳獻章文學觀點之比較

안찬순 ( An Chansoon ) 한국중국산문학회 2018 중국산문연구집간 Vol.8 No.-

Because neo-Confucianism flourished in the Song and the Ming dynasties it is often called ‘Song-Ming neo-Confucianism.’ From its rise in the Song up to the late Ming, a great many neo-Confucian scholars of many intellectual persuasions emerged, and these thinkers advanced many different scholastic views. In actuality these thinkers not only differed in their scholastic views - their approach to, and views on literature also varied on account of the influences of their respective academic and literary environments.Added to these were differences in their scholastic lineages, their position on scholarly controversies, their factional/school affiliations, as well as individual tastes/preferences. Hence while they all operated within the broader boundaries of neo-Confucianism, the attitude of each were both similar and different in some respects - it is only logical that this would be the case.However, in the author’s view, studies on the literary thought of these neo-Confucian thinkers are often guilty of neglecting this diversity and of being too simplistic. Based on the findings of my research over the last few years, I would argue that there have been numerous occurrences of differences having emerged between the views expressed by a single individual on different occasions, let alone differences between thinkers, or between the neo-Confucian thinkers of different periods. As such, I feel that many studies on neo-Confucian literary theory could at best be described as studies on general trends, or partial accounts that do not completely accord with the textual evidence that is available.If we are to paint a more complete picture of the actual substance of these views we need an approach that builds on a close reading of the views expressed in individual texts. Because of the very large number of Song and Ming neo-Confucian thinkers, this would be a project that would extent well beyond the confines of what can be addressed in this article. In line with this, the author has written on this topic on the basis of the following considerations: 1.Regardless of one’s approach, it should not be a matter for debate that Zhu Xi can be regarded as a representative of Song neo-Confucianism as a whole. He was also the most active of all the Song neo-Confucian scholars in various areas of literary endeavor including literary composition, literary criticism. Because Zhu Xi not only composed a large compilation on Song neo-Confucianism, but also compiled a large anthology of Song neo-Confucian scholar’s writings on literary theory, many of his ideas on literature pertain to the field of literary studies. This is different from the case of thinkers such as Zhou Dunyi and the Cheng brothers whose writings in literary criticism were not strictly from a literary studies viewpoint, but were rather criticisms on literature from the viewpoint of neo-Confucian learning. 2.The middle Ming period featured a turning point for Ming neo-Confucianism - in the early Ming Cheng-Zhu neo-Confucianism was the mainstream, however after the middle Ming, while Cheng-Zhu neo-Confucian continued to be transmitted, developments focused on Wang Yangming’s School of Mind. Chen Xianzhang was a figure that was active in this turning period.His role in effecting the transformation of Ming neo-Confucianism, and his contribution to Song-Ming neo-Confucianism more generally, has been widely acknowledged by classical and modern scholars alike. 3.Although no one can compare with Zhu Xi’s status as the most important contributor to neo-Confucianism, Chen Xianzhang’s contribution cannot be neglected.It should also be noted that while Zhu Xi was a prolific composer of poems and songs at a scale that, among neo-Confucians, comes second only to Shao Yong, Chen often liked to discuss poetics in poetic form, and the poems and songs that he composed were no less in volume than those of Zhu. As is now generally understood, Song-Ming neo-Confucians were, with few exceptions, aspiring to strive to ‘become sages,’ so most were not interested in talking about poetry and prose. Like Zhu Xi, Chen Xianzhang liked to compose poetry and also liked to discuss poetry and prose - this makes him rare and valuable among neo Confucian thinkers. In view of the above, the author aims to focus on the two neo-Confucian scholars Zhu Xi and Chen Xianzhang, and through a comparison of their views on literature, proceed to investigate issues such as the causes/reasons that led them to ascribe to these views. The author holds that adopting this approach will enable us to more effectively observe a trajectory in the development and evolution of the views on literary theory of Song-Ming neo-Confucians.

다산(茶山)의 유가(儒家) 문학관과 시문학(詩文學)

윤인현 ( In Hyun Yun ) 근역한문학회 2013 한문학논집(漢文學論集) Vol.36 No.-

This study examined how Dasan succeeded the traditional Confucian view of literature and how such view had a constructive effect on Dasan``s theory and poetry. It also examined the relationship between the traditional Confucian view of literature and Realist Confucianism and the difference between quotation and priming. Recently, there are certain researchers who argue that Realist Confucianism is completely different from the Confucian view of literature or who cannot tell the difference between quotation and priming. Considering that Dasan emphasized purification of mind along with the traditional Confucian view of literature on ``Munijaedo``?‘Sogi’?‘Wanmulsangj i’?‘Onyudonhu’?‘Samusa’, he basically succeeded the Confucian view of literature. However, one of the characteristics of Dasan`s literature and poetry was that his philosophy was more specific with emphasis on practicality and practice than the literatures of Confucian taoists and thinkers from the early and mid Joseon Dynasty. Dasan realistically depicted the lives of commoners in agony through his social poetry and fable poetry and expressed his resistance against the irrationality of rulers. Modern researchers called this Realist Confucianism, but this is only to distinguish him from the Confucian thinkers of early/mid Joseon Dynasty and can be a characteristic of Neo-Confucianism from the late Joseon Dynasty. If the practical aspect of Gyeonghwasajok (the ruling class based in Seoul) from the 17th and 18th Centuries is deeply related to the mundane lives of each individual, Dasan`s practical and active poetry and literature have a social aspect to it. Therefore, Dasan`s poetry and literature were developed from the universal view of literature of traditional Confucianism. Those who emphasized practical philosophy in the late Joseon Dynasty were classified into Realist Confucianism and named Realist Confucianists. Dasan was one of them and emphasized practice. However, this characteristic of Dasan`s literature should not be perceived as a new academic style from the late Joseon Dynasty, but it is the traditional succession of Confucian`s universal view of literature. Only the emphasis of practicality has been perceived as Realist Confucianism by the descendants. Therefore, the researchers who perceive Realist Confucianism separate from the universal view of literature of Confucius should think otherwise.

다카하시 도루의 朝鮮儒學觀을 다시 논함

김기주 ( Kee Joo Kim ) 퇴계학연구원 2012 退溪學報 Vol.132 No.-

다카하시 도루가 어떻게 조선유학을 바라보고 평가하였으며, 그 특징을 이해하였는지에 대해서는 이미 다양한 논문이 발표되었다. 그리고 그 과정에서 다카하시 도루가 첫째는 고착적, 종속적, 당파적인 특성을 통해, 둘째는 주리파와 주기파, 절충파의 구분을 통해 조선유학을 이해하였다는 두 가지 측면이 분명하게 확인되었다. 이점에서 보자면 다카하시의 조선유학관은 이미 그 대체적인 윤곽이 드러났다 고 판단된다. 그런데 지금까지 다카하시 도루의 조선유학관에 대한 연구는 대부분 앞의 두 가지 측면 가운데 어느 한쪽 측면에 주목하였고, 혹 두 가지 측면을 모두 주목하더라도 양자의 관계를 어떻게 설정할 것인지에 대해서 충분한 논의가 진행되지는 못하였다. 필자가 앞서 발표한 논문 「다카하시 도루 조선유학관의 의의와 특징」에서 이 두 가지 측면에 대해 이미 형식과 내용적인 측면으로 구분하여 논하였지만, 새로운 시각에서의 접근 역시 가능하다는 생각에 이 글은 기획되었다. 이 논문에서는 다카하시 도루의 조선유학관을 제국주의의 앞잡이가 조선의 식민통치를 정당화하기 위한 목적으로 바라본 조선유학과, 근대적인 교육을 받은 학자가 근대적인 학문 방법론을 적용해 바라본 조선유학의 두 가지로 구분해 보고, 양자가 어떤 관계에 있는지를 확인하고 있다. 이러한 과정을 통해서 다카하시 도루의 개인적인 삶뿐만 아니라 그의 학문에서도 두 가지 상반된 모습과 성격이 투영되어있고, 그의 조선유학관 역시 그러한 이중성의 산물임을 밝히고 있다. Various theses have been already released to see how Takahashi-Doru viewed and evaluated Chosun`s Confucianism and understood its characteristics. And in this process, this paper has found two clear points: first of all, Takahashi-Doru did understand Chosun`s Confucianism through fixed, dependent, and factional characteristics, and next, he under-stood the process of developing Chosun`s Confucianism with the division of Juri(主理) School, Jugi(主氣) School, and Eclectic School. From this sense, Takahashi-Doru` view to Chosun`s Confucianism can be thought to show its general outline. However, researches that have been conducted so far about Takahashi-Doru`s view to Chosun`s Confucianism have been mostly fo-cused on only one of the two aspects. And even if some noticed both points, they did not perform discussion sufficiently about how to set up the relation between the two parties. A thesis titled as 「Takahashi-Doru`s View to the Significance and Characteristics of Chosun`s Confucianism: focused on the development of Juri School·Jugi School in the history of Joseon`s Confucianism」 discussed those two aspects already in terms of the contents and also the forms; however, this paper was planned with the thought that it could be approached from a new perspective as well. This study divided Takahashi-Doru` view to Chosun`s Confucianism in-to two parts: Chosun`s Confucianism seen by the informant of the im-perialism with the purpose to justify the colonial rule upon Chosun and Chosun`s Confucianism seen by a scholar having received modern educa-tion by applying the modernized methods of studies. And this study fi-nally examines the relationships between the two. With this process, we can see that Takahashi-Doru had two opposite aspects and characters not only in his personal life but in his studies, too, and his view to Chosun`s Confucianism can be also understood as the product of such duplicity.

유교사상을 통해 본 다문화사회

홍승표(Hong Seung-Pyo) 대한철학회 2008 哲學硏究 Vol.107 No.-

단일문화사회로부터 다문화사회로의 전환은 21세기 사회구조 변동의 필연적인 추세이다. 그러나 문화 간의 편견과 차별은 감소하지 않고 있으며, 이는 심각한 사회문제가 되고 있다. 본 연구는 현재 다문화사회 문제의 근원이 현대인의 의식을 지배하는 근대적 세계관에 있다고 본다. 이런 이유에서, 본 연구는 세계관적인 차원에서 이 문제의 근원을 해명하고 문제 해결 방안을 모색하고자 한다. 이 글의 구체적인 목적은 현대 다문화사회 문제 해결에 있어서 유교사상에서 차용해올 수 있는 자원이 무엇인가를 탐구하는 것이다. 첫째, 유교 인간관이 다문화사회 문제 해결을 위해 기여할 수 있는 바를 탐색했다. 유교 인간관은 자신의 문화에 대한 절대적이고 근본적인 긍정의 정신을 제공할 수 있다. 이런 절대적인 긍정의 정신은 물론 다른 문화에도 적용된다. 그러므로 나의 문화에 대해서 자부심을 갖듯이 너의 문화에 대해서도 존경하는 마음을 가져야 한다. 이런 마음의 자세를 갖고서 나와 너의 문화를 대한다면, 다문화사회에서 이질적인 문화의 평화로운 공존과 조화로운 발전이 가능할 수 있다. 둘째, 유교 관계관이 조화로운 다문화사회 형성에 어떻게 기여할 수 있는가를 살펴보았다. 유교 관계관의 핵심은 대대적(對待的) 대립관이다. 유교의 대대적 대립관은 상대 문화를 나의 문화가 존립할 수 있는 전제가 된다고 본다. 나의 문화와 너의 문화는 서로 의존하고 있다고 본다. 그리고 나의 문화와 너의 문화는 서로를 이루어준다. 뿐만 아니라, 나의 문화와 너의 문화의 다름 그 자체가 문화의 상호 발전을 위한 전제가 된다고 인식한다.   결론적으로 말하자면, 오늘날 점점 심화되고 있는 다문화사회 문제에 직면해서, 유교사상은 상대편 문화를 바라보는 새로운 관점을 제공해 줄 수 있다. 그리고 이를 통해서 유교사상이 조화로운 다문화사회 발전에 기여할 수 있다. The transformation from uni-cultural society to multi-cultural society is the necessary trend of the 21th century sociocultural change. But the discrimination among cultural groups is not decreasing and it has become a serious social problem. The modern world view is regarded as the essential cause of the problem. In this sense, the purpose of this study is to explore the cause of the social problem in terms of world view. And the specific purpose of this paper is to inquire the resources in Confucian thoughts that is useful to solve the social problem. First, how Confucian view of human being can contribute to solve the problems of multi-cultural society is discussed. Confucian view of human being can provide the fundamental affirmation to their own culture. Of course, the fundamental affirmation can be applied to the other culture. Therefore, ‘my’ culture and ‘your’ culture can go together.. The respect can be contributed to the peaceful coexistence and the harmonious development. Second, how Confucian view of relation can contribute to the formation of harmonious multi-cultural society is stated. The essence of Confucian view of relation is the view of confrontation as tai tae. Based on the Confucian view of confrontation as tai tae, the existence of the other culture is the presupposition of the existence of my own culture. ‘My’ culture and ‘your’ culture depend on each other. And the difference between ‘my’ culture and ‘your’ culture itself is helpful for the mutual cultural development. Nowadays the social problem of multi-cultural society is becoming serious. Confucian thoughts can provide a new viewpoint to see the other culture. And Confucian thoughts can contribute to the harmonious development of multi-cultural society.

매월당 김시습 역사관에 관한 연구

김진봉 한국민족사상학회 2015 민족사상 Vol.9 No.3

This paper is a study on Kim Si-seup’s view of history. Most of the previous research on Kim Si-seup is concentrated on his literary works and there is little about his view of history. The purpose of this paper is to examine from what perspective he viewed history and what was the basis of his view of history. Based upon The Collected Works of Maewoldang, I divided his historical view into three aspects: First, his view of history is Confucian. The age in which he lived was governed by the political ideas of Confucianism. Because he had learned Confucian scriptures from early childhood, Many lines in his works referred to the history of China, which shows didacticism and respect for the past. Second, Kim Si-seup’s view of history is very critical of the social and political reality of his age. During the years he lived as a wanderer around the country, he witnessed the suffering of the common people under the greed of those who were in charge of governing the nation. His poems on history show the ugly truth about the governing classes and his criticism of that. Third, he has an evolutionary view of history. It demands social reform and change. His overview of the history of the Joseon Dynasty in terms of the history of culture and ideas also shows the Confucian aspect of his historical view. 본 논문은 김시습 역사관에 관한 연구이다. 김시습에 관한 연구는 문학 분야가 대부분이고 역사에 관련된 연구는 아주 적다. 본 논문의 목적은 김시습은 어떤 관점으로 역사를 보았으며 그러한 역사관의 근거는 무엇인지 밝히고자한다. 본 논문은『매월당전집』에 실린 글을 근거로 김시습의 역사관을 세 가지로 나누었다. 첫째 김시습은 유가적 역사관을 가지고 있다. 그가 살았던 시대는 유교의 통치사상을 기본이념으로 하였다. 그리고 김시습은 어려서부터 유학 경전을 공부하였기 때문에 유학적 소양이 체화되었다고 할 수 있다. 그의 글에는 중국의 역사를 예를 든 것이 많으며 감계주의(鑑戒主義)와 상고주의(尙古主義) 내용이 드러난다. 둘째 김시습은 현실 비판적 역사관을 가지고 있다. 그는 방랑생활을 하며 위정자(爲政者)들의 탐욕에 의해 고통 받는 백성들의 모습을 보았다. 그의 영사시(詠史詩)에는 그러한 위정자의 모습과 현실을 비판하는 내용을 담고 있다. 셋째 김시습은 진화론적 역사관을 가지고 있다. 그의 진화론적 역사관은 사회 개혁과 변화를 요구한다. 또 그가 조선시대의 역사를 문화사적, 사상사적으로 제시한 점에 있어서도 유가적 역사관에서 발전된 역사관을 가지고 있었다고 할 수 있다.

牧隱 李穡의 三敎觀과 會通的 性格

이은영 동양철학연구회 2018 東洋哲學硏究 Vol.94 No.-

Confucianism is the study of scholars who actively participate in the real world and place emphasis on moving into what they learn. MogEun LeeSack (李穡, 牧隱 1328~1396)consistently emphasized the participation and practice spirit of Confucianism and compared Taoism with Buddhism from a Confucian point of view. Confucianism is the role of government that governs countries and people. In other words, it became the main force that governed the world that it was able to correct the order of the Goryeo society which was confused at that time and to be able to edify it as a national religion. In other words, MogEun said about Confucius that he succeeded the Way of King Yo⋅ Sun, revealed the law of Wen⋅Wu, organized and compiled the Book of Odes⋅ the Canon of History, enacted Proprity⋅Music to come true Right politics. He taught people correctly and taught them to be right and to have a good temperament, so that they provided a basis for enjoying peace and happiness. He also praised the fact that people have not been better than Confucius since the beginning of the world. At the same time, he expressed his legitimacy of the Way. In addition, he was a pure Confucian with a firm will to inherit the intention of Yo⋅Sun and partly recognized the idea of ​​Buddhism and Taoism in a neo-Confucian worldview. From his early age, 牧隱 had learned from many mountains and temples including Sungjusan, and cultivated his academia and friendship with many monks. The monks, however, threw out their positions and official uniforms, broke the tie endowed by Heaven between the father and the son, and abandoned the human bondage in the brotherhood. He revealed his Buddhist image that the Confucian had rejected Buddhism as they became a group like a fowl. The reason why they did not reject Buddhism was that Confucianism could not play a role in correcting the social order, and that Buddhism would play a role of reforming the deterioration of the beautiful and fine custom. In other words, Buddhism has been able to save rebirth from misery and suffering, to be mentally dependent, and to be able to take on the role of salvation even further. It accepts Taoism from a Confucian point of view. Confucianism has to thoroughly discipline self-discipline, emphasize strict courtesy and law, and yet, the Way of Laozi is natural to do so. He seemed to recognize Taoism as a reliever who relieved the people from the harm caused by the social laws and regulations that people made. However, as an improvement of Taoism, it is difficult to follow the true truth of Laozi, to make some people hate and disturb the world with strange and impractical methods. And he stressed that the false Taoists who deceive the people and confuse their minds should try to understand and uncover the teachings of Lozai. In other words, he warned Taoism that he borrowed the Way of Laozi and taught the reality in a way totally different from that of Laozi, and to dishonor the Master. In MogEun’ thought, there is no Way to leave the reality. If people see only what is visible, or if they follow the ideal quibbling over too much reason, they will fall into a heresy. In criticizing Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism, MogEun regareded it as the most important thing whether they are escaped from the Truth(the Way). Among the ideas of the Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism, MogEun took something that he could take, and criticized the words that fell into the heresy or were absent-minded. The words of Confucius, Buddha and Laozi are not much different. Therefore, he could embrace Buddhism and Taoism in a futuristic way without being greatly rejected. 유교는 현실, 그리고 현실에서의 실천을 중시하는 학문으로 핵심 기능은 經國治世라 할 수 있다. 유교는 고려조에서 風敎와 經世의 주축이 되었다. 牧隱 李穡(1328~1396)은 孔子에 대해 “인류가 생겨난 이후로 공자보다 훌륭한 분은 나오지 않았다”고 극찬하면서 자신의 道統觀을 밝혔다. 이색은 堯舜의 도를 계승하겠다는 확고한 의지를 지닌 순수한 儒者였다. 한결같이 유교의 현실참여와 실천정신을 중시하였으며, 유교적 관점에서 도교와 불교를 비교하면서 저들의 설을 일부 인정하였다. 이색은 어려서부터 여러 山寺에서 독서하면서 많은 승려들과 교유하였다. 그는 승려들이 父子間에 天倫을 끊고 형제간에 人倫을 저버린 것에 대해 비판하면서도, 유교가 사회적 제 기능을 하지 못했던 현실 속에서 불교가 쇠퇴한 風敎의 역할을 담당할 것으로 생각하였다. 이색은 유교적 관점에서 道仙을 수용하였다. 유교는 자기수양을 철저히 해야 하고, 까다로운 예의와 법도를 중시하는데 반해 노자의 도는 無爲自然하는 것이다. 道仙은 사람들이 만들어 놓은 사회적 법규로 인해 야기된 폐해로부터 백성들을 구제해주는 濟世의 역할을 담당하는 것이다. 이색은 道仙의 개선점으로 노자의 말인 참 진리를 따르지 않고 괴이하고 허무맹랑한 술법으로 惑世誣民하고 세상을 어지럽히는 것을 비판하였다. 老子의 道를 빌려 쓰면서 실상은 노자의 도와 전혀 딴판으로 가르치는 것은 스승을 욕되게 하는 것 이라고 경계하였다. 이색이 유⋅불⋅선 삼교를 논할 때 가장 중시하였던 것이 진리에서 벗어났느냐 아니냐 하는 것이었다. 이색은 유⋅불⋅선에서 취할 만한 말은 취하였다. 그는 기본적으로 공자⋅석가⋅노자의 말이 크게 다르지 않다고 보았다. 그가 불교와 도교를 원융적 차원에서 포용할 수 있었던 배경이 여기에 있다.

필기,야담을 통해 본 조선후기의 귀신관과 사후관

강상순 ( Sangsoon Kang ) 한신대학교 종교와문화연구소(구 한신인문학연구소) 2014 종교문화연구 Vol.- No.22

본고는 조선후기에 저술된 필기·야담집을 중심으로 그 속에서 귀신이나 사후세계가 어떻게 인식되고 있는지를 검토하고자 한 글이다. 이를 위해 우선 2절에서는 조선 전기의 필기·실록 등에 드러나는 귀신관과 사후관을 검토해보았다. 조선 전기는 성리학적 귀신론이 수용되고 유교식 의례가 활발히 보급되기 시작한 시기이지만, 조선 전기의 필기나 실록에 두드러지게 드러나는 것은 아직 유교화되지 않은 재래의 무속적·주술적 귀신관과 사후관이었다. 이어서 3절에서는 유교식 상·제례가 확산되고 종법적 가족주의가 강화된 조선후기의 필기·야담에 나타나는 귀신관과 사후관의 변화 양상을 검토했다. 유교적 상·제례의 보급과 함께 나타난 두드러진 변화는 조상귀신에 관한 이야기가 크게 증가한다는 것이다. 이러한 귀신이야기의 변모와 함께 사후세계에 대한 관념에도 변화가 나타난다. 이제 조상귀신은 죽어서 소멸하는 것이 아니라 후손과 동거하는 존재로, 살아 있을 때와 동일한 인륜감각을 지닌 채 후손을 보살피고 그 내면까지 감찰하는 존재로 여겨진다. 이런 귀신관의 변화를 통해 통속화된 유교적 사후관이 확립된다. 그리고 조상귀신의 처소에 대해서는 귀신이 가묘에 거처한다는 유교적인 관념뿐 아니라 묘소나 저승세계 같은데 거주한다는 전통적인 사후관념도 여전히 강력하게 지속되었다. This paper aims to examine in what certain ways the death and afterlife was portrayed and recognized in Pilgi and Yadam written in the late Joseon dynasty. Firstly, this paper starts with an examination of views of ghosts and death shown in Pilgi and annals of the early Joseon dynasty. Confucian theories about ghosts were becoming generally accepted and Confucian rituals began to disseminate during that period. Still, however, the ones illustrated largely in Pilgi and annals of the early Joseon dynasty were traditional shamanic views of ghosts and death which had not yet been fully confucianized. According to these ideas, not safely staying in the world of the dead but returning to the world of theliving as ghosts would be considered as an ominous sign. Writers of Pilgi and annals in the early Joseon period regarded the returning ghosts as foreboding portents and also argued that these ghosts should be expelled from the Confucian value system on one hand, while simultaneously they revealed their apprehensive interests in this. The third paragraph focuses on changing aspects of views of life after death described in Pilgi and Yadam of the late of Joseon in which Confucian funeral and ancestral rites based on Zhu-xi’s Family Courtesy were disseminated and familism in Confucian clan rules was strengthened. An outstanding change with dissemination of the Confucian funeral and ancestral rites refers to increasing numbers of ancestral ghosts’ stories, and thus this had the same way with dissemination of the familism in Confucian clan rules. These changes in stories about ghosts also brought the changing views of life after death. Ancestral ghosts were no longer gone out of existence but regarded as figures living together and looking after their descendants with the same sense of human values as in life. As a result, these localized and popularized Confucian views of death were established. Even though it assumed that the ancestral ghosts mainly stayed the family shrines, they had still been thought to reside their graves or the underworld and visit their descendants on their rites.

목은(牧隱) 이색(李穡)의 삼교관(三敎觀)과 회통적(會通的) 성격(性格)

이은영 ( Lee Eun Young ) 동양철학연구회 2018 東洋哲學硏究 Vol.94 No.-

Confucianism is the study of scholars who actively participate in the real world and place emphasis on moving into what they learn. MogEun LeeSack (李穡, 牧隱 1328~1396)consistently emphasized the participation and practice spirit of Confucianism and compared Taoism with Buddhism from a Confucian point of view. Confucianism is the role of government that governs countries and people. In other words, it became the main force that governed the world that it was able to correct the order of the Goryeo society which was confused at that time and to be able to edify it as a national religion. In other words, MogEun said about Confucius that he succeeded the Way of King Yo· Sun, revealed the law of Wen·Wu, organized and compiled the Book of Odes· the Canon of History, enacted Proprity·Music to come true Right politics. He taught people correctly and taught them to be right and to have a good temperament, so that they provided a basis for enjoying peace and happiness. He also praised the fact that people have not been better than Confucius since the beginning of the world. At the same time, he expressed his legitimacy of the Way. In addition, he was a pure Confucian with a firm will to inherit the intention of Yo·Sun and partly recognized the idea of Buddhism and Taoism in a neo-Confucian worldview. From his early age, 牧隱had learned from many mountains and temples including Sungjusan, and cultivated his academia and friendship with many monks. The monks, however, threw out their positions and official uniforms, broke the tie endowed by Heaven between the father and the son, and abandoned the human bondage in the brotherhood. He revealed his Buddhist image that the Confucian had rejected Buddhism as they became a group like a fowl. The reason why they did not reject Buddhism was that Confucianism could not play a role in correcting the social order, and that Buddhism would play a role of reforming the deterioration of the beautiful and fine custom. In other words, Buddhism has been able to save rebirth from misery and suffering, to be mentally dependent, and to be able to take on the role of salvation even further. It accepts Taoism from a Confucian point of view. Confucianism has to thoroughly discipline self-discipline, emphasize strict courtesy and law, and yet, the Way of Laozi is natural to do so. He seemed to recognize Taoism as a reliever who relieved the people from the harm caused by the social laws and regulations that people made. However, as an improvement of Taoism, it is difficult to follow the true truth of Laozi, to make some people hate and disturb the world with strange and impractical methods. And he stressed that the false Taoists who deceive the people and confuse their minds should try to understand and uncover the teachings of Lozai. In other words, he warned Taoism that he borrowed the Way of Laozi and taught the reality in a way totally different from that of Laozi, and to dishonor the Master. In MogEun’ thought, there is no Way to leave the reality. If people see only what is visible, or if they follow the ideal quibbling over too much reason, they will fall into a heresy. In criticizing Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism, MogEun regareded it as the most important thing whether they are escaped from the Truth(the Way). Among the ideas of the Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism, MogEun took something that he could take, and criticized the words that fell into the heresy or were absent-minded. The words of Confucius, Buddha and Laozi are not much different. Therefore, he could embrace Buddhism and Taoism in a futuristic way without being greatly rejected.

조선후기 사대부 女訓書에 나타난 여성상 형성에 대한 연구

김언순 韓國敎育史學會 2006 한국교육사학 Vol.28 No.1

This study attempts to reveal what was the confucian views of women which was formed through the Confucian Women’s Classics (女訓書) compiled by classical scholars (士大夫) in late Chosun society. The whole Chosun society was driven to Confucianization(儒敎化) internalizing Confucian values and norms to build the ideal society founded on confucianism. Through this process Chosun women became the object of edification. Confucian discourse about Chosun women was formed through the compilation of Confucian Women’s Classics or the books for edification(敎化書) and Chumg-Pyo polcy(旌表政策) directed by nation. On this ground Confucian views of women settled down by classical scholars participating. The reason why Confucian Women’s Classics compiled by classical scholars appeared was related with their weakened control over country village after two wars(兩亂) and the change of family system caused by the application of Family Rites of Chu Hsi (『朱子家禮』). Classical scholars coped with the change of time by emphasizing one's family spirit and the unity of family. To be morally superior to country village people, family members needed to internalize Confucian norms. Within this situation, Confucian Women's Classics were created to educate women for confucian norms. Confucian Women's Classics compiled by classical scholars observed viewpoints of woman education that “the suppression of a rebellion (治亂)” depends on “home administration (內治).” The theory of home administration means that if woman is good, the suppression of a rebellion at home and nation would be successful. But if not, it would fail. After all, the suppression of a rebellion at home and nation depends on woman's wisdom and good. Because of the above reasons, the goodness (善) of woman became the goal to achieve. The necessity of woman education is derived from this point. As Confucian education of women expected the stability at home and nation, Confucian Women's Classics aimed at maintaining Confucianism patriarchism. Classical scholars paid attention to women norms demanded to maintain the order of Confucianism patriarchism in the situation of times. This comes to conclusion with three aspects. First, these books limited the lives of women in the husband's house. This created the discourse of "a married women who is no longer regarded as a family member of hers (出嫁外人)". On this discourse, Confucian Women's Classics compiled by classical scholars emphasized the virtue such as obedience (順從) that is needed to accomplish their lives and human relationships in the husband's house. Second, to maintain Confucianism patriarchism, they emphasized the image of uncomplicated woman who concentrates her energies on managing a household. Especially in the case of poor classical scholars, women were positively requested to have the ability to manage of property and they relied on women for the existence and rise and decline of the family. The demand of “able women (能婦)” in late Chosun society means that Chosun society couldn't be maintained by only virtuous women. Also this was the important opportunity for women to realize themselves in the limited surroundings, that is home. Thirdly, “the jealousy (妬忌)” of woman was prohibited. This could provide an exit for men who were in the strictly control of desire by Neo-Confucianism. At the same time, this could be the safety device to prevent the collapse of family by demanding excessive patience from women in the name of womanly virtues (婦德).

松江 鄭澈의 漢詩에 나타난 作法과 儒者의 자연관

윤인현,Yun. In-hyun 한국고전연구학회 2015 한국고전연구 Vol.0 No.31

본고는, 松江 鄭澈의 한시에 수용된 「詩經」과「楚辭」의 의미파악과 그의 한시에 나타난 유자의 자연관을 살펴본 것이다. 그 결과 중국의 역사와 故事 그리고 經書의 내용을 用事하고 중국 前代 문인의 문학 작품을 點化하여, 작품의 내용을 더욱 알차고 풍부하게 하였음을 확인할 수 있었다. 그러나 일부의 작품에서는 精切하지 못한 용사와 도습에 그친 경우도 있었다. 그리고 본고에서 행한 용사와 점화의 구별은 그동안 용사와 점화를 혼동해서 행해온 기존 연구의 잘못을 바로잡을 수 있는 계기가 될 것이다. 儒者의 自然觀은, 서구의 자연관의 관점에서 자연적 소재가 지닌 특징만을 살핀 것이 아니라 유자의 관점에서 다시 재론한 것이다. 유자의 자연관은, 벼슬에 나아가고 물러나는 出處觀이나 人倫의 道를 행하는 등의 인간 생활과 관련된 것과 산수자연의 아름다움을 현실과 연관시켜 보는 관점이다. 송강의 한시 작품에 반영된 유자의 자연관은 戀君之情․憂國之情․忠節의 내용이 있었다. 나라가 위기에 처해 있을 때는 出仕하여 우국과 충절의 모습을 보이기도 하였지만, 한편으로는 잘못된 朋黨의 모습을 보이면서 지나친 연군지정을 보인 경우도 있었다. 따라서 송강의 문학이 철저했던 유자의 문학관에 따라 군주에 대한 허물을 은근히 들어서 밝게 간했는지, 어진이를 사모하고 대중을 포용할 줄 알았는지, 아니면 남의 단점을 숨겨주고 남의 장점을 세상에 드러내주었는지 등을 선비정신의 관점에서 다시 한 번 살펴볼 필요가 있을 것이다. This study comprehends the meaning of Book of Songs and Invitatory accommodated in the Chinese poems of Songgang, Jeong Cheol and examines the view of nature of Confucian scholar represented in his Chinese poems. As a result, I could understand that he quoted Chinese history and tales and contents of the Confucian classics and renewed literary works of Chinese writers in order to enrich the contents of his literary works. However, some of his works were accused of imitation. The distinction between the quotation and renewal made in this study will serve as a momentum to fix the error of the existing studies which confused the quotation with renewal. The view of nature of Confucian scholar does not only see the characteristics of natural materials in the Western point of view but also reargues it in the Confucian scholar's point of view. The view of nature of Confucian scholar is related with the political view of taking up public office, human life such as taking the way of moral laws, and connecting the beauty of landscape of nature with the reality. The view of nature of Confucian scholar reflected on the Chinese poems of Songgang contained the yearning for his king of lord, patriotism, and loyalty. He showed the feature of patriotism and loyalty by entering government service in the national crisis, but in the meantime, he showed wrong faction with excessive yearning for his king of lord. Therefore, it would be necessary to reveal that if the literature of Songgang expostulated the faults of the king according to thorough literary view of Confucian scholar, had an affection for benevolent persons and embraced the public, or hid the others' weakness and revealed their virtue to the world in the viewpoint of classical scholar's mind.