부산시 사회복지관련기금의 운용방향에 관한 연구

손치훈,박광준,이구환 부산여자대학교 사회과학연구소 1998 사회과학연구 Vol.- No.2

대학도서관 장서구성에 영향을 미치는 요인 : 부산대학교도서관 정치학장서를 중심으로

최정태,김정근,이용재 부산대학교 사회과학대학 1994 社會科學論叢 Vol.13 No.1

This is a case study for the Pusan National University Library(P.N.U.L.) and its political science collection and represents and effort to find out the causes of the poor and alienated state of the collection. Factors which are considered to have had bad influences on the composition of the collection follow. 1. Laws and standards covering the collection of the university libraries have been made mainly out of quantitative concerns. So the P.N.U.L.. like many other university libraries in Korea, has collected books without giving much attention to the qualitative aspects of its collection. 2. Librarians of the acquisitions department have been engaged largely in the purchasing activities. So they have not played any major role in the selection activities. 3. Non-professional administrative staff including the head of the acquisitions department have had the hegemony in the whole process of the library acquisitions activities. 4. Non-professional library directors have failed in playing any leadership role in the collection development activities n the library. 5. Domestic book-sellers in many cases have not supplied 'the wanted books' in time to the library. 6. Faculty members, who have taken the charge of selecting books, have selected materials largely out of their own immediate need, not paying much attention to the balance of the whole collection.

La Signification des Facteurs Culturels dans le Conflit Social

PARK, Jae-Hwan 부산대학교 사회과학대학 1983 社會科學論叢 Vol.2 No.1

社會葛藤에 대한 知的 흥미는 社會現實과 불가분의 關係에 있다. Ferguson과 Marx의 理論은 그들 時代의 資本主義 모순들의 바탕 위에서 形成될 수 있었다. 20세기 초 美國 社會學者들이 1930年代까지 社會葛藤에 관해 계속 討論할 수 있었다는 事實은 한편으로 美國社會를 改革하려는 의지 때문이었다. 1950년에서 1970년까지 다시 개화했던 葛藤의 理論들은 그 기원을 베트남 戰爭이나 學生運動과 같이 具體的인 現實에 둔다. 社會葛藤은 사회 심리학의 접근에 의해서나 아니면 物質的 利益의 觀點에 의해서 항상 설명되었다. 그러나, 社會葛藤 社會의 文化特性에 의하여 크게 결정된다. 또한 葛藤의 强度는 制度化에 의해 결정된다. 制度化는 葛藤의 展開에 있어 手段과 狀況을 제공한다. 모든 社會에서 第三者의 개입 정도에 差異가 있다. 즉, 주어진 社會에서 몇 개의 葛藤 解決形態는 다른 것들 보다 더욱 빈번한 감을 준다. 社會가 集團의 同質性을 강조할수록 葛藤을 해소하기 위한 수동적인 후퇴나 강제의 형태가 더욱 존재할 것이다. 다양한 與論이 인정될 뿐 만 아니라 그 與論이 集團d 유익한 社會에서는 더욱 더 同意를 찾아보기가 쉬울 것이다. 平和가 維持되는 것은 우선 해결된 葛藤의 性質에 달려있다. 그러나 平和는 새로운 상태이며 그 상태에 대해 또 다른 葛藤이 확립된 秩序의 合法性을 캐물으면서 전개될 것이다. 合法性의 정의는 특히 사회의 근본 가치에서 영향을 받으므로, 社會 文化 要因은 葛藤의 모든 과정에 영향을 미친다. 그렇지만 文化 要因의 중요성을 역설하는 데도 限界点이 있다. 社會現象을 설명하는 것에 文化決定論을 기대할 수는 없는 것이다. 文化決定論은 人間의 의지, 일탈, 특히 역사의 역학을 설명할 수 없다. 또 文化要因은 모든 社會葛藤 양상을 설명해 주지 않는다. 사실 대부분의 葛藤은 價値體系와 무관한 몇 가지 원인들을 가지고 있다. 이 문제는 "社會 存在"와 Marx의 "意識"간의 토론을 제기한다. 그리고 사실 대부분의 葛藤은 현실 상태에서 變化가 없다면 해소될 수 없다. 마지막으로 모든 文化는 발달하고 변형한다는 것이다. 變化에는 정도의 차이가 있을 뿐이다. 그러나, 이러한 모든 한계에도 불구하고, 社會葛藤에 대한 文化要因의 중요성은 강조되어야 하겠다. 왜냐하면 이것은 下部構造가 언제나 社會를 統制하는 것이 아니라. 上部構造도 빈번히 支配的인 役割을 수행하기 때문이다. 그렇기 때문에 下部構造와 上部構造 사이의 변증법적인 관점에서 必然性을 찾는다. 따라서 文化에 대한 강조는 단지 下部構造와 上部構造 사이의 잃어버린 평형을 다시 세우려는 노력일 뿐이다. 이러한 노력으로 社會葛藤을 연구함에 있어서 정치나 사회 심리학의 영역에 현존하는 제한된 접근과는 상이한 접근의 가능성을 모색해 보고자 한다.

한국에 있어서 사회화를 통한 지역감정 해소 방안 : 부산·광주시의 초·중등학생을 대상으로

옥양련 부산대학교 사회과학대학 2000 社會科學論叢 Vol.19 No.1

The purpose of this study is to analyze the questionnaire of the six-grade students in elementary schools and the third-grade students in middle schools in order to solve the regional conflict between Pusan and Kwangju in Korea. The result of this study can be summarized as follows: (1) Those students who live both in Pusan and in Kwangju know better the matter of regional conflict each other than any other region in Korea. In the meantime, it turns out that the third-grade students in middle schools know better each other than the do the six-grade students in elementary schools. (2) As to the media of socialization, journalism such as newspaper, broadcasting, and television has a larger percentage in comparison with the parents and teachers. On the other hand, it was found that parents, teachers, and the related books play an important role in the socialization to solve the regional conflict between Pusan and Kwangju. Yet it was found that these media would make a great contribution to solving the matter of regional conflict. (3) According to the analysis of the regional conflict between Pusan and Kwangju, those students who live in Kwangju has more interest in solving the matter of regional conflict than do those students who live in Pusan. From the future perspectives, it turns out that students who live in Kwangju are more optimistic about solving the matter of regional conflict than those students who live in Pusan.

자동차내 항법장치(In-Vehicle Navigation System) 개발의 인간공학적 접근 (Ⅰ) : 지각적 특성을 중심으로

이재식 부산대학교 사회과학대학 1997 社會科學論叢 Vol.16 No.1

The Intelligent Vehicle Highway System (IVHS) integrates driver, vehicle, and road to raise overall efficiency and drive safety. To this end, advanced technologies are being developed and applied to In-Vehicle Navigation System. When considering the implementation of new user-centered systems within an automobile, a number of issues must be addressed. These issues relate to perceptual characteristics of display, driver mental workload, driver information processing capacity, and driving task analysis. The present paper examined human factors guidelines for the design of in-vehicle navigation system, particularly focusing on the perceptual characteristics of display and their interactions with drivers. For the general visual display considerations, the use of color, the location of display, route selection in navigation, moving versus fixed map formation, types of display (i.e., head-down or head-up display), types of information (i.e., graphic or test), and optimal amount of information in a given situation were discussed. Compared with the visual display, the auditory display has advantage of omni-directionality in information input and relative low-cost requirement in design and implementation, but disadvantage of its time-constrained characteristic. For the auditory display, speech rate, length of the message, relative intensity over the noise, and the content of message were considered for the optimal format of navigation display. Tactile display is a one of the new and promising type of display on the ground that it can provide very sensitive information by minimize the attentional demands of a driver. In sum, all display formats should be consisted in the context of dynamic information processing situation, and determined under the constraint of the limited human information processing capacity.

行政組織에서의 人間類型 分析

천대승 부산대학교 사회과학대학 1993 社會科學論叢 Vol.12 No.1

The objectives of this study are personality types of organizational man and the transforming the humanizing organizations in Post-Capitalist society and Korea. Eventhough the bureaucratic structure of administrative organization is capable of attaining the highest degree of efficiency, it have oppressed the human's creativity and the will for self-actualization. Therefore, I have viewed some critical society theory to existing bureaucratic apparatus, and several affirmative function theory plus it's development inquiries. Under such theoretical backgrounds, the analyses of the personality types in administrative organizations are classifying into (1) upward mobiles, (2) indifference, (3) ambivalent, (4) zealots and, (5) advocates, which are introduced by both the hypothesis of Robert Prethus and of Anthony Downs. Nowadays, the knowledge workers as well as officials included the personality types of various technocrat want to have comfortable work place, and they would allow themselves to live a easy life both at formal job and home. Furthermore, in my present analysis, man's consciousness and subconsciousness could rather affected to the characteristic of the organization. And this study suggest that the goal of self-actualization of man could be integrated into the goal of the organizations. In near future, the work of administrative organizations will be differentiated into specific role in the process of political development. Thus, fundamental determinant of changing types of post-bureaucratic system would rest on the administrative innovation depended upon personality and objective of organizational man. The officials, who is in era of democratization of Korea, should be recognized the role of humanizing public administration, and the capability of self-fulfillment of themselves.

釜山市民의 宗敎家値觀

玉亮鍊 부산대학교 사회과학대학 1991 社會科學論叢 Vol.10 No.1

This study deals with religious values of Pusan citizens. The modernization which refers to the process of change from less developed society to advanced industrial society, has been studied by many scholars in several different societies. Among the several factors that affect the modernization of a nation, the value of the people has generally been regarded as one of the most important factors influencing the national development. The major finding of this research are summarized follows; 1) At the present time, there are a great deal of changes in traditional religious values. 2) Females, older generation, rural areas, lower levels of education and extended family types compared to males, younger generation, urban areas, higher levels of education and nuclear types tend to saw more traditional values.

가정봉사원 교육·훈련의 모형에 관한 연구

류기형,황인옥 부산대학교 사회과학대학 2000 社會科學論叢 Vol.19 No.1

Recently, activities of home helpers have been important in the field of community social welfare. It has been increased not only people who wish home helper activities but also people who need the assistance of home helper. Therefore, the education and training for home helper is necessarily needed. In this context, the purpose of this study is to develop the education and training model for the home helper. The specific contents of the education and training model for the home helper are as follow. First, the courses of the education and training for home helper should be classified in three stages - 1st and 2nd stage for the compensational home helper, and 3rd stage for the volunteers. Second, each stage requires certain amount of hours for education. 3rd stage requires 40 hours, 2nd stage requires 80 hours, and 1st stage requires 160 hours. Also, in education times for them through the year. 3rd stage requires 4∼6 times, 2nd stage requires 2∼3 times, and 1st stage requires 1∼2. Third, only volunteers who are over than 20 years old can enroll in 3rd stage. 2nd stage should be taken part in the home helper activities of 3rd grade over one year. And 1st stage should be taken part in the home helper of 2nd grade over one year. Fourth, 3rd stage should include the contents to be basically known as home helper, 2nd stage should educate a variety of fields and recent knowledges and skill. And 1st stage should be educated to bring up home helper with more professional knowledges and skills. Finally, in finance, 3rd stage should be supported the total amount in government and local government, but 2nd stage should be supported 1/2 in government and local government, and charge 1/2 themselves wished home helper. And 1st stage should be charge the total amount themselves.

범주의 선험적 연역 : 칸트 순수이성비판 제1판의 경우

김위성 부산대학교 사회과학대학 1981 社會科學論文集 Vol.20 No.-

The present paper concerns itself with the interpretation of Kant's Transcendental Deduction of Categories as a case of reason experiment, which I proposed in my former paper last year. The whole structure of the Deduction is analyzed into experimental elements according to the viewpoint of reason experiment. They are experimental principles, hypothesis of experiment, unity of hypothesis and its experiments. The hypothesis of experiments is that the Transcendental Deduction of Categories is proved if apprehension, reproduction and recognition are ascertained in the experiment process. The first experiment from transcendental apperception justifies the validity of categories. The second experiment proves the right of application of categories to experience. The third experiment from imagination may be supposed from the reconstruction of the implicit description of the text.

소비에트 行政論

李壽寧 부산대학교 사회과학대학 1988 社會科學論叢 Vol.7 No.1

The political life of the Soviet Union is monopolized by a single party, the Communist party of the Soviet Union. Highly centralized in its organization, the party, as custodian and interpreter of the official ideology, actually governs the country. Its membership currently amounts to about 6 percent of the total population, but it furnishes or selects the key personnel in all political, economic, military, and cultural institutions. Thus not only is the official ideology "total," but control is total as well-albeit Soviet spokesperson accept the notion of a class dictatorship alone instead of the totalitarian dictatorship. In the Soviet Union, private ownership of land, of the means of production, and of distribution has been abolished in favor of total and permanent public ownership. This ownership is vested in the state. The state, however, is the executive and administrative arm of the communist party, which purports to represent the social will of the working people and is the source of all policy. Contrary to a widespread misconception, the Soviet Union has never claimed to be an egalitarian society. The constitution declares that Soviet society is based upon the socialist principle of "From each according to his ability, to each according to his work." Soviet society is not defined as a classless society, but is officially described as a society in which class conflict and exploitation of humans by humans have been eliminated. The ultimate power in Soviet society is vested in the communist party of the Soviet Union(CPSU). Political action outside the framework of the party is illegal and subject to the harshest penalties. The principal "democratic" feature of the party organization is the theoretical right of the rank and file of the party to elect the representatives of the lowest party organs directly. Those lower organs in turn select representatives to the next higher body, and so it goes through the pyramidal structure of the party, culminating in the central committee, the politburo, and the secretariat. The principal political actors in the Soviet system are five political institutional groups. All are to be found within the intelligentsia, representing a structure of legitimacy, legality, coercion, production and distribution, and so forth. These five institutional groups and the structures they represent may be identified as (1) the party apparatus-legitimacy, (2) the professional military-coercion, (3) the police-coercion, (4) the state bureaucracy-legality, and (5) the managerial-technical elites, or economic bureaucracy-(representing a structure of) production and distribution. The federal structure of the Soviet state is dictated more by historical necessity than by ideological inspiration. In general, the trend has been toward greater juridically decentralization accompanied by tighter ideological and political centralization. Since the republics are juridically organized as national states, each has a constitution, a government, a flag, and a coat of arms. Each republic has a supreme soviet, a collective head of state called the presidium of the supreme soviet, a council of ministers with a chairman(premier), and a supreme court. Union republics have thirty two deputies in the Soviet of Nationalities-the second "federal" chamber of the all-union supreme Soviet. Below the union republic is the autonomous republic. Autonomous republics do not have the juridical right to secede, are subject to the jurisdiction of a union republic rather than to that of the Soviet Union directly, are not endowed with international responsibilities, enjoy neither a vice-chairmanship on the all-union Presidium of the supreme soviet nor ex officio membership of the all-union council of ministers, and are entitled to only eleven deputies in the Soviet of Nationalities. The juridical status and powers of the autonomous oblasts are considerably inferior to those of the union and autonomous republics. The autonomous oblasts are entitled to five deputies in the Soviet of Nationalities. The lowest national units are the national okrugs, all ten of which are located in the RSFSR. These units are populated by very small national, ethnic, or linguistic groups, numbering in the thousands. Altogether, fifty-three national groups are organized into one of the four national units. The presidium of the supreme Soviet is vested with an impressive range of powers. It functions as the plural chief of state of the Soviet Union, whose closest counterpart in the west is the Swiss Federal Council. The presidium is elected by the Supreme Soviet in joint session at the first meeting after new elections, and it is composed of thirty-nine members: a chairman, a first vice-chairman, fifteen vice-chairmen, a secretary, and twenty-one additional members. The presidium remains "the highest permanently functioning organ of state power of the Soviet Union." It can issue ukazes(decrees) and decisions that have the force of law, and can de facto amend the constitution. The council of ministers, also called the "government," has the principal responsibility for the execution and administration of policy. Its formulation is, of course, the province of the party summit. It is nominally accountable to the supreme soviet and its presidium, but in fact is more nearly an administrative arm of the party politburo, with which its membership overlaps. It is empowered to coordinate the work of ministries and other organs of administration under its jurisdiction; direct the work of economic organization through central and union-republic institution; execute economic plans; administer the budget, credit, and monetary system; adopt measures for the maintenance of public order, state security, and the rights of citizens; exercise general guidance in foreign relations; and fix the annual contingents to be conscripted into the armed forces and direct the general organization of the military forces. It is also empowered to establish special committees and central administrative organs under its jurisdiction for economic, cultural, and defense matters. The lines of accountability, responsibility, control, and audit to which the council of ministers is now subject are becoming exceedingly complex. As a body that juridically resembles a cabinet in a western parliamentary system, the council is constitutionally subordinate to the supreme Soviet, which formally "appoints" it in joint session. It is also "responsible and accountable" to the presidium of the supreme soviet when the latter is not in session. At the same time, the council is politically responsible and accountable to the Politburo. This system often results in contradictory directives, crossed lines, confusion, maladministration, and inefficiency, but it also serves to keep the administrators in line. Despite all change, three major policy and decision-making organs remain paramount: the politburo, the secretariat, and the council for defense. These three bodies continue to represent the most intense concentration of top decision makers, the politburo remaining the most important of the three. Since all politburo members have administrative responsibilities in either the government or party, they must rely on their professional and technical staffs to control the flow of information that reaches them from the lower levels of the state and party. Questions and problems relating to foreign policy and defense can originate in many party agencies, and in the ministry of defense and the foreign ministry; thence they flow upward through separate channels to the council of defense before they are brought before the politburo. Once the politburo decides, the decision flows back through channels to the appropriate party or government agency for implementation. As the chief administrative organ of the party, the secretariat supervises the execution and fulfillment of the party's policies and decisions in all administrative, economic, military, social, cultural, and professional institutions, organizations, and establishments in all parts of the country and at every level, through the hierarchy of secretaries that makes up the corps of full-time professional party functionaries. This hierarchical network is a powerful instrument for usurping and maintaining control of the party, the state, and the entire Soviet system itself. What emerges as the de facto policy of the party is in large measure what the party apparatus implements in its day-to-day activities. The council for defense is probably the single most important forum where top party apparatus and government officials meet and interact with the professional military. It provides an arena where individual political figures can make alliances with military professionals and where the military can exert its demands and make its influence felt. Although Gorbachev holds no important state post, he has been appointed chairman of the council for defense, which in effect makes it the most important constitutional position he holds.