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      • 世界體制論的 觀點에서 본 比較都市化

        李壽寧 부산대학교 사회과학대학 1991 社會科學論叢 Vol.10 No.1

        Most aspects of large-scale social change have now been examined through the lens of "world-system theory" and it is true of urbanization processes. It is not surprising because the scale and pace of urbanization is dramatic and markedly uneven across regions of the world. The primary focus has been on the macro-urban patterns of over-urbanization, urban labor force structure, and urban hierarchy, but implications for lower-level community patterns have also been examined. The logical connections between the core-periphery division of labor and various mechanisms that reproduce it and urban structural transformation have also been considered. The size relation of cities in regions or nations is partly a function of the economic role played by the region in the global economy. This is especially apparent in the periphery where cities have been created as outposts of colonial and neo-colonial expansion accompanying the growth of the world-system and the concomitant peripheralization of outlying areas. The growth or decline of cities, however, involves the specific spatial requirements of what is being produced in a given region, the cyclical demand for the commodities in question, and many more proximate factors, such as local class relations favoring the growth of some cities at the expense of others. Over-urbanization in the periphery is explained as stemming, in part, from the specific effects of the structure of core capital investments. Limited export-oriented industrialization and the capital-intensive nature of both industrial and agricultural investments exacerbate migration to the cities and slow urban labor force absorption. This is intimately related to the enormous growth of the urban informal labor sector in the third world. The global perspective advocated here analyzes this sector in terms of its general relation to low-wage labor in the periphery and to capital accumulation in the core. This sector serves simultaneously as a "disguised form of wage labor" directly involved in the production of commodities for the world market, as a large reserve army of labor, and as the modern equivalent of the subsistence enclave, in which goods and services required by the formal sector labor force are provided at below market level. In turn, the low wages in the periphery are an important source of profit for core-based transnational corporations. Core urban patterns are also shaped by world-system processes. Growing inequality within many US cities may be a concomitant of declining hegemony in the world market and the global restructuring of capital that has simultaneously inflated the professional managerial class and the workers who service their consumption needs, and withered the size of the industrial working class. This relatively highly paid working class in the middle of the American stratification system has declined numerically as the size of the highly paid professional and low-paid service sectors have increased. A comprehensive analysis of urban transformation must be rooted at some point in an understanding of the global nature of the modern political economy. Changing labor force structures in both the core and the periphery are influenced by many of the same global processes. Yet academic discourse on urban problems and on descriptions of urban social structure rarely and only recently acknowledge this. A developmentalist perspective is employed in which differences between more and less developed regions are explained in terms of the distinctiveness of the histories and cultures of different world regions. Scholarship informed by world-system theory shows that many of these differing patterns of urbanization are rooted in a common history. It is the history of the modern world system in which hierarchically structured political and economic interaction among global regions is fundamental and endemic. The scholarship undertaken so far has rarely involved a systematic application of world-system theory to urban processes. Debate continues about what the fundamental processes of the world system are and how they articulate with social processes and social formations thought of as existing primarily at other, more local levels. Future efforts to understand urban change are unlikely to be useful without some conceptualization of the global structures and processes.

      • 美·佛 大都市의 犯罪와 騷擾와 不平等

        이수영 부산대학교 사회과학대학 2000 社會科學論叢 Vol.19 No.1

        In early 1990s, the Cite´ des Poe`tes, a housing project in the town of Pierrefitte, Seine St-Denis, would have been perfect to illustrate the broken window theory. "About fifty youths their domination on Brassens square." Although they did not directly target institutions, "they drank, they had dogs, they fooled around… we were scared to death for our children and also for our wives," a resident complained. Too many assaults, the absence of police, educational and administrative laxity contributed to unbearable collective life. This neighborhood of Pierrefitte was not much different from other pauperized areas in the largest cities of the world. It suffered from isolation and from a concentration of socioeconomic disadvantages, as in Chicago or Harlem. Immigrant families were overconcentrated in public-housing units. The area suffered from disinvestment that resulted in a lack of services, most acutely, police services. Stigmatization linked to space also took its toll through unemployment and ill-paid jobs. Different historical arrangements affect the current differentiation and social control cities exert. Spatial polarization does not seem to be as severe in French cities as in American cities, due to state authorities, master plans, incentives and national policies mitigating centrifugal forces. Unlike American cities, the growth of inequalities does not produce a dichotomy between the yuppies and the homeless. State transfers in France have kept pauperization under control. The destruction of industrial jobs and the lack of corporate dynamism in France have imposed enormous costs in terms of unemployment, social destructuring, anomie, violence, etc. Segregation and polarization processes do take place, but for the last eighteen years various mechanisms orchestrated within the local governance initiated by the politique de la ville have allowed cities to slow down destructuring trends. The struggle of government to balance public accounts in the face of rising demands for social welfare, environmental improvement, and economic growth has led to strategies which are undermining welfare policy arrangements. Cities, once perceived as the heart of innovations and cultural force of postmodern society, now appears to be drifting into becoming decaying and dangerous places. The struggle of government to balance public accounts in the fact of rising demands for social welfare, environmental improvement, and economic growth has led to strategies which are undermining welfare policy arrangements. Cities, once perceived as the heart of innovations and cultural force of postmodern society, now appears to be drifting into becoming decaying and dangerous places. The market does not favor social cohesion but generates tensions: it reinforces economic polarization and inequalities in cities, and myriads of marginalized people may use their "voice" as a threat to express their claims. Even though a few global cities like New York and Paris take advantage of globalized processes, problems of segregation and social disintegration do not disappear. Even in the midst of an economic boom, inequalities persist and deepen, social tensions abound, and public services and infrastructures remain neglected. The whole system based on global exchanges of capital and goods is fragile, as illustrated by the 1998 economic crises in Asia, Brazil, and Russia. It would be premature to ignore the power of the powerless. The question of Barrington Moore concerning injustice is still valid : instead of "why do men rebel?" we should wonder why they do not rebel more often. The margins of society can hit the center at its core, as Santo Amaro case showed. The transgressions of the "haves" in the form of excessive accumulation, deregulation, chaos, non-redistribution, etc. must remain limited for their own sake. The IMF approach to debt crisis will not successfully resolve the problem by punishing the poor and destroying domestic production. Militant crowds and urban communities have said no to politics of hunger and unemployment that would ensure servicing bank loans. They have said they won't be quiet about it in tones that convince the crisis managers. The ironic feature of the current debt crisis is that its roots sprouted as early as 1960 and grew in the fertile ground of trade deficits accumulated by the United States. The U.S. deficit resulted from the very success of its postwar recovery program. The rejuvenated European and Japanese economies performed so well, and U.S. industrial supremacy wanted so much, that U.S. deficits began to mount dangerously. The looming U.S. debt crisis was averted, in 1971 when the U.S. unilaterally abrogated the Bretton Woods system by twice devaluing the dollar, abandoning the gold standard and converting to a floating exchange rate. As France feared, international dollar holdings abruptly lost value. The United States used its decided political advantage in the world economy to export its debt and the inflationary cost of the war in Vietnam. Those adjustments inaugurated the "international economic disorder" of the 1970s and the current world debt crisis.

      • KCI등재
      • 아세트산 전해질에서 리간드를 이용한 우라늄의 흔적량 검출

        강경묵,이수영 서울産業大學校 1999 논문집 Vol.50 No.2

        Ultratrace levels of Uranuim can be determineted by differential pulse stripping voltammetry, based on the reduction with acetic acid supporting electrolyte with the ligand propyl gallate(PG), The detection limit was calculated to ug/L the procedure is very simple and sensitive for the determination of Uranium. The potential at which the adsorption peak occurred, due to the complex of uranium with acetic acid was found to be identical with the optimum accumulation PG ligands were also found useful for the determination of uranium in a contaminated any solution sample at this study.

      • KCI등재

        FT 유전자 형질전환 스프레이 국화 (Dendranthema grandiflorum (Ramat.) Kitamura)의 조기개화성

        이수영,한봉희,허은주,신학기,이일하,이은경,김성태,김원희,권오현 한국식물생명공학회 2012 식물생명공학회지 Vol.39 No.3

        The flowering locus T (FT) gene, of which expression will be controlled at high temperature by heat shock promoter (it printed as to HSproFT), was introduced into spray-type chrysanthemum (Dendranthema grandiflorum(Ramat.) Kitamura) 2 cultivars (‘Pink PangPang’ and ‘Pink Pride’ by co-cultivation with Agrobacterium tumefaciens strain C58C1 harboring pCAMBIA2300 containing the HSproFT gene. After leaf segments of the 2 cultivars were infected with the A. tumafaciens with C58C1 as explants,shoots were regenerated from the explants cultured on the 1st selection medium (MS basal salts + 1.0 mg/L BA, 0.5 mg/L IAA + 10 mg/L kanamycin + 0.7% plant agar, pH 5.8). The shoots were transferred into the 2nd selection medium (MS basal salts + 1.0 mg/L BA, 0.5 mg/L IAA + 20 mg/L kanamycin + 0.7% plant agar, pH 5.8). One hundred seventeen plantlets from ‘Pink PangPang’ and 5 ones from ‘Pink Pride’ were confirmed as transformants by PCR analysis. Twenty six of the transformants and non-transformants were acclimatized and established well in a green house. Eights of 26 transgenic lines showed flower bud 1.7~10 days earlier than nontransgenic plants, and 24 of them flowered 1~6 days earlier than non- transgenic plants. The shape and color of flower of all HSproFT-transgenic lines were not different with those of non- transgenic plants. 고온에서 발현이 유도되도록 한 개화촉진유전자 HSpro-FT를 국립원예특작과학원에서 육성된 스프레이타입 국화 2품종(‘Pink PangPang’과 ‘Pink Pride’)에 도입하여 획득한 형질전환체가 고온기에 화아가 분화하고 고온단일조건에서 화아가 발달하게 되는 조건에서 재배되었을 때개화가 촉진되었다. HSpro-FT 유전자는 pCAMBIA2300에삽입되어 Agrobacterium tumefaciens C58C1을 통하여 국화로 도입되었다. 아그로박테리움과의 접종 후 재분화 배지(MS + 1.0 mg/L BA + 0.5 mg/L IAA + 0.7% plant agar,pH 5.8)에 10 mg/L 과 20 mg/L kanamycin이 첨가된 1, 2차선발배지에서 재분화된 신초를 선발하였다. PCR분석에의해 ‘Pink PangPang’유래 재분화 신초 117개체와 ‘Pink Pride’유래 5개체로부터 FT 유전자가 도입되었음을 확인하였다. HSpro-FT 유전자 형질전환 26계통중 8계통들이바형질전환체에 비하여 정식 후 꽃봉오리 맺히기까지의기간이 1.7~10일 당겨졌고, 24계통들이 비형질전환체에비하여 꽃봉오리 맺힌 후 꽃잎전개까지의 기간이 1~6일당겨졌다. 두 품종 유래 형질전환 24계통 모두 조기개화성 이외의 꽃모양이나 꽃 색깔 등 다른 특성은 비형질전환체와 같았다.

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