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기후요소를 고려한 초고층 건설공사의 타워크레인 양중시간 예측 시뮬레이션 모델
양강혁,이현수,박문서,정민혁,황성주,Yang, Kanghyeok,Lee, Hyun-Soo,Park, Moonseo,Jung, Minhyeok,Hwang, Sungjoo 한국건설관리학회 2013 한국건설관리학회 논문집 Vol.14 No.2
초고층 건물공사에서 타워크레인의 양중계획은 전체 공사의 성패를 좌우할 수 있는 매우 중요한 요소 중 하나이다. 타워크레인의 양중계획에 있어 양중시간은 기본적인 요소 중 하나로 이를 바탕으로 양중부하 및 타워크레인을 선정하기 때문에 양중계획을 위해서는 정확한 양중시간의 예측이 필요하다고 할 수 있다. 현재 초고층 공사의 양중시간 예측은 기존의 실적자료와 시뮬레이션을 이용하여 수행하고 있지만 양중작업에 영향을 미치는 환경적인 요인에 대해서는 충분히 고려되지 못하고 있다. 따라서 본 연구에서는 양중작업에 영향을 크게 미치는 바람을 시뮬레이션에 반영하여 초고층 공사의 타워크레인 양중시간을 예측하는 시뮬레이션 모델을 개발하였다. 시뮬레이션 분석 결과 바람의 영향을 반영한 양중시간은 높이가 올라갈수록 증가하였으며, 초고층부의 경우 기계적 양중시간보다 바람의 영향에 의한 양중 지연시간이 더 크다는 것을 알 수 있었다. 또한 연구 대상지인 서울의 풍속은 4월이 강하고 10월이 약하게 나타났으며, 양중시간을 예측한 결과 둘 간의 큰 차이가 발생함을 알 수 있었다. 이 같은 결과는 향후 초고층 타워크레인 양중계획 시 바람이 양중에 미치는 영향을 예측하고 이를 고려하여 실제 상황과 동일한 양중계획을 세우는데 활용될 수 있을 것으로 기대된다. Tower crane hoisting plan is one of the key element for the success of entire High-Rise Building construction. Hoisting time is the basic factor to appropriate hoisting plan which need to the hoisting load estimate and tower crane selection. With this reason, accurate hoisting time is needed to the proper hoisting plan. The current hoisting time estimation for High-Rise Building focus on the hoisting cycle time estimation with historical data. However, this method underestimated the external influences like environmental factor. Thus, this paper aims to develop the hoisting time estimation model with discrete event simulation which include the wind influences with certain height. According to the simulation result, the hoisting time which applied wind influence is increasing with height growth. Because of the high speed wind, the upper area of building has more operation delay time than the mechanical operation time. Seoul, the research area, has the most fastest wind speed on April and the least on October. Due to these differences of wind speed, the hoisting time is estimated with significant differences between April and October. This hosting time estimation model would be used for estimating the influence of wind. Moreover, this could apply to make the realistic hoisting plan.
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권우일,박도중,이혁준,김우호,양한광,최국진,이건욱,Kwon Wooil,Park Do Joong,Lee Hyuk-Joon,Kim Woo Ho,Yang Han-Kwang,Choe Kuk Jin,Lee KuhnUk 대한위암학회 2005 대한위암학회지 Vol.5 No.2
A hepatoid adenocarcinoma of stomach, a subtype of gastric cancr, is characterized by a histologic resemblance to a hepatocellular carcinoma and $\alpha$-feto protein production. Another feature is early metastasis to the liver and lymph nodes, thus revealing a poor prognosis. We report a case of a hepatoid adenocarcinoma of the stomach with liver metastasis. A 52-year-old male visited our hospital with a chief complaint of indigestion. Gastroscopic examination showed a Borrmann type-II lesion on the lesser curvature of the antrum. The CT scan showed a suspected advanced gastric cancer with liver metastasis. The serum AFP level was 123 ng/ml. A radical subtotal gastrectomy and a right hemihepatectomy were performed simultaneously. Pathologic examination confirmed the lesion to be confined to the submucosa. The gastric lesion was a hepatoid adenocarcinoma, and the hepatic lesion was a metastatic adenocarcinoma from the stomach. Therefore, he was classified as having stage IV (T1N1M1) gastric cancer. In cases of a hepatoid adenocarcinoma of the stomach, even patients with early gastric cancer can be staged into the poor prognostic group. 위암의 한 아형인 간양 선암은 조직학적으로 간세포암종과 형태학적으로 유사하며 알파태아단백 생산을 특징으로 한다. 간양 선암의 또 하나의 특징은 간과 림프절로의 조기 전이를 함으로써 불량한 예후를 갖는다는 것이다. 저자들은 간전이를 동반한 위의 간양 선암 1예를 보고하고자 한다. 소화불량을 주소로 내원한 52세 남자 환자는 위내시경 검사상 Borrmann 제2형 병변이 위암이 의심되었다. 환자의 혈청 알파태아단백은 123 ng/ml로 증가되어 있었다. 근치적 위아전절제술과 간우엽절제술을 시행하였고 조직학적 소견상 위의 병변은 점막하층에 국한된 간양 선암이었으며 간의 병변은 위로부터 전이된 선암이었다. 결국 환자는 위암 4기(T1N1M1)로분류되었다. 위의 간양 선암은 조기병변에서도 불량한 예후군으로 분류될 수 있다.
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「南朝鮮革命」論의 思想的 基礎와 戰略的 方針에 관한 硏究 : 특히 「3大革命力量强化」論을 中心으로
梁榮植 건국대학교 1987 論文集 Vol.25 No.1
In the course of opening new era to pursue peaceful unification, we today encounter with two th-reatening factors which by all means should be overcome. One of the factors is anti-democracy en-croaching upon our social structure, and the other is north Korea's threatening strategy designed to carry out revolution in the south. Heedless to say, we are obliged to take a proper step to overcome these threats with firm grasp of their true natures. This paper focuses on analysing north Korea's strategy of "the south Korean revolution", a th-reatening factor to the south. North Korea has net regarded the relation beween the south and the north as the one between brethren, who will be eventually reunited in conciliatory way, but the relation between "the re-volutionary forces" committed to injustice and "the counter-revolutionary forces" to justice. Strictly speaking, north Korea's call for reunifiction for Korea is nothing but lip-service and is con-sidered merely a dependent means to unify this country by instigating communist revolution in the south. In other words, north Korea's call for "reunification of fatherland" is not designed to simply unify this artificially divided country, but pursue complete communication and expedite the ultimate victory of the Korean revolution resorting to violence. North Korea's strategy of "the south Korean revolution" is bound to be systematized and developed into the framework of revolutionary line of anti-peace and nation, since the north has been recklessly stuck to violent revolution and class consciousness. Kim Il-sung advocates the consolidation of "the three kinds of revolutionary forces" as a basic st-rategy in a bid to materialize south Korean revolution. They are "the revolutionary forces of north Korea", "the revolutionary forces of south Korea" and "the international revolutionary forces". Revolutionary forces of north Korea, as a leading and a decisive forces among the three, will be-come a revolutionary base for the achievement of "south Korean revolution". The strengthening of the revolutionary forces of north Korea could be regarded as an attacking forces against the south under the pretext fo supporting the revolutionary forces of south Korea, while securing the structure of Kim Il-sung's leadership and the Workers' Party of Korea. Kim Il-sung regards the revolutionary forces of south Korea as a part of main forces and an el-ement to be consolidated with the revolutionary forces of north Korea in the course of ma-terializing Korean revolution at decisive moment. It could be taken for Kim's expression that if the nature of Marxist-Leninist revolutionary party playing a key role for the victory of the south Ko-rean revolution as an vanguard and a political counselor in revolutionary struggle can not be le-galized, he can not help but employ the tactics of underground operation. In fact, the strengthening the revolutionary forces of south Korea, an alter ego of the Workers' Party of Korea, is designed to form and command main forces of the revolution by mobilizing under-ground organization as a main element in the South, and to form a broad "Anti-U.S. United Front" to drive the U.S. forces out of south Korea by employing the tactics of United Front comprising every revolutionary element available. The Strengthening of struggle potential to carry out "People's Democratic Revolution" by instigating an anti-government massive popular uprising in the south is also taken into account. Kim Il-sung regards the international revolutionary forces as an international supporting forces for the achievement of both the south Korean revolution and the Korean revolution as a whole. With due regard to strengthening of the three kinds of revolutionary forces as a basis of north Korea's strategy of revolution in the south, entire northern half of the Korean peninsula seems to be utilized as a principal base of revolution, and it is not too much to say that the revolutionary forces of north Korea, in fact, should be regarded as an offensive weapon committed to indirect invasion of the south. The revolutionary forces of south Korea is a leading element among others and is mobilized in the invasion of south Korea as an indirect aggression forces by taking advantage of vulnerable points of our society. What is of prime importance here is to work out a countermeasures to cope with dual challenges designed in north Korea's strategy of south Korean revolution. In general, the following three countermeasures could be considered. First, we must seize exact essence and threatening factor implied in north Korea's strategy of south Korean revolution and brace up our strong will for the safeguard of freedom. Second, we must foster our military and economic powers utilized as deterent mechanism to block north Korea's direct military provocation, while solidifying our will for the safeguard of freedom through the establishment of sound national conciliation to dissipate indirect threat caused by political conflict at home. Third, we must be well prepared to cope with north Korea's plot to agitate our social order in such way as toadstool taking root in moldy by simply taking advantage of social vulnerability. Like social revolution has never set foot in any place of the world in the past contrary to Marxist idea, communist revolution would not take place in the south when individual freedom, democracy, well-being and national conciliation soundly prevail there. This is the valuable lesson we have learned from the history.
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