산부인과 영역에서 Emazon^(�)의 진통 소염효과에 관한 연구

최은봉,최동수,목정은 최신의학사 1986 最新醫學 Vol.29 No.10

존재론적 안보와 오키나와의 결정적 지사 선거 – 일본 정부 신뢰의 역설적 동학 –

최은봉,이민주 한국외국어대학교 일본연구소 2020 日本硏究 Vol.0 No.85

This study investigates how the state of trust between political actors is connected to ontological security or anxiety. In addition, this paper assumes that political choices and outcomes can vary depending on how the political actor perceives its present state of ontological security. To verify this hypothesis, this study focused on and examined specific cases in Okinawa. There is a peculiarity in Okinawa's regional politics that has deeply embedded the perception that it has been subject to discrimination, exclusion and sacrifice for national interests by the Japanese mainland. In particular, this study examined the influence of ontological security on the choice of political subjects through the election, which is the most basic and clear political act to realize political purposes and create profits, and the gubernatorial elections held in 1998 and 2014. The Okinawan gubernatorial elections in 1998 and 2014 were the cases where voters' participation was higher than the governor election held just before. The Japanese central government in both periods pursued security benefits as national interests by stabilizing US-Japan relations but the results of the elections showed a contradictory tendency. What affected these results was the level of trust of Okinawa residents toward the central government and ontological security as the consequence. The gubernatorial election of Okinawa in 1998 was based on the trust of residents that the central government had a sufficient power to determine the stability of ontological security of Okinawa and that the direction was positive. On the other hand, the election in 2014 was the time when the trust of the Japanese central government was undermined in Okinawa as the strategic policy exchange of the economic development fund and the landfill approval occurred out of the existing policy stance, and the ontological security ruptured. At that time, the intention and action expressing the rejection of the central government's policy stance began to be expressed through the governor. This trend continues to the present day.

전후 일본의 정치과정 : 정치 이념과 제도의 변모

최은봉 경남대학교 극동문제연구소 1995 한국과 국제정치 Vol.11 No.2

일본지방자치단체의 글로벌리제이션 정책과 주민참여: 구니타치시를 중심으로

최은봉,이종국,김유향,홍인숙,김현진,정미애 한국사회역사학회 2006 담론 201 Vol.8 No.4

2004년 17대 총선의 결과와 한국정치의 변화

최은봉 한국사회역사학회 2004 담론 201 Vol.7 No.1

How Is the Distrust Trap Pervasive in East Asia?: Focusing on Incomplete Sovereignty with a Prospect Theory

최은봉,이민주 이화여자대학교 통일학연구원 2019 Journal of peace and unification Vol.9 No.2

This paper investigates Japan’s two foreign policies toward South Korea and the People’s Republic of China after the 2000s based on prospect theory. The Japanese government intended those decisions as loss-averse behavior to overcome incomplete sovereignty by resolving the comfort women issue and the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands’ territorial dispute. However, the distrust trap made South Korea and China recognize Japan’s intention as risk-acceptant. This paper posits that a distrust trap plays a significant role as a heuristic that makes South Korea and China reluctant to cooperate with Japan. The distrust trap indicates the extension of a cognitive gap between states when the challenging behavior of one state provokes distrust of others and gives a signal of threat regardless of its intention or approach. The twenty-first century is a remarkable period because security issues toward Japan are making gradual progress of cooperation of East Asia superficial. It relates to the problem of trust-building. This paper uses transnational survey data to show the distrust trap between South Korea, China, and Japan.

고령화의 사회/정치적 영향: 한국과 일본의 경우

최은봉,이종국,김유향,홍인숙,김현진,정미애 한국사회조사연구소 2004 사회연구 Vol.0 No.7

일본 외교정책의 동아시아 지향성 - 1990년대 이후 외상 국회연례연설의 내용분석을 중심으로 : 일본 외교정책의 동아시아 지향성

최은봉,신재민 한국외국어대학교 일본연구소 2008 日本硏究 Vol.36 No.-

This paper examines Japan"s foreign policy toward East-asia in 1990s . Especially, it focuses on the durability of the policy. First, content analysis is used to examine “Policy Speech by Minister for Foreign Affairs to the National Diet”(Spoken by Foreign Minister of Japan). The result shows that Japan"s foreign policy in 1990s maintains its interest in East-asia. Furthermore we try to figure out how it is revealed in the foreign policy and economic policy, embodying Japan"s regionalism. Policies during post-cold war era(1990-present) are analyzed but the year 1998 is set as the most critical period because 1998 is when significant change was made regarding regional policies. To be more specific, this paper aims to find out how Japan"s regionalism continues or maintains empirically and how it has been embodied in policies via analysing Japan"s participation in regional community centering 1998. On the other hand while East-asianalization appears and maintains, U.S.-Japan relation which is main pillar of Japan"s foreign policy, remains unchanged. Despite of maintenance of East-asianalization, historical problem or territorial struggle still occurs. However, we believe the issues around the region of East-asia should not be recognized as severance of the East-asianalization. It is the direction of the Japan foreign policy toward East-asia.

전후 중일관계의 형성과 변환과정(1952-1972) : 국제환경, 정책 패러다임, 제도

최은봉,오승희 韓國外國語大學校 外國學綜合硏究센터 日本硏究所 2012 日本硏究 Vol.0 No.51

This research analyzes the development of Sino-Japanese Relations from 1952 to 1972 in the institutional perspective. Japanese government had to choose only one government for its counterpart between People's Republic of China(PRC) and Republic of China(ROC). 1952 ROC-Japan Peace Treaty not only opened 'the 1952 Institution' but also started to change the institution because Japan needed relations with PRC. Based on the economic cooperation in private sector, PRC-Japan relations had been developed, layering a new institution on the existing institution. The Nagasaki Chinese flag accident in 1958 reaffirmed that the 1952 institution was still effective. However, when 13 Japanese were arrested on suspicion of spying by PRC government, Japanese government could not protect its people immediately and effectively with the old 1952 institution, and that meant the limitation of the institution. The gradual change of the 1952 institution reached the critical juncture, China-U.S. detent in 1971. At last, PRC and Japan established diplomatic relations in 1972. Under the constraints of international environment and Japan's equidistant policy paradigm, Sino-Japanese 1952 institution was displaced by the new 1972 institution, which has been the prototype of today's relations between China and Japan.

러일 북방영토분쟁에 대한 전후 일본의 정책지향과 전망 : 주요 선언·성명·협정을 중심으로

최은봉,석주희 梨花女子大學校 社會科學大學 社會科學硏究所 2012 사회과학연구논총 Vol.28 No.-

2000년대에 들어 동아시아 영토분쟁이 증가하면서 지역 질서를 위협한다는 우려가 나타나고 있다. 이 가운데 일본은 센카쿠(중국명 댜오위다오)열도, 독도, 북방영토를 둘러싼 갈등의 당사국으로서 자리한다. 본 논문에서는 러일 북방영토분쟁에 중점을 두고 이에 대한 일본의 정책적 지향을 밝히고자 하였다. 이를 위하여 전후시기부터 2012년 사이의 북방영토분쟁에 관한 러일 간 주요 공동선언 및 성명, 협정을 분석하고 일본의 입장에서 ‘갈등형’·‘협력형’·‘절충형’·‘포괄형’으로 분류하였다. 러일 간 북방영토분쟁의 주요 아젠다는 양국 간 평화조약체결과 영토분할방식에 관한 것으로 이는 정경분리원칙·정경불가분원칙과 4도반환·2도반환등의 논의로 쟁점화되어 나타났다. 이에 기반하여 북방영토분쟁에 관한 일본의 정책지향의 특성과 향후 전망에 대하여 다음과 같이 분석했다. 첫째, 냉전과 탈냉전, 러시아연방정부 수립과 같은 외부의 환경변화와 탈냉전기 일본 리더쉽의 불안정에도 불구하고 일본은 평화조약체결과 영토반환에 대하여 불완전하나 연속성을 가지고 대응해왔다. 둘째, 일본의 북방영토분쟁에 대한 입장은 점차 기존의 ‘갈등형’, ‘절충형’ 입장을 넘어서서 ‘협력형’ 입장을 아우르는 ‘포괄형’으로 향해가고 있다. 셋째, 2000년대 이후 북방영토문제에 대해 대립적인 모습이 나타났지만 극단적인 물리적 갈등으로 나아가지 않을 것이며 외교적 수단을 통해 해결 또는 관리해 나갈 것으로 보인다. As the East Asia territorial dispute increases there are concerns that it is threatening the regional security. Japan particularly involved with the conflicts of Senkaku(Diaoyudao) Island, Dokdo, and Kuril Islands. The purpose of this article is to find out the Japanese policy orientation on the Kuril Islands dispute. The research subject are major declarations, statements, and agreements on the Kuril Islands dispute from 1956 to 2012. The main issue of Kuril Islands dispute is about the treaty of peace between Japan and Russia and the return of Kuril Islands(Shikotan and Habomai, Kunasiri, Etorofu). After the World War II, The Treaty of San Francisco was signed by 48 nations with Japan, but the Soviet Union refused to join the treaty because of the Kuril Islands dispute. In this article, declarations, statements, and agreements are categorized into four types of politics orientation : conflict type, cooperation type, compromise type and comprehensive type. Japanese policy orientation of Kuril Islands dispute has been developed as below. First, Japanese approach on this area has been becoming to a comprehensive position that is embracing the terms of negotiation. Second, despite of the international environment and the frequent changes of Japanese prime ministers in the post-cold war era, Japan has took a continuous action on the treaty of peace and the territorial return problem. Hence, the territorial dispute between Japan and Russia would not go forward into extreme conflict or war.