고려 예종 대 이자겸의 정치적 성장과 성격

임영희 호남사학회 2023 역사학연구 Vol.91 No.-

고려 왕실의 외척 중에서 이자겸만큼 무소불위의 권력을 휘둘렀던 인물도 드물 것이다. 이에 대해 지금까지의 연구 대부분은 인종 초, 이자겸의 최고권력에 주목해왔다. 반면 이자겸의 정치적 성장이 어떠한 배경하에서 이루어졌는지는 미처 면밀하게 살펴보지 못한 부분이다. 이자겸의 정치적 인생은 그의 둘째 딸이 예종의 왕비가 되면서 전환점을 맞이할 수 있었다. 따라서 예종 대 이자겸의 정치적 성장과 성격을 세 가지로 정리하면 다음과 같다. 첫째, 이자겸의 정치적 성장은 예종의 의도적인 지지와 예우에 힘입었다는 것이다. 의문점은 예종이 왜 부왕인 숙종이 반감을 가졌던 인주 이씨인 이자겸의 딸과 혼인을 하였고, 다른 국왕들에 비해 왜 혼인이 늦어졌느냐 하는 점이다. 예종의 혼인은 왕에 즉위한 이후에 이루어졌으니 왕의 의도로 진행되었다고 볼 때, 예종의 인주이씨에 대한 태도는 아버지인 숙종과는 달랐던 것으로 판단된다. 예종은 후계구도에서 왕과 후사를 보위할 수 있는 가문의 적임자로 인주이씨 이자겸을 지목하였고 그에게 의도적인 힘을 실어준 것이다. 예종의 혼인이 비교적 늦은 나이에 이루어진 것도 왕이 그만큼 혼인대상의 선정에 심혈을 기울였으리라는 추정이 가능하다. 왕은 선왕 숙종이 이자의를 제거하고 어린 조카 헌종으로부터 왕위를 이어받은 경험을 잘 기억하고 있었다. 예종은 고려 왕실과 꾸준히 혼인을 맺어 온 명문 외척 인주 이씨와 결합함으로써 숙종의 무리한 왕위계승에 따른 부담에서 벗어나 정통성을 확보하고자 했던 것이다. 둘째, 이자겸의 정치적 성격은 예종의 개혁정치와 후계구도 갈등에서 결국 유리한 고지를 차지할 수 있었던 것과 관련된다. 예종은 급성장해가는 이자겸을 견제하고 왕의 국정운영에도 함께 할 새로운 세력으로 한안인 세력을 구성하였다. 음서를 통해 관직에 진출한 이자겸과는 달리 한안인은 과거에 급제하여 학문적 실력과 청렴한 품행을 통해 국왕의 대표적인 측근으로 성장하여 국정운영을 함께 하였다. 그러나 왕은 세자 모후의 죽음을 계기로 외조부인 이자겸에게 힘을 더 실어주게 되는 애매하고 이중적인 모순을 보였다. 셋째, 예종 사후, 이자겸은 군사권까지 장악하게 됨으로써 고려조정이 이자겸의 수중에 들어가게 되었다는 점이다. 그 배경에는 당대의 명장인 척준경이 언급된다. 척준경은 여진 정벌에 참여하여 공을 세우고 거듭 승진하면서 이자겸과 사돈이 되고 이자겸의 군사적 기반이 되었다. 이로써 정적인 한안인 일파가 이자겸에게 제거당하고 인종 즉위와 함께 이자겸은 명실상부한 고려 최고의 실력자에 이르게 되었다. 요컨대, 예종 대 이자겸의 정치적 성장은 후계 구도 맥락에서 예종의 의도적인 지원과 예우에 힘입었으며, 성격도 개혁정치에 앞선 왕의 특수한 이해관계로 점철되어 이자겸이 병권을 장악, 왕의 측근인 한안인 일파를 제거하고 승리를 거둘 수 있었던 것으로 확인된다. Few of the maternal relatives of Goryeo royal family would have wielded as much power as Lee Ja-gyeom. Most of the studies so far have focused on the supreme power of Lee ja-gyeom in the early days of King Injong. On the other hand, there is a part that has not been closely examined under what background Lee Ja-gyeom's political growth took place. Lee Ja-gyeom's political life could make a turning point when his second daughter became the queen of King Yejong As a result of examining the political growth and characteristics of Lee Ja-gyeom in the reign of King Yejong, three characteristics can be summarized as follows. First, Lee Ja-gyeom's political growth was thanks to King Yejong's intentional support and courtesy. The question is why King Yejong got married to the daughter of Lee Ja-gyeom, from the Inju Lee clan, whom his father, King Sukjong was against, and why the marriage was delayed compared to other kings. Considering that King Yejong's marriage took place after he ascended the throne, it would be made by his intention. Thus, it can be said that his attitude toward Inju Lee family was different from that of his father, King Sukjong, King Yejong pointed out Lee Ja-gyeom of the Inju Lee clan as the right person for the family who could protect the king and heir in the succession structure, and gave him intentional power. And his relatively late wedding can be estimated that he devoted much effort to the selection of his partner. He remembered well the fact that his father, King Sukjong removed Lee Ja-eui and inherited the throne from his young nephew King Heonjong. He had the intention to secure legitimacy by merging with the prestigious maternal relative Inju Lee clan, who had been steadily married to the Goryeo royal family, to escape from the burden of his father, King Sukjong's unreasonable succession to the throne. Second, Lee Ja-gyeom's political characteristics was related to the fact that he was able to eventually gain an advantage in the conflict between his reform politics and succession. King Yejong formed the Han ahn-in power as a new force to check Lee Ja-gyeom’s growing power and to accompany him in the state administration. Unlike Lee Ja-gyeom who entered the government office through Eumseoje, Han Ahn-in passed the state examination and grew into a representative aide to the king through academic skills and upright conduct enough to be accompanied by the King for state administration. However, King Yejong showed an ambiguous and double contradiction by giving more power to his maternal grandfather, Lee Ja-gyeom after the death of the crown prince’s mother. Third, after Yejong's death, Lee Ja-gyeom seized military power and finally the Goryeo court came into his hands. In the background, Cheok Joon-kyung, a famous general of the time, is mentioned. Cheok Joon-gyeong participated in the conquest of Jurchen, made a contribution, and was promoted in series. He became the father-in-law of Lee Ja-gyeom’s son and military base of Lee Ja-gyeom. As a result, the political enemy Han Ahn-in faction was eliminated by Lee Ja-gyeom, and with King Injong's accession to the throne, Lee Ja-gyeom reached the undisputed top rank in Goryeo To sum up, it was confirmed that the political growth of Lee Ja-gyeom in the reign of King Yejong was resulted from Yejong's intentional support and treatment in the context of the succession structure and the political characteristics was the king's special interests ahead of reform politics, it was the victory by seizing military power and eliminating the King's aide, Han Ahn-in faction.

〈悼二將歌〉의 창작 배경 연구

박인희(Park, In-hee) 국어국문학회 2012 국어국문학 Vol.- No.160

〈Doijangga〉(悼二將歌) is a song that King Yejong wrote when he saw Gasanghi(假像戱, a sort of a mask play) about two generals, Sin Sung-gyeom and Gim Rak, in Palgwanhoe(八關會). It is considered that King Yejong was impressed by the allegiance of the two generals who devoted their lives for King Taejo, Wang Geon, and wrote 〈Doijangga〉. By the way, King Yejong wrote a poem after seeing a performance of clowns before. The subject in the performance was a person named Ha Gong-jin who saved a king from the invasion of Khitan(契丹). There is something suspicious that King Yejong experienced similar processes twice. This paper examines the background more closely that made King Yejong write 〈Doijangga〉. Through this, this paper tries to find out whether King Yejong wrote 〈Doijangga〉 for the two generals or for some other purposes. There are several reasons that King Yejong seemed to have some other purposes. First, although the mourning for his queen was right around the corner, he visited Seogyeong and wrote 〈Doijangga〉. He seems to have loved his own dead queen very much. It is said that, on a number of occasions, he visited the temple where the queen’s soul was enshrined and, around the mourning for his queen, revisited there and was very sad. It is a question whether King Yejong had the mourning for the queen at Seogyeong. The second is that Seogyeong was the place with an unusual political meaning to him. He ordered his people to subjugate the Jurchen(女眞) soon after his enthronement and, at this point, he went Seogyeong and observed a ceremony for going to war, in person. In addition, he promulgated a royal edict for reforms in National Administration to Seogyeong. At this time, he had a bad relationship with his subjects and thus he planned to strengthen his royal authority through this promulgation. King Yejong visited Seogyeong which was a politically meaningful place to him before the mourning for his queen. It seems that the reasons why he visited Seogyeong were the installation of the Crown Prince and two political powers who were in adversarial relation. The two adversarial powers were Yi Ja-gyeom’s party and Han An-in’s party. The members of Yi Ja-gyeom’s party were from great aristocratic families, secured government positions through their ancestor’s virtue, and played their own hands. On the other hand, the members of Han An-in’s party were from poor and humble families, were appointed through the state examination and were clean-handed. At this time, the conflicts between the two parties came to the surface. It seems that King Yejong visited Seogyeong which was a politically meaningful place to him, in order to demand allegiance of the two parties for him, in spite of the upcoming mourning for his queen. It is because he could be reassured by getting an assurance for allegiance from the two parties if and when his little prince would ascend to the throne. In Seogyeong, King Yejong came to see Gasanghi about the two generals who devoted their lives for the King. King Yejong was deeply impressed by the content in accordance with his own visit to Seogyeong and so wrote and sung 〈Doijangga〉 honoring the two generals. 〈Doijangga〉 is not just for honoring the two generals. 〈Doijangga〉 is King Yejong’s message to the two political parties of the day demanding that they should stop being opposed to each other and give their allegiance to their king.

고려전기 학사관부(學士官府)와 예종대의 학사직 운영

신수정(Shin, Soo-jung) 한국역사연구회 2012 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.86

This is a study on the governmental offices(and posts) designed for Confucian scholars, as well as the operations of those offices during the reign of King Yejong. It is truly an important subject, in the overall efforts to better understand the political system of the early Goryeo period. There were many governmental offices for which Confucian scholars worked in this period. In the beginning of King Taejo"s reign, several scholars were already helping the king rule the country. Ever since, there have been many governmental offices created for the scholars, such as Hal"lim-weon(한림원), Mun"deok-jeon(문덕전), Yeon"yeong-jeon(연영전), Bo"mun-gak(보문각) and Cheong"yeon-gak(청연각), according to 『The History of Goryeo』. From the names of these offices we can see that they were significantly influenced by their counterparts in the Tang and Sung institutions. However, we do not know exactly how these offices were operated inside Goryeo, due to insufficient data. But we do know that there were some differences between the Goryeo versions and the Chinese versions, as we can see from how Goryeo adjusted the "3 Departments / 6 Ministries" system which had originally been imported from China. Also, there was a big difference between the policy of King Yejong and those of the former kings, in terms of these offices" overall activities. King Yejong established new offices for scholars such as Cheong"yeon-gak and Bo"mun-gak. In addition, the status of sitting officials were elevated, and were treated better than before. Scholars gave lectures in front of King Yejong and his vassals, demonstrating their academic capabilities. They published books for the king and the king"s dignity. King Yejong enjoyed composing poems with scholars, so they could continually practice. Even though the ranks of the scholars were not high, they had pride in what they were doing. King Yejong was determined to rule the country with the Confucian ideology, which was indeed a ruling model in those days. Through integrating foreign Tang and Sung institutions into the political system of Goryeo, King Yejong redesigned the Goryeo political system. Many scholars helped the king as political elites. In conclusion, through the governmental offices for Confucian scholars, King Yejong was able to establish a strong ruling power. As king"s political partners, political scholars contributed to reinforce the king"s dignity, and raised their fames in the process.

고려 예종대 胡宗旦의 행적과 평가

이바른(Lee, Ba-Reun) 부산대학교 한국민족문화연구소 2017 한국민족문화 Vol.64 No.-

본 논문은 예종~인종 시기 고려에서 활동한 投化宋人 胡宗旦에 대하여 고찰하였다. 호종단은 예종의 치적에 대한 종합적인 평가 속에서 예종대 失政의 원인제공자로서 부정적으로 거론된다. 이러한 점에서 호종단에 대해 살펴보는 것은 예종 시기를 다양하게 이해할 수 있는 계기가 된다. 그는 일찍이 고려와 왕래가 잦았던 송의 복주 지방 출신으로, 太學 上舍生이라는 유교적 소양을 갖춘 지식인이었다. 당시 송의 관직 진출이 어려운 상황 속에서 고려의 투화송인에 대한 우대책은 그에게 고려로 오게 하는 요인이 되었다. 게다가 고려를 정기적으로 오가는 宋商의 배는 바다건너 고려로 오기에 적합한 조건을 제공하여 그의 고려 투화를 도왔다. 당시 예종은 송과의 활발한 왕래를 토대로 우호적인 외교관계를 지속하면서 송의 선진문물을 적극적으로 수용하고자 하였다. 예종의 정국운영 구상 속에서 호종단은 학문적 출신 기반과 뛰어난 문장력으로 우대를 받으며 고려 정계로 입문할 수 있었다. 이러한 점은 호종단이 文翰職이나 諫官을 주로 역임하였던 사실에서도 알 수 있다. 호종단은 예종의 총애와 후대 속에서 단시간의 관직 승진을 통하여 그 입지를 다져나갔으며, 예종을 근시하고 왕의 국정 운영에 고문 역할을 하며 성장하였다. 호종단은 예종의 정국운영 의도가 작용하여 그의 ‘博學能文’한 능력과 송의 정세에 밝은 투화송인이라는 배경이 적재적소에서 잘 활용되었다. 그러나 호종단은 예종 사후 인종이 즉위하며 변화된 국내외의 정세 속에서 입지를 상실하였다. 적극적인 대송관계를 토대로 성장한 호종단은 예종의 죽음과 금과의 사대관계 등의 새로운 정국 속에서 활동이 위축되었다. 그러함에도 호종단은 예종과의 관계에 있어서 그 역할을 간과할 수 없다. 마지막으로 호종단에 대한 두 가지 상반되는 평가를 통해서 다각적인 접근을 하였다. 호종단은 ‘博學能門’을 대표로 하는 유학자적인 모습과 ‘壓勝術’등의 雜術로 묘사되는 부정적인 기록이 공존한다. 이 점은 호종단이 문한관으로서 학문적 능력과 정치적 재능에도 불구하고 그의 사상적 사유는 당대 식자들에게 비판받았다는 점을 알 수 있다. 이러한 평가의 저변에는 당대 호종단에 대한 사회적 인식과 후대의 성리학적 사상의 조류가 비판적 시각으로 작용한 것이고, 무엇보다 예종의 돈독한 총애를 받았던 특징이라고 하겠다. In this paper, Ho Jong-dan, a naturalized Sung dynasty person was reviewed. He was active in Goryeo in the reign of King Yejong and King Injong. Ho Jong-dan has been mentioned in negative way as a cause of wrong government of King Yejong. In this sense, the study on Ho Jong-dan will provide us with an opportunity to understand the times of King Yejong from diverse perspectives. He was an intellectual with a Confucian literacy as a senior student in Taehak(太學) originated from Fuzhou(福州) in Sung Dynasty, which had maintained good relationships and had made various transactions with Goryeo frequently. At that time, it was very difficult to get a government job in Sung dynasty and Goryeo’s preferential treatment of naturalized Sung dynasty people would have been a factor to make him to come to Goryeo. In addition, merchant ships regularly operating between Sung and Goryeo made it easy for him to come to Goryeo and helped his naturalization. At that time, King Yejong tried to receive the advanced culture of Sung continuing friendly diplomatic relations based on the active exchanges with Sung. In the political operation plan of King Yejong, Ho Jong-dan could enter political world in Goryeo by receiving preferential treatment based on his academic background and excellent writing abilities. The fact that he mainly served as a writer or an admonisher shows that his ability was applied to the field. Ho Jong-dan made its presence through fast promotion in a short time in the favor and preferential treatment of King Yejong and made further enhancement while working very closely with King Yejong as an advisor on the operation of the government. Ho Jong-dan was made use of well based on his capabilities in writing and knowledge as well as his background that he was a naturalized Sung person who could understand political situation very well. However, Ho Jong-dan lost his place as domestic and international situations were changed because King Yejong passed away and King Injong succeeded to him. Ho Jong-dan who grew up based on the strong and good relationship with Sung could not help losing influence as Goryeo made diplomatic relations with Jin Dynasty. Nevertheless his role should not be overlooked in the relation with King Yejong. Finally, multi-faceted approaches were tried through contrasting evaluations on Ho Jong-dan. There are two different types of records regarding Ho Jong-dan such as a Confucian scholar with great writing ability and negative evaluation as a person who is petty and crafty. It shows that his behaviors were criticized by contemporary intellectuals despite of his excellent writing abilities and political talent. At the base of these evaluations, there are the social perception of the contemporaries and the critical view of Confucian scholars in the later times. Most of all, it was because Ho Jong-dan was uncomparably favored by King Yejong.

고려 예종대 郭輿의 활동과 道敎

김철웅 (사)한국인물사연구회 2011 한국인물사연구 Vol.16 No.-

King Yejong devised the new policy to renovate the education and religion. Therefore, Taoism enjoyed the greatest popularity during the Koryeo Dynasty, especially in the court and the ruling class. KwaK Yeo were very important Taoist. This paper studies the activites of KwaK Yeo, Koryeo's Taoist, and Taoism during the era of King Yejong in the Koryeo Dynasty. KwaK Yeo and King Yejong adopted Taoism as a part of the policy. Therefore, they expected to promote Taoism to overcome national crises and stabilize hardship of the Korgeo Dynasty. And Taoists said that the power of king was ordained by Heaven. It had the effect of strengthening the power of king. In the group of King Yejong's royal cronies, which was leaded by Han Anin, there were rising officials who had studied Confucianism and Taoism. Koryeo's Taoism remains as a minor but significant element of Koryeo thought. And Taoist rituals were introduced into Koryeo from Song China, especially under King Yejong. Several Song emperors, most notably Huizong, were active in promoting Taoism. Song's Taoism arrived in Koryeo under the reign of King Yejong. King Yejong built Bokwongung, tample of Taoists, at the Royal place in Gaegyeong. Therefore, King Yejong and KwaK Yeo, Lee Jungyak tried to promote Taoism.

昌陵의 왕과 왕후 능의 위치 再考

김이순 한국미술사학회 2010 美術史學硏究 Vol.267 No.267

西五陵에 위치한 昌陵은 조선 8대왕 睿宗(1450-1469)과 계비 安順王后(?-1498)의 능으로, 소위 ‘同原異岡陵’형식으로 조성되어 있다. 조선시대 왕릉에서 합장릉, 쌍릉, 동원이강릉 형식으로 조성될 경우에 ‘右上左下’의 원칙, 즉 ‘西上東下’ 원칙에 따라 서편에 왕의 능을, 동편에 왕후의 능을 조성하는 것이 원칙이었다. 이 원칙은 조선시대 내내 지켜졌고, 현재 서오릉에 위치한 德宗(1438-1457)과 昭惠王后(1437-1504)의 敬陵만이예외적으로 동쪽에 왕의 능이 위치한 것으로 알려져 있다. 본고에서는 경릉과 비슷한 시기에 조성된 예종의 창릉 역시 이러한 규범을 따르지 않았음을 밝혔다. 그 근거로 석물의 조형적 특징, 문헌기록, 능 주변의지형 등을 분석하였다. 그 중에서 가장 중요한 요소는 석물조각이다. 조선 왕릉 석물은 조성 당시의 시대적 상황과 능 조성자의 의지에 따라 석물의 크기, 양식, 화강암의 품질 등이 결정되기 때문에 각각의 능에 조성되어 있는 석물은 서로 다르다. 게다가 우리나라 석물은 화강암으로 조성되어 쉽게 파손되지 않는 장점이 있을 뿐 아니라,조선시대에는 무덤을 신성시하는 전통이 있어 능의 조성 및 改修를 기록해 두었기 때문에 각 능의 역사 연구에 있어 기초 史料가 될 수 있다. 창릉과 같이 임진왜란 이전에 조성된 왕릉의 경우, 기록문헌이 분명하지않은 상황에서 석물은 능 조성의 先後나 陵主를 추정할 수 있는 중요한 단서가 된다. 창릉의 왕과 왕후 능의 조성 시기는 29년의 차이가 나기 때문에 석물조각 양식에 차이가 발생했다. 이러한 석물 양식의 차이를 근거로 조성시기의 先後를 밝혔는데, 덕종과 소혜왕후의 경릉 석물을 그 기준으로 삼았다. 덕종과 예종은 세조의 두 아들이었으며 조성 시기도 비슷할 뿐 아니라, 경릉의 왕과 왕후 능의조성연대가 47년이나 차이나기 때문이다. 또 예종 창릉과는 불과 1-2년 시차를 두고 조성된 세조 광릉과 세종 영릉의 석인상과도 비교했다. 요컨대, 예종 창릉의 석물은 덕종 경릉, 세조 광릉, 세종 영릉의 석물과 같은 유형이어야 하며, 안순왕후 창릉과 소혜왕후 경릉의 석물이 같은 유형이어야 할 것이다. 그러나 문무석인, 석수, 장명등, 개체석의 섬돌, 고석 등 모든 석물을 분석할 결과를 보면, 예종릉으로 알려진 서쪽에 위치한 능의 석물이 소혜왕후의 석물과 같은 유형이고 조선 왕릉 석물의 양식 흐름에서 1500년 즈음에 나타나는 요소를 지니고 있기 때문에, 지금까지 알려져 있는 것과 달리, 서쪽에 위치한 능이 안순왕후의 능일가능성이 매우 높다. 현재 창릉의 왕과 왕후의 능 위치의 근거는 비문과 『창릉지』에 두고 있다. 하지만 이 내용은 지금까지알려진 것과 달리, 능이 조성 당시의 기록이 아니라 능이 조성된 지 250년이 지난 18세기 중엽의 기록으로서 능의 위치를 규명하는 자료가 될 수 없음을 밝혔다. 그 대신 『선조실록』에서 임진왜란 직후에는 창릉의왕과 왕후의 능의 위치를 지금과는 반대로 알고 있는 사람들이 있어 이 점을 논의했던 사실을 확인하였는데, 이는 창릉의 왕과 왕후의 능의 위치가 현재 알려져 있는 것과 다를 가능성과 함께, 조선 초기에는 ‘西上東下’ 원칙의 적용에 유연성이 있었음을 시사한다. 앞으로 창릉 조성 당시의 기록문헌이 발견되거나 봉분 앞에 묻혔을 지석, 혹은 현재 위치로 옮기기 전에 원래 왕릉 앞에 건립되었던 정자각의 터나 神路의 발굴과 같은 실증적인 작업이 이 ... Changneung, located within Seooreung, the graveyard park with five royal tombs, belongs to King Yejong (1450-1469), the 8th ruler of Joseon and his second wife, Queen Ansun (?-1498). The remains of the royal couple were buried inside separate mounds, in the so-called style of dongwon igangneung . In Joseon, royal spouses were buried, after their death, either in a couple tomb (hapjangneung ) or in two separate tombs. The two tombs may lie side-byside (ssangneung ) or be placed in a position known as dongwon igangneung . In the latter case, the king’s tomb is in the west side. Currently, the only royal graveyard in dongwon igangtnueng style that is known to be not in conformity with this rule are Gyeongneung,belonging to King Deokjong (1438-1457) and Queen Sohye (1437-1504), where the king’s tomb is placed east of the queen’s tomb which faces it from the west. Changneung, however,is another example in which the positions of the king’s and queen’s tombs are inverted. This paper explores possible reasons why the tombs of this royal couple were arranged opposite to their customary positions by examining tomb sculptures, surviving records and the landscape and geographical characteristics of the surrounding area. Special attention was paid to stone monuments placed around the two tombs. Stone monuments in a royal graveyard varied in size, style and type of granite used, depending on when a graveyard was constructed, who initiated its construction as well as many other circumstantial factors. In Changneung, the queen’s tomb was built in 1499, which was twenty-nine years after the king’s tomb was built in 1470, and their stone monuments are quite different in style. In Joseon’s royal graveyard, tomb sculptures tend to have the same style for both spouses’tombs,if they were built at the same time. In this paper, to determine the dates of the tomb sculptures of King Yejong and his queen, Ansun, I compared them with those in the graveyard of King Deokjong (1457) and Queen Sohye (1504). King Deokjong and King Yejong, two sons of King Sejo, died not long after one another, with the dates of construction of their tombs separated by slightly more than ten years. So was the case with the tombs of their spouses,Queen Sohye and Queen Ansun. Also compared were the tomb sculptures in Gwangneung belonging to King Sejo and those in Yeongneung belonging to King Sejong, as their dates of construction are separated by merely a year or two. Based on the well established tradition of Joseon’s royal house regarding tomb sculptures, it seems possible to assume that the tomb sculptures of Changneung were normally be in a style similar to those in Gyeongneung,Gwangneung and Yeongneung, belonging to King Deokjong, King Sejo and King Sejong respectively, and that those of Queen Ansun should be similar to those of Queen Sohye. This analysis, however, revealed that the stone monuments surrounding the tomb attributed to King Yejong were similar in style to those of Queen Sohye’s, rather than those of the three other kings’tombs. The stone monuments of these two tombs both showed the stylistic characteristics first observed around the year 1500. What this means is that the western tomb of Changneung, contrary to the current belief, may not be the tomb of King Yejong, but that of Queen Ansun. The eastern and western tombs of Changneung have been attributed respectively to King Yejong and his queen, based on the information provided in the inscription on the graveyard stele and Changneungji , a record detailing the circumstances of construction of this graveyard. In this paper, I explain how this record, dating from the mid-18th century and not from the 15th century when the graveyard was created, cannot be considered entirely reliable concerning the positions of the two tombs. More direct documentary or archaeological evidence such as a record dating from the time of construction of this graveyard or the jiseok , the stone tablet burie...

고려 예종대 郭輿의 활동과 道敎

김철웅(Kim cheorung) 한국인물사연구소 2011 한국인물사연구 Vol.16 No.-

King Yejong devised the new policy to renovate the education and religion. Therefore, Taoism enjoyed the greatest popularity during the Koryeo Dynasty, especially in the court and the ruling class. KwaK Yeo were very important Taoist. This paper studies the activites of KwaK Yeo, Koryeo's Taoist, and Taoism during the era of King Yejong in the Koryeo Dynasty. KwaK Yeo and King Yejong adopted Taoism as a part of the policy. Therefore, they expected to promote Taoism to overcome national crises and stabilize hardship of the Korgeo Dynasty. And Taoists said that the power of king was ordained by Heaven. It had the effect of strengthening the power of king. In the group of King Yejong's royal cronies, which was leaded by Han Anin, there were rising officials who had studied Confucianism and Taoism. Koryeo's Taoism remains as a minor but significant element of Koryeo thought. And Taoist rituals were introduced into Koryeo from Song China, especially under King Yejong. Several Song emperors, most notably Huizong, were active in promoting Taoism. Song's Taoism arrived in Koryeo under the reign of King Yejong. King Yejong built Bokwongung, tample of Taoists, at the Royal place in Gaegyeong. Therefore, King Yejong and KwaK Yeo, Lee Jungyak tried to promote Taoism.

고려중기 예종·인종의 통치와 관료집단의 성격

김창현(Kim Chang-Hyun) 한국인물사연구소 2007 한국인물사연구 Vol.8 No.-

King Yejong made every effort to establish his father King's and his own lineal descent of royalty. He himself tried to keep his regal power as he played the middleman role in keeping the balance of power between political power groups and between various thoughts. He conquered Jurchen, but he got to recede the nine Forts. So he adopted a policy of excessive administration by civilians. King Injong devoted himself to breeding up ground around him. As a result, complications among the political forces got worse and the King failed in governing them, which raised a coup de'dat by Yi Ja-kyeom and Myocheong. King Injong was much exercised by power of Yi Ja-kyeom, Seokyeong(West Capital), Kim Bu-shik, but he led a political situation at the end of his term. Among fifty-seven high-ranking officials in the reign of King Yejong there were 60 to 70% newly rising families, more or less 30% noble families, and 53% civil officials who passed the state examination and 18% military officials and 30% other civil officials. Among seventy-seven high-ranking officials in the reign of King Injong there were 70% newly rising families and 20 to 30% aristocrats, and 53% civil officials who passed the state examination and 29% other civil officials and 18% military officials. In the reign of King Yejong and Injong high-ranking officials were from newly rising families much more than from aristocrats. King Yejong and King Injong helped men of abilities to be officials beyond their birth. The Koryeo dynasty was not a kind of aristocratic society, but the society of the literati(yangban) and petty functionary.

고려 예종대 道生僧統 王竀의 ‘모반’과 법상종 세력의 변동

채민석 전북사학회 2022 전북사학 Vol.- No.65

Seungtong Dosaeng, Wang Taeng was a Buddhist monk from the royal family of Goryeo. Charged for conspiring a ‘rebellion’ in the 7th year(1112) of King Yejong’s reign, he eventually died a tragic death. Based on more investigations, however, Dosaeng’s ‘rebellion’ may be deemed as a manipulated charge that reflected King Yejong’s certain intention rather than a rebel. Dosaeng was taught by Wangsa Hyedeok(慧德王師), Sohyeon(韶顯) who belonged to Beopsang Buddhism of the Taehyeon line(太賢系). He was granted the authority to supervise both Songnisa Temple(俗離寺) and Geumsansa Temple(金山寺), both of which represented significance to Beopsang Buddhism of the Jinpyo line(眞表系). With this authority, he tried to absorb the Jinpyo line and promoted union within the Beopsang Buddhism. However, King Yejong judged that the existing Buddhist policy of merging various religious bodies into one would be difficult to realize in the reality. Therefore, he preferred a policy to keep in check with each other, while ensuring their coexistence as a religious body. Accordingly, in Beopsang Buddhism, by supporting the Jinpyo line, he tried to check the Taehyeon line. In response, Dosaeng led a grand project to commemorate his teacher Sohyeon, thereby irritating King Yejong by revealing his intention to prioritize the Taehyeon line in Beopsang Buddhism. In this period, King Yejong abrogated the policies of King Sukjong(肅宗), his father, such as the policy to conquer the north, weakened his supporting powers, and tried to seek a political operation that deviated from King Sukjong’s by appointing the Lee clan of Inju(仁州李氏) and new intellectual groups, represented by Lee Ja-gyeom(李資謙) and Han Ahn-in(韓安仁). In this process, King Yejong, feeling burdened with the existence of groups that adhered to his father’s political operation policy, chose to remove them along with Dosaeng, who, as he felt, was an obstacle to his own Buddhist policy with the charge of ‘rebellion’. Dosaeng’s ‘rebellion’ can be evaluated as the start of the long-term stream in which the Jinpyo line, which had been on the defensive, seized the hegemony within Beopsang Buddhism by beating out the Taehyeon line. 道生僧統 王竀은 高麗 왕족 출신의 승려로, 睿宗 7년(1112)에 ‘모반’을 했다는 죄목으로 비극적인 최후를 맞이한다. 하지만 도생의 ‘모반’은 여러 조건들을 점검하였을 때, 실제 있었다고 하기보다는 예종의 어떠한 의도가 반영되면서 조작된 사건이었을 가능성이 높다. 도생은 太賢系 法相宗에 소속된 慧德王師 韶顯의 가르침을 받았으며, 眞表系 법상종에게 의미가 있었던 俗離寺와 金山寺를 모두 관리할 권한을 인정받아, 그들을 흡수해 법상종을 통일하려는 작업을 추진해왔다. 그러나 예종은 여러 교단들을 하나로 융합해 나가려는 기존의 불교 정책 방침이 현실에서 구현되기 어렵다고 판단해, 각 교단들의 병립을 보장하며 상호 견제하는 방향을 선호하였다. 이에 따라 예종은 진표계 법상종을 지원해 태현계 법상종을 견제하도록 하였다. 여기에 대해 도생은 스승 소현의 현창 사업을 크게 전개해, 태현계 법상종의 우위를 지키겠다는 태도를 드러냄으로써 예종을 자극하였다. 이 시기 예종은 북벌 사업 등 부왕인 肅宗의 정책들을 폐기하고 그의 지지 세력들을 약화시켰으며, 李資謙과 韓安仁으로 대표되는 仁州李氏와 새로운 지식인 집단들을 기용해 숙종과는 다른 국정 운영을 모색하였다. 이 과정에서 숙종의 국가 경영 방침을 고수하려는 집단들의 존재가 부담스러웠던 예종은, 자신의 불교 정책에서 장애물로 인식되었던 도생과 그들을 ‘모반’ 죄로 묶어 함께 제거하는 선택을 하게 된다. 도생의 ‘모반’ 사건은 법상종 내부에서 수세에 몰렸던 진표계가 태현계를 제치고 교단의 주도권을 장악하는 장기적인 흐름의 첫 단추를 끼우는 역할을 했다고 평가되겠다.

『삼국유사(三國遺事)』의 고려(高麗) 예종대(睿宗代) 불아(佛牙) 장래(將來) 기록(記錄)과 그 장래자(將來者)에 대하여

이진한 ( Lee Jin-han ) 고려대학교 민족문화연구원 2018 民族文化硏究 Vol.79 No.-

고려 睿宗代에는 송이 고려와 연합하여 요를 제압하려는 외교적 전략에 따라 중요한 문화적 산물을 주어 고려의 환심을 사고자 했기 때문에 고려는 그 점을 십분 활용하여 불교에서 가장 소중하게 여기는 불아를 송에서 가져올 수 있었다. 이러한 불아의 전래 과정과 고려에서의 관리에 대해서는 『三國遺事』의 「前後所將舍利」조에 실려있는데, 그것을 가져온 고려의 사신은 정극영이라고 하였다. 반면 『高麗史』에는 왕자지가 송에서 불아를 가져왔다고 하였다. 양 사서의 차이를 비교해보건대, 『高麗史』의 睿宗代 기록이 예종 사후 편찬된 『예종실록』을 인용한 것이 많았고, 『三國遺事』의 설화적인 내용과 달리 간결하게 예종, 인종, 명종 등의 불골(佛骨) 관련 의식을 적었으므로 『高麗史』 기록의 신빙성이 더욱 높다고 생각된다. 그런데도, 정극영이 불아를 가져왔다고 『三國遺事』에 전하는 것은 인종 초 정국의 변화에 따라 두 인물의 부침이 있었기 때문이다. 예종 말에 죽은 왕자지는 사돈인 이자겸 덕분에 예종묘정에 배향되는 영예를 누렸으나 이자겸 몰락 이후 배향이 철회되었다. 그에 반해 정극영은 이자겸의 반대 세력인 한안인의 당여라고 하여 1122년 말에 유배되었으나 1126년 이자겸의 난이 평정되고 나서 사면되었다. 이러한 상황은 불아를 가져온 것에 기억에도 영향을 끼쳐서, 왕자지의 역할은 사라지고 정극영이 그 일을 한 것으로 바뀌었던 것이다. During the reign of King Yejong in Goryeo Dynasty, Song Dynasty employed a diplomatic strategy of joining forces with Goryeo to suppress Liao Dynasty, and thus wanted to ingratiate itself with Goryeo Dynasty by giving valuable cultural gifts. For this reason, Goryo Dynasty could receive bul-a (Buddha's tooth), the most cherished item in Buddhism, from Song Dynasty. Records on the transport of bul-a and subsequent management in Goryeo are found in the 'Jeonhusojangsarijo' part of 'Samgukyusa,' where the records say that Goryeo's official, Jeong Geukyoung, brought bul-a from Song. However, in 'Goryeosa,' it is said that Wang Jaji brought bul-a from Song. Considering that much of the records during the reign of King Yejong in 'Goryeosa' were quoted from 'Yejongsillok' that was published after the death of the King, and that compared to fictional contents in 'Samgukyusa,' 'Goryeosa' succinctly recorded Buddhist rituals during the reigns of King Yejong, King Injong, and King Myoungjong, it is likely that the records of 'Goryeosa' are more credible. Still the records of 'Samgukyusa' say that Jeong Geukyoung brought bul-a, as the two figures' fate diverged due to political changes in the early years of King Injong's reign. Wang Jaji passed away in later years of King Yejong's reign, and was enshrined at King Yejong's shrine thanks to his family relationship with Lee Jagyeom; however, after Lee Jagyeom lost power, the privilege was revoked. In comparison, Jeong Geukyoung was exiled in 1122 because he was on the side of Han Anin, a political opponent of Lee Jagyeom, but was forgiven after the rebellion of Lee Jagyeom in 1126 was suppressed. This circumstance affected the event of bringing bul-a as well, and accordingly, Wang Jaji's role was erased in history, and it was altered to the act of Jeong Geukyoung.