삼척지역의 제사 모셔가기 고찰

김태수 ( Tae Soo Kim ) 국제뇌교육종합대학원 국학연구원 2015 선도문화 Vol.18 No.-

``Ancestral Rites Succession`` means the same as ``Ancestral Rites Division``. This is not like the usual ritual culture; the ceremony is led by an oldest son only. It indicates that the brothers all participate in the process, one at a time. The succession cases have been reported all over in Jeju island, Jeollanam-do, Gyeongsangnam-do, Gyeongsangbuk-do, and some areas in Gangwon-do. There have been papers that were published by anthropologists or folklorists about ``Ancestral Rites Succession``, which focus on general culture, meanings and fundamentals, social functioning, the connection between inheritance of property and inheritance of ancestral rites, and so on. The customs of ``Ancestral Rites Succession`` which has been reported up to now is mainly distributed in mountainous or coastal and island areas. The cause of these customs` formation is considered by both economic and geographical factors. The opinion was formed around the idea of passing the ancestral rites over from the eldest brother to another, because they didn`t have much property they could inherit in the first place, and also due to a reason being geographically remote from the central and so they were less influenced by ideology of Confucianism, and because of those reasons, they could keep their customs. Moreover, the common grounds for such ``Ancestral Rites Succession`` was that the custom had already existed, even before the settlement of Confucian culture. This paper makes it possible for researchers to utilize the 9 cases of ``Ancestral Rites Succession`` in Samcheok area, which have not been investigated until today. Also, by comparing preceding researchers` results and especially those on mountainous area in Samcheok (Shin-li, Dogae-eub) for ``Ancestral Rites Succession``, the keynotes of this custom was reviewed, and the conclusion is as follows. ``Ancestral Rites Succession`` of Samcheok area has the principles of the eldest brother performing the ancestral rites. Second, if they follow the rules of ``Ancestral Rites Succession``, the eldest brother hosts the ceremony for his father, whiles the successors, below the second brother, tends to host for the mother. Third, ``Ancestral Rites Succession`` is based on the voluntary request, and the host (the eldest brother) must give them permission for their succession. And fourth, the motive of ``Ancestral Rites Succession`` is for lessening the eldest brother`s burden and reciprocal reason which is to share the rites foods with their neighbors. Fifth, there is no ``Wito`` rewards for the children that host ancestral rites. Lastly, sixth, the Birthday Ancestral Rites are also passed down.

중(中),한(韓) 유교식 조상제사의 비교 연구

고복승 ( Fu Sheng Gao ) 경희대학교 민속학연구소 2010 한국의 민속과 문화 Vol.15 No.-

Ancestral rites are ceremonies dedicating the ancestors as a sacrificial ritual. China and Korea have the same confucian culture, and also they have lots of things in common and differences. Nevertheless, there aren`t many comparative studies in confucian ancestral rites so far. This thesis says the sameness and the differences of two countries` confucian ancestral rites based on the research on the critical apparatus and on-site inspections of the confucian ancestral tires. In the first chapter, examining Chinese confucian ancestral rites developments and Korean confucian ancestral rites acceptance and developments, the thesis studies the ancestral rites done in two countries. In the second chapter, the thesis compares the concept, time, place, kinds and offerings of Shandong Sheng in China and Korea`s ancestral rites. Through this comparison, it not only defines the sameness and differences of the two countries` confucian ancestral rites but also it analyzes the causes of differences. In the third chapter, the thesis compares the continuation and the changes of the confucian ancestral rites. Although though the confucian ancestral rites continue in two countries, they have been changed a lot. So, this thesis analyzes a political, cultural, economical and religious cause changing the confucian ancestral rites. The following is the sameness of the confucian ancestral rites in China and Korea. First, the confucian ancestral rites are a composite of the head family system and the confucian ideas formed in the Thou Dynasty. It means only the first son has the right to perform ancestral rites. Even now, on a big traditional holiday like lunar new year`s day, the family gets together in the first son`s house and performs ancestral rites. Second, successive rulers spreaded the confucian ancestral rites to the public to strengthen royal authority. Third, the confucian ancestral rites are decreasing these days. The following is the differences. First, the two countries have the different generation ancestral rites. China performs the three generation ancestral rites, while Korea performs the four generation ancestral rites. Second, the time of the ancestral rites are different. China performs the ancestral rites on lunar new year`s day, Hansik (the 105th day after the winter solstice), 15th July, 1st October and the day of parents` death. Korea performs the ancestral rites on lunar new year`s day, Hansik (the 105th day after the winter solstice), Dano (the fifth day of the fifth month of the year), Chuseok (August 15th in the lunar calendar) and the anniversaries of the four generation`s death. Third, the places are different. China performs the ancestral rites at a main floored room and a graveyard. Korea performs the ancestral rites at a shrine and a graveyard. Fourth, offerings are different. In China fried foods are offered while in Korea, seafoods are offered as a offering. Fifth, types are different. China has a house rite, a graveyard rite and a shrine rite, but Korea has rites held four times a year, a graveyard rite and a rite held on an anniversary of a person`s death. Sixth, the changes of confucian ancestral rites are different. China has outside simplified the process of confucian ancestral rites, but inside China still has the confucian ideas. Korea has been influenced the Christianity so, many Koreans have performed the ancestral rites as the Christian religion.

漢代祖上祭祀에 반영된 ‘攘禍招福’에 관한 연구

허명화(Heo, Myung hwa) 동북아시아문화학회 2023 동북아 문화연구 Vol.1 No.77

In ancestral rites, before the Spring and Autumn Warring States Period, the status of scholars(士) and below was based on a system defined by etiquette, but after the collapse of the clan system, ancestral rites based on the filial piety system were inevitable in the Han Dynasty. Thus, as the clans differentiated and settled down, the ‘the right of ancestral rites (祖上祭祀權)’, the origin of the tribe that could perform ancestral rites, also came to have its own justification. However, as the clan community collapsed, the right to ancestral rites became a sufficient condition in general society to solidify the roots of ancestors and promote unity among descendants, and this condition began to become stronger as the Warring States Period went on. It can be said that ancestral rites based on kinship relations became more prominent in the Han Dynasty. During the Han Dynasty, the reason for offering ancestral rites to ancestors was as important as faith. So what was highlighted is the concept of ‘defeat disaster and bring good luck’ of the living person that this study focuses on. The reason is, first, the political and Confucian influence derived from the spread of ancestor ancestral rites in the Han Dynasty, and second, it is believed to be an ideological product resulting from the beliefs about ‘Confucian theory of a Natural Disaster(災異說)’ and ‘Prophecy theory. Theory of Yin Yang and Five Elements(讖緯說)’that were popular at the time. It can be seen that the concept of ‘life after death’ and the concept of ‘return to fortune and fortune’ of the living, which were well in line with the policy ideology of the state, functionally promoted the prevalence of ancestral rites. During the Han Dynasty, it is generally thought that a view of death and life was formed by dividing the world into heavenly world and earthly world. In this other world with a dual structure, the spirits of ancestors were the object of ancestral rites, and the spirits recognized the ancestors, who were the beings that determined the ‘fortune’ of descendants, as gods. Therefore, it is believed that the concept of ‘defeating disasters and receiving blessings’ of the living was further spread among the people of the Han Dynasty because the ancestral god functioned as a mediator between the living and the dead. In particular, if we consider the ascension of the dead, posthumous prayers, and the well-being of the living in relation to the death as seen in the early Han Dynasty tomb inscription, the family register system, ‘the right of graves(document)’, the ancestral rites of the later Han period were based on the firmer concept of ‘defeat disaster and bring good luck’ of the living. It can be said that this proves that ancestors had an influence that spread to general society while performing their function as ancestral spirits.

민법 제1008조의3에서 정하는 제사주재자의 결정방법

박동규 사법발전재단 2023 사법 Vol.1 No.65

대상판결에서는 봉안당에 봉안된 망인의 유해가 공동상속인들 중 누구에게 귀속되는지가 쟁점이 되었다. 대법원 2008. 11. 20. 선고 2007다27670 전원합의체 판결(이하 ‘2008년 전원합의체 판결’이라 한다)은 피상속인 자신의 유체·유골도 민법 제1008조의3의 제사용 재산에 준하여 제사주재자에게 승계된다고 보았다. 민법 제1008조의3은 제사주재자를 어떻게 정하는지에 대해서 규정하고 있지 않은데, 2008년 전원합의체 판결은 조리에 근거하여 ‘제사주재자는 우선적으로 망인의 공동상속인들 사이의 협의에 의해 정하되, 협의가 이루어지지 않는 경우에는 제사주재자의 지위를 유지할 수 없는 특별한 사정이 있지 않은 한 망인의 장남 또는 장손자가 제사주재자가 되고, 아들이 없는 경우에는 장녀가 제사주재자가 된다.’고 판시한 바 있다. 대상판결은 ‘공동상속인들 사이에 협의가 이루어지지 않는 경우 제사주재자 결정방법에 관한 2008년 전원합의체 판결의 법리는 더 이상 조리에 부합한다고 보기 어려워 유지될 수 없다.’고 하면서, 장남 또는 장손자 등 남성 상속인을 제사주재자로 우선하는 것은 성별에 의한 차별을 금지한 헌법 제11조 제1항 및 개인의 존엄과 양성의 평등에 기초한 혼인과 가족생활의 성립과 유지를 보장하는 헌법 제36조 제1항의 정신에 합치하지 않는다는 등의 근거를 들었다. 그동안의 대법원 판례의 흐름, 2008년 전원합의체 판결 이후 우리 사회의 변화된 인식과 생활양식 등을 고려하면, 기존의 장남 우선 원칙을 변경해야 한다고 본 대상판결의 입장은 매우 타당하다. 그렇다면 공동상속인들 사이에 협의가 성립되지 않는 경우 기존의 장남 우선 원칙이라는 제사주재자 결정방법을 어떻게 변경해야 할지가 문제 된다. ① 다수결에 따라 정하는 방안, ② 직계비속 중 (최근친의) 연장자를 우선하는 방안, ③ 법원이 제사주재자를 판단하는 방안 등이 논의될 수 있다. 대상판결의 다수의견은 ② 직계비속 중 (최근친의) 연장자를 우선하는 방안을, 별개의견은 ③ 법원이 제사주재자를 판단하는 방안을 채택하였는데, 양 견해는 제사주재자를 정하는 객관적, 일률적 기준을 사전에 설정해둘 것인지의 차이가 있다. 대상판결의 다수의견은 ‘제사주재자의 지위를 인정할 수 없는 특별한 사정이 있지 않는 한 피상속인의 직계비속 중 남녀, 적서를 불문하고 최근친의 연장자가 제사주재자로 우선하는 것이 가장 조리에 부합한다.’고 보았다. 제사와 같이 관습과 관련되는 제도에 있어서는 기존 법규범의 연장선상에서 현재의 법질서에 부합하도록 이를 조금씩 수정, 변형해나가면서 명확하고 합당한 기준을 설정할 필요가 있다고 하면서, 객관적 기준에 따라 특정인을 우선하는 결정방법을 유지하였다. 제사주재자를 정하는 행위규범이 없다면, 제사주재자 지위에 대한 예측 가능성 및 법적 안정성을 확보할 수 없고, 공동상속인들 사이에 협의가 되지 않았다고 하여 바로 법원이 개입하는 것은 가정 내 분쟁의 자율적 해결에 반한다는 점 등을 중요하게 고려한 것이다. 제사주재자로 우선하는 특정인에 관하여, 기존의 장남 우선 원칙에서 성별 요소만을 제거하고 기존의 연장자 기준은 그대로 유지하였다. 객관적 기준 제시에 따른 구체적 타당성의 흠결 우려에 대해서는 ‘제사주재자 지위를 인정할 수 없는 특별한 사정’으로 보완할 수 있다고 보았다. 반면 별개의견은 ‘법원은 ... In subject case, the issue lies in whom the dead body and remains of the deceased inurned in a charnel house should revert to among co-inheritors. Supreme Court en banc Decision 2007Da27670 decided November 20, 2008 (hereinafter “2008 Supreme Court en banc Decision”) determined that “the dead body and remains of the inheritee, as property for ancestor worship stipulated in Article 1008-3 of the Civil Act, shall be succeeded to by a person who superintends ancestral rites. Even though Article 1008-3 of the Civil Act does not stipulate the method of determining a person superintending ancestral rites, 2008 Supreme Court en banc Decision, based on sound reasoning, ruled that “a person superintending ancestral rites should be determined preferentially by an agreement among co-inheritors of the deceased, but where no agreement can be reached among them, unless there are special circumstances in which the eldest son of the decreased or the eldest son of the eldest son where the eldest son has died cannot maintain his status as a person superintending ancestral rites, he should be a person superintending ancestral rites, and where there is no son among co-inheritors, the eldest daughter of the deceased becomes a person superintending ancestral rites.” The subject case determined that “the legal doctrine of 2008 Supreme Court en banc Decision, which made a judgment on how to determine a person who superintends ancestral rites, where no agreement can be reached among co-inheritors, can no longer be viewed as consistent with sound reasoning and thus cannot be maintained” and stated, as a basis therefor, that prioritizing male inheritors such as the eldest son, or the eldest grandson, of the decreased as a person who superintends ancestral rites is inconsistent with the spirit of Article 11(1) of the Constitution which prohibits discrimination by sex and Article 36(1) of the Constitution which guarantees the establishment and maintenance of marriage and family life based on individual dignity and equality of the sexes. Considering the flow of the Supreme Court decisions and the awareness and lifestyle in our society changed after 2008 Supreme Court en banc Decision, the stance of the subject case, which viewed that the previous principle of prioritizing the eldest son should be altered, is very reasonable. If so, how to alter the method of determining a person superintending ancestral rites based on the previous principle of prioritizing the eldest son where no agreement can be reached among co-inheritors comes into question. In relation thereto, the following methods can be discussed: ① deciding by a majority vote; ② prioritizing the closest and most senior relative among lineal descendants; and ③ determining a person who superintends ancestral rites through the court. The majority opinion of the subject case adopted a method of ② prioritizing the closest and most senior relative among lineal descendants, while the concurring opinion thereof adopted a method of ③ determining a person superintending ancestral rites through the court. Both opinions differ depending on whether the predetermined objective and uniform standards for a person superintending ancestral rites exist. The majority opinion of the subject case viewed that “unless there are extenuating circumstances in which a person cannot recognize as a person superintending ancestral rites, prioritizing the closest and most senior relative, regardless of men or women or his or her children, among lineal descendants of an inheritee as a person superintending ancestral rites works best for sound reasoning.” With regard to the system related to customs such as ancestral rites, the majority opinion, by viewing that clear and reasonable standards need to be established by amending and altering the method gradually in the direction of being consistent with current law and order as an extension of previous legal norms, maintained the determination metho...

차남부부의 제사지내기와 가족 갈등 -A군 농촌지역 사례-

진명숙,유상춘 비교민속학회 2022 비교민속학 Vol.- No.76

This study examines the tensions and conflicts between the second son and his wife residing in rural County A over ancestral rites between them and their family members. Ancestral rites are one of the most apparent events that illustrate complicated relationships in a family to which the deceased belonged. The couple’s performing the rituals observed in this study reflect changes in such relationships. This study mainly consists of two chapters. The first chapter describes the background and motives for the second son and his wife to perform their family’s ancestral rites. Traditionally, the eldest son was responsible for caring for his parents and performing ancestral rites in rural society. Even if the eldest son moved out to a city and started his family, someday, he was expected to come back to his parent’s home to carry out the responsibilities, inheriting the family lineage. Hence, the eldest son’s settlement in the city was likely to be a temporary separation. However, in this study case, the second son was placed in a structural condition against this tradition. He was left with his parents alone among his brothers and had to bear the ancestral rites of the family. The most significant factor that caused the second son to hold the ancestral rites of this family was the eldest son’s avoidance, which had psychological and religious reasons, not excuses from socioeconomic difficulties. The second chapter focuses on the conflicting relationship between the family members over the ancestral rites. As the second son took over the family’s ancestral rites, his wife expressed dissatisfaction with his decision. However, she also tried to accept and compromise reality to maintain a good relationship with her husband. The family also depicted some more explicit conflicts. The second son and his wife were dissatisfied with the eldest son and his wife; the relationship between the eldest son and his parent had deteriorated; the second son’s wife struggled with her sister-in-law, who got deeply involved in the ancestral rites. The family seemed to fail to represent the traditional function of ancestral rites to enhance family solidarity and the sense of family community. Overall, the siblings in the family showed low intimacy with a sentiment of depression in relationships. These family tensions and conflicts come from cultural lag. The practice or perception of imposing the responsibility of caring for parents and ancestral rites on the eldest son did not keep up with changes in contemporary lifestyles and systems. It is essential to realize democratic and gender-equal values within the family in for ancestral rites to function as a family’s festive occasion to commemorate the deceased.

조상제례의 일상성과 비일상성

김미영(Kim Mi-Young) 비교민속학회 2008 비교민속학 Vol.0 No.35

From the viewpoint of Confucian ideology, ancestral rites are not just for transcendental gods but the practice of filial piety(孝) toward ancestors as moral beings on the extension of family line. Meanwhile, if the ritual for the deceased are processed through the same form as the ordinary filial piety toward living people, it may lose its position as a Rites. That is, the parents during one’s lifetime are subjects of respect while the deceased ancestors are subjects of respect and sacredness, so a holy act symbolizing sanctity must be accompanied along with the usual filial piety based on respect in the ancestral rites.The dailiness within the ancestral rites is created based on the filial piety acts during one’s life, and the non-dailiness is from holy acts toward the sacred ancestors. Especially the dailiness and non-dailiness of ancestral rites are highlighted for not being oppositive but maintaining a mutually complementary and supplementary relationship. The win-win relation of these bipolar properties can be seen in the Heum-hyang(歆饗) and Eung-gam(應感) which are the basic purpose of the ancestral rites. Heum-hyang is the acceptance of ritual foods by the ancestors, and Eung-gam means the divine response to the descendant’s earnestness. This enables the energy (氣) of the ancestors and descendants to sympathize. In addition, Heum-hyang, as the ancestors enjoy the ritual foods, must be set forth beforehand for them to respond Eung-gam. That is, Eung-gam will follow naturally if the ancestors accept the ritual foods Heum-hyang sufficiently. Therefore, the ancestors' Heum-hyang is said to be more sincere to the descendants. The descendants prepare the ritual table setting and perform based on the ordinary table manners in order to present the Heum-hyang more vividly. From this background, a Shi-dong(尸童) was seated instead of the ancestral tablet in front of the table to directly confirm the process of Heum-hyang in ancient China. Meanwhile, since Heum-hyang must be followed by Eung-gam in order to create a meaning, a holy act granting piety and sacredness is accompanied in preparation and performance of the ancestral rites. The ancestral rites can be called as a ‘ritual drama’ composed of appropriate lines and acts based on the plot of Heum-hyang and Eung-gam. The lines appear through Hol-gi(笏記) which instructs the ancestral rites procedures,memorial address asking the ancestors to accept the ritual foods, and conversations between those who participate in during the ancestral rites. However, as the ancestral rites is primarily a cultural system of symbolic communication between gods and human beings, the lines must be organized in the language system which enables the ancestors and descendants to communicate. So everyday language and non-ordinary words are mixed in the lines, considering the bipolar characteristics of the ancestors as moral beings on the extension of family line and non-ordinary beings freed from everyday life by death. One can realize that the dailiness and non-dailiness of ancestral rites maintain a win-win relationship that improves the perfection as a ritual drama. Because of this, most structures including the outline of the ritual scenario of the ancestral rites is created by bipolar factors. That is, the ordinary outline of Heum-hyang and ritual outline of Eung-gam, ordinary lines commonly used in everyday life as well and ritual lines specially settled for the ancestral rites, ordinary acts also seen in everyday life and ritual acts only performed during the ancestral rites are appropriately arranged for certain situations as mentioned above to complete the ritual drama. At the same time, the Confucian bipolar concept recognizing ancestors as moral beings on the extension of family line and non-ordinary beings freed from everyday life by death is settled in this background,

유교 조상의례의 미래

강돈구(Donku Kang) 한국종교학회 2012 宗敎硏究 Vol.69 No.-

The purpose of the article is to investigate the problems of confucian ancestral rites by focusing on Gije, Charyema and Sije. Unlike China and Japan, Korean Confucian ancestral rites are divided into 6 categories: Gije and Charue are performed by household; Sije by clan; Jongmyo Jerye by royal family; Moonmyo by Sunkyunkwan; Sukjon by Hyanggyo. As Chu Hsi’s Family Rituals had been introduced, Korean ancestral rites started to adapt to Confucian perspectives that were rooted in Korean culture around the middle period of joseon Dynasty. Confucian ancestral rites were closely connected with patriarchial clan rules(PCRs) that were invented to maintain the family system in ancient feudal societies. PCRs emphasized the rights of the eldest son who played a key role in the ancestral rites. However, PCRs do not function properly in modern societies. Confucian shrines are the most essential places to keep the ancestral rites because the ancestral tablets are preserved in the shrines. Unfortunately, the number of confucian shrines has sharply decreased. How can Confucian ancestral rites be sustained if Confucian shrines continually disappear? According to the amendment to Inheritance Law, all children can equally inherit property from their parents. According to PCRs, however, the first son inherited property more than other children because he was responsible for performing the ancestral rites. If the amendment to Inheritance Law does not give any privileges to the first so, who is going to take the responsibility for the ancestral rites? In contrast to the Confucian ancestral rites in ancient times, they serve as a tool to weaken the relationship between families and relatives in the modern times. The scholars of folklore and home economics, however, insist the Confucian ancestral rites be of considerable significance in our communities. Thus, they propose the proper procedures for ancestral rites. If Confucian ancestral rites are needed in the present circumstances, these questions have to be answered: Who performs the rituals observed? Confucianism is regarded as one of six major religious groups in Korea. If Confucian scholars leave current ancestral rites as they are, they give up their rights and obligations as Confucians.

조선 왕릉의 능역과 성속의 구분

고문준 서울역사편찬원 2010 서울과 역사 Vol.- No.75

According to feng-shui that vital force accumulated to the skeleton of the dead brings peace and prosperity to their descendants, to built the royal tomb the Joseon dynasty searched for the feng―shui spot with accumulated vital force and an auspicious site. In the feng-shui spot it built the underground chamber to enshrine the sentient soul called yin soul or baek in Korean and its corpse. On the inner auspicious site in front of the feng-shui spot, an red arrow gate, roads, a T-shaped building, a stone box, etc. were built for ancestral rites. The government designated the belt including four guardian mountains around the royal tomb as the forbidden area. Therefore the royal tomb is not only an grave but the place for the yin soul of the deceased to rest and for ancestral rites. Royal tombs of the Joseon dynasty have been studied in the point of architecture, gardening, sculpture, history, and feng-shui. They confined its area only to the royal tomb consisting of the place of resting, the place of the ancestral rites, and the entrance area in font of the red arrow gate. But in this article, the forbidden area is included in the precincts of royal tomb. It's divided into four areas: the buffer zone to protect from fire, the preserving zone for vital force of the feng-shui spot, the preparing area for the ancestral rites, and the royal tomb consisting of the resting place for the yin soul and the corpse and the place for ancestral rites. About two places of the royal tomb, The previous studies maintain that the resting place is sacred but the ancestral rites area is sacred and profane. It is inferred from Eliade's axis mundi. But this study attempts to hold the royal tomb as a whole is sacred, because the resting place is sacred by feng-shui and the ancestral rites are sacred by Confucianism. In Confucianism-oriented society the ancestral rites are not just memorial but worship for ancestors. The resting place including the feng-shui spot is sacred, because it is the place for the yin soul called baek to rest and the feng-shui spot is the place harmonized with yang vital force from heaven and yin vital force from earth. Through the procedures of rites, the paths of ancestral gods, kings and subjects were examined along with structures. The layout of the royal tomb is compared with the layouts of the Altar for the god for heaven, the Altars for the gods of earth and crops, the Shrine of Confucius and Jongmyo that enshrine the yang souls called hon of deceased kings and queens. The difference of the layouts of their structures, directions and positions means their relative status between the enshrined gods and the king, and the status of their rites. Confucianism was dominating ideology of the Joseon dynasty. As the dynasty was ended, Confucianism lost its effect over society. Today in the westernized and modernized society most Korean think the ancestral rites are memorial, but the ancestral rites should be studied in the eye of people of the Joseon dynasty. With the same eye the forbidden area is included in the precinct of the royal tomb. If four guardian mountains were damaged, the feng-shui spot lost its accumulated vital force. This article studies the precinct of the royal tomb in view point of feng-shui and the ancestral rites in the viewpoint of ancestral worship of Confucianism. 조선왕조는 유골이 생기를 받으면 지덕이 그의 자손들에게 발복하여 부귀영화를 누린다는 동기감응의 풍수사상에 따라 혈과 명당을 찾아 왕릉을 지었다. 혈이 있는 자리에는 지하에 현궁을 지어 백과 시신을 모시고, 혈 앞의 내명당에는 홍살문, 참도, 정자각, 예감 등을 설치하고 제례를 올렸다. 그리고 혈의 생기를 보호하기 위해 四山을 포함한 지역을 금역으로 정하였다. 왕릉은 단순히 장례로 끝나는 곳이 아니라, 음신인 백을 모신 곳으로, 매년 조상신에게 제사를 올렸다. 조선 왕릉에 관하여 건축․조경․미술․사학․풍수적인 관점에 논의되어 왔으나, 왕릉의 능역에 관해서는 혈, 내명당, 홍살문 앞의 진입공간에 한정하여왔다. 본 논고에서는 혈의 기를 보호하기위해 제도적으로 설정한 금역를 능역에 포함하였다. 그리고 능역을 화재로부터 보호하는 완충지역, 혈의 기를 보호하는 보호지역, 제향을 준비하는 재실을 준비지역, 그리고 혈이 있는 능침공간과 혈 앞 내명당의 제향공간을 왕릉으로 구분하였다. 이전의 연구에서는 Eliade의 axis mundi 개념을 왕릉에 대응시켜, 능침공간은 성역으로 제향공간은 성과 속의 공간으로 분류하였다. 그러나 본 논고에서는 왕릉의 혈이 있는 능침공간은 풍수의 관점에서, 제향공간은 유교의 제사의 관점에서 성역으로 보았다. 유교 사회에서 제사는 추모가 아니라 신에 대한 경배이므로 제향공간을 성역으로 하였다. 음신인 백과 시신을 모신 능침공간의 혈은 풍수의 요체로써 땅의 음기와 하늘의 양기가 화합하는 곳으로 성역으로 구분하였다. 또한 제향공간의 의례를 통해서 신, 왕 그리고 신하가 가는 동선을 살펴보고, 신과 왕이 가는 길, 축문을 태우거나 묻는 곳의 위치, 왕이 서는 방향 등은 제사에 모시는 대상, 또는 왕과의 관계, 제사의 크기에 따라 다른 것으로 보았다. 조선은 유교를 나라를 다스리는 근본이념으로 삼았다. 조선왕조가 막을 내린 후 유교가 사회적인 영향력을 잃고, 서구화된 현대사회에서 유교를 보는 시각은 변할 수밖에 없다. 그러므로 조선시대의 시각에서 유교의 제례가 추모가 아닌 경배로 보는 것이 중요하다. 또한 조선시대 왕릉의 금역을 설정한 이유는 사산이 제대로 보존되지 않으면 풍수의 요체인 혈이 기를 잃어 발복의 의미를 잃기 때문이었다. 따라서 본 논고에서는 금역이 갖는 풍수의 의미와 조선시대의 제사를 경배의 관점에서 정리해 본 것이다.

죽음에서 자아올린 生의 기억-생신제시문(生辰祭詩文)에 대한 연구-

강민구 ( Kang Min-gu ) 한국한문학회 2018 韓國漢文學硏究 Vol.0 No.70

亡子의 생일에 제사를 진설하는 生辰祭는 퇴계가 ‘예가 아닌 예’라고 규정한 이래로 진설해서는 안 되는 제사로 간주되었다. 그러나 朴世采는 생신제 진설을 옹호하였으니, 본원적 감정의 표출이 문헌적 근거에 예속될 수 없다는 견해라고 하겠다. 조선의 학계에서 생신제는 부모의 생신이 季秋에 들어 있을 때 禰祭와 겸하는 정도에서 허용하였다. 그러나 실제로는 부모뿐 아니라 거의 모든 가족에게 생신제가 행해졌다는 것을 확인할 수 있다. 조선 시대에 전란의 와중에서 순절한 여인들이 있으니, 鄭希得의 모친은 정유재란 때 왜적을 피해 두 명의 며느리, 딸과 함께 모두 절의를 지켜 바다에 투신하여 목숨을 끊었다. 정희득이 지은 「母親晬辰, 奠罷有感」에는 자신도 일본에 포로로 잡혀간 신세이기에 어머니의 생신제를 제대로 진설하기 못하는 죄책감과 어머니를 지키지 못한 자책감이 착잡하게 표출되어 있다. 李昭漢의 아내는 병자호란 때 청나라 병사의 핍박을 당하자 자결하였다. 이소한의 「亡室生辰祭文」에서는 같은 현장에서 자신은 살아남고 아내가 죽은 충격이 고스란히 전해진다. 조선 시대의 끊임없는 정쟁 역시 무수한 비극을 만들었으니, 李匡師가 정치적 사건으로 체포되었을 때, 그의 아내는 자결하고 말았다. 그런 아내를 위해 지은 「孺人生日祭文」은 서사적 성격이 강한 작품으로 즐거웠던 아내의 생일 광경이 잘 묘사되어 있다. 이광사의 「孺人生日祭文」은 생신제문의 백미로 꼽을만하다. 李植은 마마로 어린 아들을 잃었는데, 광해군 시절 廢母論의 광풍으로 아들을 제때 구완하지 못하여 평생의 한이 되었다. 그는 「農兒生日, 悼念」이라는 10편의 연작 추모시로 아들을 잃은 심경과 회한을 토로하였다. 金昌協은 전도양양한 아들을 잃고 망연자실하다가 마음을 추슬러 「亡兒生日祭文」을 지었다. 이들 아들의 생일제 시문에는 아들의 뛰어난 자품과 생일에 장수를 축원하던 기억의 술회가 주를 이루고 있다. 金壽恒은 늘그막의 유일한 낙이었던 막내딸을 잃고 「亡女生日祭文」을 지었고 金昌緝은 자신의 불행을 보상해주기 위해 하늘이 보내 주었다고 믿었던 무남독녀를 잃고 「亡女生日祭文」을 지었다. 딸의 생일제 시문은 아들의 생일제 시문과 달리 부녀간의 사랑이 구체적으로 술회되어 있다. 한문학 작품 중 부녀간의 사랑이 이토록 핍진하고 진솔하게 표현된 것은 찾기 힘들다. 부모나 아내의 생일제 시문과 달리 자식의 생일제 시문에서 哀傷의 정서가 강하게 표출되는 이유는 부모로서 자식의 출생과 성장 과정을 지켜보았기 때문이다. 생일제 시문에는 죽음과 삶에 대한 통찰, 생에 대한 희열과 죽음에 대한 고통이 착잡하게 표현되어 있다. 생일제 시문에는 대체로 생일의 즐거웠던 광경이 술회되어 있다. 생일의 즐거웠던 기억이 강할수록 슬픔은 더욱더 처참하게 부각된다는 점에서 생일제 시문은 비극의 미학적 특질이 농후한 갈래라고 할 수 있다. The birthday ancestral rites that arranges the memorial service on birthday of the deceased son is the one of them. Since Toegye prescribed “It is not Li(禮)”, it has been judged to be a memorial service that should not be arranged. However, Park Se-chae(朴世采) advocated the birthday ancestral rites, and this was what he expressed his view that the expression of the original emotions could not be subordinated to the literary basis. In the academy of the Joseon Dynasty, the birthday ancestral rites was allowed in the extent of accompanying with the Nye-je(禰祭) when the parent’s birthdays were included in September of the lunar year. However, in reality, it can be confirmed that the birthday ancestral rites was practiced in almost all families as well as parents. In the Joseon Dynasty, there were women who died for their’s chastity in the midst of the war. At the time of Jeongyu-jaeran(丁酉再亂), avoiding the Japanese invaders, Jeong Hee-deuk(鄭希得)’s mother committed suicide by drowning to the sea with her two daughters-in-law and daughter to protect the fidelity. In the 「On Mother’s birthday(母親晬辰), he had a feeling after finishing the ancestral rites(奠罷有感).」 written by him, as he was taken prisoner by Japan, a guilty conscience that could not properly arrange the mother’s birthday ancestral rites and remorse for failing to protect his mother were expressed in a mixed emotions. Lee So-han(李昭漢)’s wife committed suicide when she was persecuted by the soldiers of the Qing Dynasty at the time of Byeongja-horan(丙子胡亂). In the 「The funeral odes of deceased wife’s birthday ancestral rites(亡室生辰祭文)」 of Lee So-han, the shock that he survived and his wife was died in the same field was written intact. The constant strife of the Joseon Dynasty also created countless tragedies. When Lee Gwang-sa(李匡師) was arrested for a political incident, his wife killed herself. The 「The funeral odes of wife’s birthday ancestral rites(孺人生日祭文)」 written for such a wife was a work with a strong descriptive nature, and the happy birthday scene of his wife was well described. This is one of the best funeral odes. Lee-Sik(李植) lost his seven-year-old son by a smallpox run during the reign of Gwanghaegun, it became a his lifelong regret that he could not rescue his son on time due to the opinion of deposing the Queen Dowager Inmok(廢母論). He expressed his mind and remorse for the loss of his son with the 10 pieces of serial memorial poems entitled 「On son’s birthday(農兒生日), he mourned for deceased son(悼念).」. Kim Chang-hyup(金昌協) was devastated after the loss of his promising son, and he pulled himself together barely and wrote the 「The funeral odes of deceased son’s birthday ancestral rites(亡兒生日祭文)」. In these poetry and prose of son’s birthday ancestral rites, it was mainly composed of son’s outstanding natural disposition and father’s reminiscence about the memory of praying for longevity on birthday. Kim Soo-hang(金壽恒) wrote 「The funeral odes of deceased daughter’s birthday ancestral rites(亡女生日祭文)」 after losing his last daughter who was the only pleasure in his old age. Kim Chang-jip(金昌緝) lost the only daughter whom he believed the heaven had sent him to compensate for his misfortune and wrote 「The funeral odes of deceased daughter’s birthday ancestral rites(亡女生日祭文)」. Unlike the poetry and prose of son’s birthday ancestral rites, the love between father and daughter was concretely described in the funeral odes of daughter’s birthday ancestral rites. It is hard to find out that the love between father and daughter was expressed so completely and truthfully in the Chinese character literary works. Unlike the poetry and prose of parents’ and wives’ birthday ancestral rites, the reason why the emotions of sorrow were presented strongly in the poetry and prose of son’s birthday ancestral rites is because they watched the birth and growth process of the child as a parent. In the poetry and prose of son’s birthday ancestral rites, the insight into life and death, the delight for life, and the pain of death were expressed in a mixed emotions. The pleasant scenes of birthday were generally stated in works of the birthday ancestral rites. As the happy memories of birthday are stronger, the sadness becomes more and more calamitously magnified. In this respect, the poetry and prose of the birthday ancestral rites can be said to be a genre which aesthetic property of tragedy is strong.

일본열도 야요이시대 청동기제사와 국가형성

미야자토오사무,천선행 단국대학교 동양학연구원 2012 東洋學 Vol.51 No.-

In the study of state formation, Ancient time(A.D. 7C), the period of ancient burial mounds(A.D. 5C) and Yayoi period(A.D. 3C) were handled as a big epoch in Japan. It is Yayoi period that regional integration progressed in. In that period Bronze utensils used in ancestral rites, which are considered symbols of regional integration. The most typical Bronze utensils used in ancestral rites are bronze spear and bronze bell, they are losing step by step it's own function as articles for practical use and become utensils used in ancestral rites. Bronze utensils used in ancestral rites are forming exclusive area of ancestral rites by stages. they are related with regional integration and function connecting with local communities. At the last phase of Yayoi period, ancestral rites of Bungumyo replaced with bronze ancestral rites and finally led to ancestral rites of square at the head and rounded at the foot in the period of ancient burial mounds. It is said that there is disconnection between bronze ancestral rites in Yayoi period and ancestral rites of square at the head and rounded at the foot in the period of ancient burial mounds. But in that ancestral rites links up the whole region, bronze ancestral rites in Yayoi period could be comprehended in state formation context in the Japanese Archipelago. 일본 국가형성사 연구에서 고대(7세기), 고분시대(5세기), 야요이시대(3세기)를 큰 획기로 다루어 왔다. 그 중에서 야요이시대는 지역 통합이 진전되고 권력자가 대두한 시대였는데, 거기에 청동제기가 지역 통합의 상징으로 여겨진다. 야요이시대 청동제기는 동모와 동탁이 대표적인데, 둘 다 본래의 실용적 도구로서의 기능을 상실하고 점차 제기로 특화되었다. 청동제기는 각각 단계적으로 배타적 제사권을 형성하였는데, 이것은 야요이시대 지역 사회의 통합과 연동되고 확대한 지역 사회를 연결시키는 상징으로 기능하였다. 야요이시대 종말기가 되면, 분구묘 제사가 청동기제사와 교체되고 초기 국가로 평가되는 고분시대전방후원분 제사로 이어졌다. 야요이시대 청동기제사와 고분시대 전방후원분 제사사이에는 단절이 있다는 평가도 있지만, 제사로 넓은 지역을 연결한다는 구조가 형성된다는 점에서 야요이시대 청동기제사를국가형성사 맥락에 넣는 큰 의의가 있다.