『좋으실 대로』: 동화적 논리와 경제적 교환의 이념

김문규(Moon Gyu Kim) 한국셰익스피어학회 2014 셰익스피어 비평 Vol.50 No.3

This paper examines how As You Like It adopts the logic of fairy tale ideologically to criticize the proto-capitalized society and to suggest a vision of ideal society against it. According to the convention of fairy tale, the play develops the binary world of good and bad. The bad is new world. And it is the proto-capitalist society, in which virtues of antique world is destroyed: the bonds of blood and kinship seem to have lost their cogency; the oppressed are driven into exile. The oppressed driven from bad society gathered in the Arden forest, cherishing the memories of the good old world. But it is proved that in this mode of going out capitalized society is also imbued with the idea of reestablishing the antique world of agrarian community. For this idea, main characters in the play take the initiative in following the idea of economic exchange in agrarian community of the remote past; the idea of reciprocity in gift and return. But it also proves to be an ethos for aristocrats who have had or will resume power. And it is mainly reflected in Orlando’s success story. Instead of following Robin Hood’s way of life which means resistance and lawlessness, Orlando follows Duke’s gentle way of life in Arden. As a consequence, by getting married to princess Rosalind, his wish to be a genuine aristocrat comes true. Orlando’s success story can be interpreted as reflecting the logic and strategy for aristocrats to reunify fragmented society under their leadership, or hegemony. Finally, with marriages “as they like it”, good old world has been reestablished. And it is as yet achievable only temporarily in Arden, only by and for limited aristocrats. Nevertheless, we can conclude that the play, with a logic of fairy tale, seems to deliver a version of ideal world based on the antique idea of economic exchange of reciprocity in gift and return, facing proto-capitalist society.

明治時代の言説空間における 「平民的」という語 ― 北村透谷と徳富蘇峰の発言を中心として ―

김경화 한국일어일문학회 2019 日語日文學硏究 Vol.108 No.-

In 1893, Tokoku Kitamura said that the word ‘HEIMINTEKI(non-aristocratic, democratic)’ was misused in the review ‘Reading “SEISHIYOROKU”’. “SEISHIYOROKU” is a book written by Soho Tokutomi. At that time, the word ‘HEIMINTEKI(non-aristocratic, democratic)’ was used extensively such as ‘HEIMINTEKI(non-aristocratic, democratic) art’,‘HEIMINTEKI(non-aristocratic, democratic) idea’, ‘HEIMINTEKI(non-aristocratic, democratic) literature’ and so on. The word ‘HEIMIN(commoner)’ appeared in Japanese society by the establishment of the quadrant equality in 1872. However, the word was not limited to its concept, and it was used with various variations in the Japanese society of Meiji In this paper, I focused on remarks of Tokoku Kitamura and Soho Tokutomi. As a result, the word ‘HEIMINTEKI’ in Tokoku Kitamura and Soho Tokutomi was not just a word of ‘non-aristocratic’, it was used as a ‘subject’ or ‘democratic’ related to the democracy of Western Europe. They idealized Western European democratic society from the modern era. And they realized that the ‘subject’ of the members of the society is not in the Japanese society of Meiji. For that reason they used the word ‘HEIMINTEKI’ frequently. .

고려불화의 미적 특질과 그 계통성

주수완 한국중세사학회 2012 한국중세사연구 Vol.0 No.32

Buddhist paintings of the Goryeo Period are distinguished by a highly artistic quality and often present a rather aristocratic manner. This reputation can be explained in terms of the gorgeous and elaborate scenes and clothing revealed in Goryeo buddhist paintings which is most likely derived from the lives of the contemporary ruling classes of Goryeo Dynasty. Such an assumption, however, threatens to undermine the obvious artistic value of Goryeo Buddhist paintings if they are presented as merely gorgeous or elaborate representations of court life, mere by-products of the ruling classes instead of the results of profound artistic activities and complex ideas. So this essay tried to overcome the mere gorgeous and elaborate character of Goryeo buddhist paintings, and newly examine the more fundamental artistic property of it as follows. The expressive style in Goryeo Buddhist painting follows two basic lineages. One was derived from Chinese precedents and the other can be traced back to nomadic cultures associated with the Goryeo aristocracy. The two lineages, quite different in style and content, did not evolve in parallel, but were rather merged into one single art work, thereby establishing an unprecedented style. As a result, many characteristics found in Goryeo Buddhist paintings such as “Amitābha Triad's reception” in Leeum Museum of Art and “Sukhāvatī tableaux” in Saifukuji (西福寺) Temple cannot be found in either Chinese or nomadic Bbuddhist art. Moreover, a comparative survey reveals that the creative iconography and the unusal perspectives are unique to these paintings. Therefore there are stylistic and elements of Goryeo Buddhist paintings far more complex and significant that simply ornate and elaborate details. Finally, these creative and unique expressions can be interpreted as representing the growth of an independent cultural identity during the Goryeo Dynasty. The people of the Goryeo Dynasty gained increasing self esteem as a result of its advantageous position in negotiations and its treatment in military situations as an equal by Chinese and nomadic empires. The increasing cultural assurance of the Goryeo Dynasty is well reflected in its literary history. Such literary materials gives further support for such an interpretation of these paintings as reflecting greater cultural independence. Apparently, it can not be denied that Goryeo buddhist paintings had an more individual and confidential aspect than Joseon buddhist paintings in ritual. But the individual and confidential conception were more generic than aristocratic one. Finally, this essay is not making an argument that the art is somehow “democratic” or “popular” as opposed to “aristocratic”. The purpose of this essay is to describe the nature of artistic expression in these paintings not as a product of luxury consumption by the aristocrats, but rather to describe how a society inspired the creation of art through intellectual discourse. Buddhist paintings of the Goryeo Period are distinguished by a highly artistic quality and often present a rather aristocratic manner. This reputation can be explained in terms of the gorgeous and elaborate scenes and clothing revealed in Goryeo buddhist paintings which is most likely derived from the lives of the contemporary ruling classes of Goryeo Dynasty. Such an assumption, however, threatens to undermine the obvious artistic value of Goryeo Buddhist paintings if they are presented as merely gorgeous or elaborate representations of court life, mere by-products of the ruling classes instead of the results of profound artistic activities and complex ideas. So this essay tried to overcome the mere gorgeous and elaborate character of Goryeo buddhist paintings, and newly examine the more fundamental artistic property of it as follows. The expressive style in Goryeo Buddhist painting follows two basic lineages. One was derived from Chinese precedents and the other can be traced back to nomadic cultures associated with the Goryeo aristocracy. The two lineages, quite different in style and content, did not evolve in parallel, but were rather merged into one single art work, thereby establishing an unprecedented style. As a result, many characteristics found in Goryeo Buddhist paintings such as “Amitābha Triad's reception” in Leeum Museum of Art and “Sukhāvatī tableaux” in Saifukuji (西福寺) Temple cannot be found in either Chinese or nomadic Bbuddhist art. Moreover, a comparative survey reveals that the creative iconography and the unusal perspectives are unique to these paintings. Therefore there are stylistic and elements of Goryeo Buddhist paintings far more complex and significant that simply ornate and elaborate details. Finally, these creative and unique expressions can be interpreted as representing the growth of an independent cultural identity during the Goryeo Dynasty. The people of the Goryeo Dynasty gained increasing self esteem as a result of its advantageous position in negotiations and its treatment in military situations as an equal by Chinese and nomadic empires. The increasing cultural assurance of the Goryeo Dynasty is well reflected in its literary history. Such literary materials gives further support for such an interpretation of these paintings as reflecting greater cultural independence. Apparently, it can not be denied that Goryeo buddhist paintings had an more individual and confidential aspect than Joseon buddhist paintings in ritual. But the individual and confidential conception were more generic than aristocratic one. Finally, this essay is not making an argument that the art is somehow “democratic” or “popular” as opposed to “aristocratic”. The purpose of this essay is to describe the nature of artistic expression in these paintings not as a product of luxury consumption by the aristocrats, but rather to describe how a society inspired the creation of art through intellectual discourse.

陆机诗歌中的士族意识

孙明君(Sun Ming-Jun) 대한중국학회 2005 중국학 Vol.24 No.-

  The disputations, supportive or oppositive, and the pros or cons that are concerned with Luji"s poems, are all closely related to the aristocratic consciousness. The forming of aristocratic symbolizes the literature history of Weijin dynasty. And the aristocratic consciousness existing in Luji"s poems indicates the mature of aristocratic consciousness of Chinese poems" history. Luji"s great contribution consists in his origination of profoundly representing aristocratic consciousness that deals with the love of hometown, nostalgia, longing of fame and social status, etc. His poems manifest deep thoughts of a aristocratic literator, meanwhile, his self esteem, mental conflicts, sorrow and loneliness are clearly showed through all his works. Comparing with poets living in Jian"an period, Lu"s poems lack of vigorous style, but much meaningful and sensitive than the Xuanyan and Gongti poems in Liuchao period.

陆机诗歌中的士族意识

孫明君 대한중국학회 2005 중국학 Vol.24 No.-

The disputations, supportive or oppositive, and the pros or cons that are concerned with Luji"s poems, are all closely related to the aristocratic consciousness. The forming of aristocratic symbolizes the literature history of Weijin dynasty. And the aristocratic consciousness existing in Luji"s poems indicates the mature of aristocratic consciousness of Chinese poems" history. Luji"s great contribution consists in his origination of profoundly representing aristocratic consciousness that deals with the love of hometown, nostalgia, longing of fame and social status, etc. His poems manifest deep thoughts of a aristocratic literator, meanwhile, his self esteem, mental conflicts, sorrow and loneliness are clearly showed through all his works. Comparing with poets living in Jian"an period, Lu"s poems lack of vigorous style, but much meaningful and sensitive than the Xuanyan and Gongti poems in Liuchao period.

春秋時期貴族女性的知識來源、知識構成與社會角色

후문화 ( Hou Wenhua ) 중국어문연구회 2018 中國語文論叢 Vol.0 No.88

According to all kinds of historical records, most aristocratic women in the Spring and Autumn Period had high cultural attainments. The reason that can form a high cultural accomplishment is that must have a relatively fixed source of knowledge. Taken together, there are three main sources of knowledge for aristocratic women in the Spring and Autumn Period: first, the fumu (i.e. the female teacher) with profound cultural attainments; second, the parents, aunts, and sisters; third, the jiugu (that is, the father-in-law and mother-in-law). The knowledge structure of aristocratic women in the Spring and Autumn is relatively complete, and they are familiar with the literature such as Book of Songs, Book of Documents and Book of Change that men study. Because they are familiar with historical facts and classical literature, they can quote Book of Change to predict the good and evil of fate, but also know rites in daily life. In the Spring and Autumn Period, aristocratic women not only participated in politics but also in the creation and dissemination of the literature, played an extremely important role in the Spring and Autumn.

春秋时期贵族女性的知识来源、知识构成与社会角色

侯文华 중국어문연구회 2018 中國語文論叢 Vol.0 No.88

According to all kinds of historical records, most aristocratic women in the Spring and Autumn Period had high cultural attainments. The reason that can form a high cultural accomplishment is that must have a relatively fixed source of knowledge. Taken together, there are three main sources of knowledge for aristocratic women in the Spring and Autumn Period: first, the fumu (i.e. the female teacher) with profound cultural attainments; second, the parents, aunts, and sisters; third, the jiugu (that is, the father-in-law and mother-in-law). The knowledge structure of aristocratic women in the Spring and Autumn is relatively complete, and they are familiar with the literature such as Book of Songs, Book of Documents and Book of Change that men study. Because they are familiar with historical facts and classical literature, they can quote Book of Change to predict the good and evil of fate, but also know rites in daily life. In the Spring and Autumn Period, aristocratic women not only participated in politics but also in the creation and dissemination of the literature, played an extremely important role in the Spring and Autumn.

百濟 熊津奠都와 貴族勢力의 動向

姜鍾元(Kang Jong-won) 한국고대사학회 2008 韓國古代史硏究 Vol.0 No.52

이 글에서는 개로왕대의 정치상황과 熊津 奠都의 배경, 그리고 웅진초기 귀족세력의 동향에 대하여 검토하였다. 개로왕은 전제왕권을 추진하면서 이를 대외적으로 과시하기 위해 인력과 물자를 동원하여 성을 쌓고 누각을 장려하게 조영하였는데, 이 과정에서 고구려의 계략이 크게 작용하였던 것으로 파악된다. 그렇지만 개로왕의 무리한 대규모 토목공사는 국가의 人的ㆍ物的 자원의 고갈을 가져왔을 뿐만 아니라 한강이북지역 재지세력의 분열과 이탈을 초래하였다. 그 결과 북방지역 방비체계의 해체를 가져와 고구려의 남진을 효과적으로 제어하지 못하고, 결국 한성의 함락과 천도라는 국가적 위기를 맞게 되었다. 문주왕은 즉위 후 바로 웅진으로 천도를 하였는데, 웅진에 定都하게 된 배경은 고구려의 공격으로부터 벗어남과 동시에 大姓貴族들의 정치적 간섭을 최소화하고, 나아가 倭로부터 원군과 함께 귀국하는 昆支의 지원을 고려하였던 것으로 추정된다. 또한 웅진지역에 기반을 두고 있었던 백씨세력과의 정치적 관계도 중요하게 작용하였지만, 한편으로는 그들의 정치적 간섭을 고려하여 금강 남안으로 도읍을 정한 것으로 추정된다. 또한 문주왕은 전통적인 漢城貴族이면서 재지기반의 상실로 인해 군사적 기반은 미약한 해씨세력인 解仇를 병관좌평에 임명하여 병권을 맡김으로써 금강유역에 기반을 두고 있었던 귀족세력들의 군사력을 제어함과 동시에 그들의 정치적 간섭을 약화시킴으로써 왕권의 안정을 도모하였다. 동시에 문주왕은 왜에서 귀국한 곤지 등 왕족을 중용하여 귀족세력을 견제하면서 왕권강화를 추구하였다. 그러나 문주왕의 이중적인 왕권강화정책은 해구를 중심으로 한 귀족세력의 반발을 불러왔으며, 결국 해구에 의해 죽임을 당하면서 실패하였다. This paper reviews political situation of King Gero period, background of the Capital City Transfer to Wungjin and the tendency of the aristocratic class in the early Wungjin era. King Gero pursed absolute royal power and to show it domestically and internationally, built a castle and fortress by mobilizing human power and resources. It is considered that this resulted from Goguryeo Dynasty's plot. Thus, King Gero's unreasonable large scaled public works exhausted the national resources both of human and material and results in disunion and separation of power in the northern part of Han River. As a result, weakening of defence system in the northern area did not control Goguryeo's coming down south effectively. After all, the capital city, Hanseong was about to be falled and Baekje Dynasty had to transfer its capital city to Wungjin. Soon after King Munju came to the throne, he moved the capital city to Wungjin because he wanted to escape from Goguryeo's threat as well as minimize the aristocratic class's political intervention. Furthermore, he considered supporting Gonji who returned from Japan. Another reason is that he considered important the political relationship with the Baek Family whose power is based on Wungjin area. However, considering their political intervention, the new capital city was established in the southern part of Gum River. King Munju was traditionally from Hanseong aristocratic class. Because of the loss of supporting power, he appointed Hegu who is a member of the He family power as naval commender to increase his military power. King Munju wanted to increase royal power by controling the military power of aristocratic powers that were based on Gum River and weakening their political intervention. At the same time, King Munju appointed royal family members such as Gonji in the important post to intensify his power. However, King Munju's double royal power intensification policy faced opposition of the aristocratic power that was led by Hegu. After all, King Munju was assassinated by Hegu and his policy failed.

신라 중대 전제왕정론에 대한 비판적 검토 : 역사적 허구의 해체

최영진(Young Jin Choi) 한국정치외교사학회 2020 한국정치외교사논총 Vol.41 No.2

통일 이후 신라 중대는 1백년의 평화와 번영을 구가했다. 그러나 8세기 후반 혜공왕 연간부터 심각한 정치적 불안을 보이기 시작하면서 몰락의 길을 걷기 시작했다. 빛나는 문화적 성취를 주조해낸 바로 그 시기, 신라체제가 붕괴되어간 이유는 무엇일까? 역사학계에서는 이 중대를 전제왕정의 시기로 규정한다. 전제왕정이 붕괴되고 귀족세력의 부활하면서 체제적 불안이 일반화되었다고 설명한다. 그러나 이러한 주장은 실증적으로 확인하기 어렵다. 사료들은 신라의 국왕들이 전제적이지 않았다는 것을 보여준다. 관료제와 물리력이 있어서도 완전히 장악하지도 못했다. 국왕과 귀족세력들은 대립적이기 보다 지배블럭을 구성하는 정치적 동반자로 활동했다. 이런 점에서 신라 중대 정치를 전제정치로 규정하거나 이 시기의 정치적 역동을 전제왕정과 귀족세력과의 대립으로 보는 것은 역사적 허구에 가까운 것이다. 신라 중대에 빛나는 문화적 성취와 체제적 해체가 동시적으로 발생한 것은 국왕의 정치적 동반자인 귀족세력이 국가통합을 위협할 정도로 자립화되었기 때문이다. 문화적 성취와 정치적 불안 모두 이들 귀족세력 성장의 모순적 결과인 것이다. The middle era(中代) of the Shilla dynasty(新羅) had enjoyed peace and prosperity during about 100 years after the unification of the Three Kingdoms. The era of King Kyeongduk (景德王) and King Haegong (惠恭王)have been praised as the most shining time of Shilla when giving birth of the Bulkuksa (佛國寺), the Sukgulam (石窟庵), and the Mystery Bell of the Great King Sungduk (聖德大王神鐘). On Beginning of the ear of King Haegong , however, the kingdom have suffered continued revolts, and then its decline started leading the lower era(下代) of immanent dissolution. The mainstream circle of history have defined the era as a kind of ‘despotism’ or ‘despotic monarchy,’ and they have argue the reason of the dynasty dissolution is for the collapse of despotism and the rebirth of the aristocratic class which was called “Jingol (眞骨).” The both have been considered as political rivals, competing for political hegemony by the mainstream history. Nevertheless, the arguments do not have convincing evidence enough to persuade other scholars. The historical materials show the kings of Shilla was less “despotic,” even failing to have full control on bureaucracy and private forces of the aristocratic class. In reality, they was political partners, closely sharing the political and economic interests over the subjugated class, constituting “the ruling bloc” of the kingdom. The aristocratic class were exclusively positioned on top ranks of bureaucracy and enjoyed enormous wealth due to their prerogative status. The position and wealth made it possible the construction of temples as the Bulkuksa , and, at the same time, to mobilize the private soldiers for revolts. In that point, it would be near to the illusion of history that the politics of the middle era is defined as one of despotism, and that the political dynamics of the era is taught as the confrontation of the despotic kingdom and the aristocratic class. The reason why the shining cultural achievements and the decline/collapse of political stability occurred coincidently would be for the contradictious consequences of the uncontrolled development of the aristocratic class.

『三國遺事』 孝善篇의 이해

김영하 동국대학교 신라문화연구소 2009 신라문화제학술발표논문집 Vol.30 No.-

『三國遺事』 孝善篇에는 5항목의 설화가 실려 있는데, 이에 대한 기왕의 연구는 크게 두 경향을 띄고 있었다. 그 하나는 효선편의 찬술동기를 일연 개인을 포함한 고려시대의 상황에서 추구했고, 다른 하나는 신라시대의 현실에서 유교의 비판에 대한 불교의 대응을 강조하였다. 본 연구는 기왕의 연구가 지니는 문제점을 살펴보고, 새로운 이해의 가능성을 제시하기 위해 마련되었다. 여기에서는 『삼국유사』가 불교 관련의 설화를 중심으로 편찬된 점에 새삼 유의하면서, 효선편이 갖는 편차상의 불가피성을 밝히고자 하였다. 효선편에서 제기 가능한 담론들이 『삼국유사』의 전체 맥락에서 어떻게 파악될 수 있을 것인가를 검토함으로써, 효선편이 본사로서의 『三國史記』와 『삼국유사』의 다른 편에 대해 갖는 이중의 유사적 성격을 확인할 수 있었기 때문이다. 먼저 설화를 불교적 추선을 실천한 施主ㆍ追善型 설화와 유교적 효행을 매개한 恩賜ㆍ喜捨型으로 나누어 불교와의 인연에서 선후관계를 살폈다. 평민층은 효선편의 주요 담론인 생전의 봉양, 출가의 여부, 사후의 추선, 불사의 희사 등 여러 부분에서 왕족 또는 귀족층과 다른 특징을 보여주었다. 일연은 개인적 동기이기 보다 왕족과 귀족층의 사후 추선과 불사희사에 관한 설화를 다른 편에서 서술했으므로 평민층에 관한 효선편을 따로 설정할 수밖에 없었던 것이다. 다음으로 일연은 도교에 대해서 비판적인 데 반해 유교에 대해서 호의적이었고, 실제 신라시대의 유학자도 불교와 공존적 관계에 있었다. 지배윤리로서 忠孝兩全論이 권장되는 상황에서, 통치이념이었던 불교도 유교와 새로운 공존 가능성을 모색하지 않으면 안 되었다. 신라의 귀족들이 부계 친족을 중심으로 효보다 충을 실천한 것과 달리, 평민들이 모친 위주로 효와 선을 아울러 실행한 孝善雙美論이 그것이었다. 결국 『삼국유사』의 編次方法과 신라시대의 사상 동향 속에서 효선편의 설정과 효선사상의 대두는 필연적이었다. 『삼국사기』가 유교의 윤리로서 충과 효를 강조했고, 『삼국유사』는 다른 편에서 이미 왕족과 귀족층의 불교적 사후 추선과 불사 희사를 서술하고 있었다. 따라서 평민층의 생전 봉양 및 사후 추선과 불사의 희사가 주요 담론인 『삼국유사』 효선편은 유불 공존의 입장에서 이중의 유사적 성격을 띠고 구성될 수밖에 없었다. The filial piety-virtue chapter of Samgookyusa has five legends and past studies on the legends have two sorts of tendency. One searches a motive of description of the filial piety-virtue chapter in circumstances of the Koryo era including the individual of Ilyeon(A.D. 1206~1289). The other emphasizes countermeasures of Buddhism against criticism of Confucianism in reality of the Shilla era. This dissertation examines problems of the past studies and presents possibility of a new understanding. This dissertation presents necessity of contents construction of the filial piety-virtue chapter attending the fact that Samgookyusa was compiled with priority given to Buddhism related legends, because the filial piety-virtue chapter's trait of double-recorded against other chapters of Samgookyusa and Samgooksagi as fundamental history records can be ascertained by reviewing how the discourse generated from the legends of the filial piety-virtue chapter is understood. First, the legends were divided into an oblation-pursuit of virtue type practicing the Buddhistic pursuit of virtue and a grant-almsgiving type mediating Confucian filial piety. Then their sequences were studied in connection of Buddhism. The common class indicated different traits from those of the royal class and the aristocratic class in the filial piety-virtue chapter's main discourses including the lifetime service, whether a person enters the Buddhist priesthood or not, the pursuit of virtue after death, the donation of a Buddhist temple. Ilyeon previously described the royal class' and the aristocratic class' the pursuit of virtue after death and the donation of a Buddhist temple in other chapters, therefore he had no choice but to establish the filial piety-virtue chapter for the common class. Then Ilyeon was favorable to Confucianism in contrast with the criticism to Taoism. Actually Confucianists coexisted with Buddhism in the Shilla era. Buddhism as a ruling ideology could not help finding ways to coexist with Confucianism because of the situation that the integrity of loyalty and filial piety as a governing ethic was recommended. That is the common class' motheroriented completions of filial piety and virtue practicing not only filial piety but also virtue in contrast to the aristocratic class' agnate-oriented practice of loyalty than filial piety. In conclusion, establishment of the filial piety-virtue chapter and the raising of filial piety-virtue ideology were inevitable in Samgookyusa's ordering method and the tendency of ideology in the Shilla era. Samgooksagi focused on loyalty and filial piety as Confucian ethics and Samgookyusa narrated the royal class' and the aristocratic class' Buddhistic pursuit of virtue after death and donation of a Buddhist temple. Thus the filial piety-virtue chapter of Samgookyusa whose main discourse is the common class' lifetime service, pursuit of virtue after death, donation of a Buddhist temple had to be constructed with the trait of doublerecorded with a position of coexistence of Confucianism and Buddhism.