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      • KCI등재

        지역발전현상에서의 아시아가치에 관한 논고

        소진광(蘇鎭光) 가천대학교 아시아문화연구소 2004 아시아문화연구 Vol.8 No.-

        This study aims at identifying Asian value in regional development phenomena. Regional development can be defined as the collective efforts to get rid of. or mitigate three different kinds of problems: the present problem brought about by the past trend. the future problem estimated in accordance with the present trend. and the future problem predicted to be brought about by the gab between the future desire or expectation. These problems used to be identified or defined according to social. cultural. political and economic contexts by the residents. These regional contexts can be supposed to be supported by the value system latent to regional superstructure. Therefore, regional development in Asia should be steered or defined by Asian value. But spatial features in Asia different from those in other regions should be examined so that regional development phenomena in Asia can be defined by Asian value. In this study. several spatial features such as followings are examined for identifying Asian value: a strong desire to possess land. rapid urbanization process, sensitive recognition about regional disparity. differences between classes. and the gap among sectors, the different method of understanding appropriate technology. and different approaches to environmental problems. These reflect land use pattern and how to form spatial structure depending on value system. In conclusion, regional development phenomena in Asia is and must be approached by Asian value.

      • 지역발전현상에서의 아시아가치에 관한 논고

        소진 韓國暻園大學校아시아文化硏究所 中國中央民族大學韓國文化硏究所 2004 亞細亞文化硏究 Vol.8 No.-

        This study aims at identifying Asian value in regional development phenomena. Regional development can be defined as the collective efforts to get rid of, or mitigate three different kinds of problems: the present problem brought about by the past trend, the future problem estimated in accordance with the present trend, and the future problem predicted to be brought about by the gab between the future desire or expectation. These problems used to be identified or defined according to social, cultural, political and economic contexts by the residents. These regional contexts can be supposed to be supported by the value system latent to regional superstructure. Therefore, regional development in Asia should be steered or defined by Asian value. But spatial features in Asia different from those in other regions should be examined so that regional development phenomena in Asia can be defined by Asian value. In this study, several spatial features such as followings are examined for identifying Asian value: a strong desire to possess land, rapid urbanization process, sensitive recognition about regional disparity, differences between classes, and the gap among sectors, the different method of understanding appropriate technology, and different approaches to environmental problems. These reflect land use pattern and how to form spatial structure depending on value system. In conclusion, regional development phenomena in Asia is and must be approached by asian value.

      • KCI등재

        용산공원 설계 국제공모 출품작에 나타난 프로세스적 설계 분석

        소진,성종상,배정한,So, Jin,Sung, Jong-Sang,Pae, Jeong-Hann 한국조경학회 2013 韓國造景學會誌 Vol.41 No.2

        용산공원과 같은 대형 공원의 설계는 특정 시점의 완결적 마스터플랜을 생산하는 전통적인 설계 방식보다는 다양한 층위에서 프로세스에 중점을 두는 접근을 필요로 한다. 본 연구의 목적은 '용산공원 설계 국제공모'(2012)의 여덟 개 출품작에 나타난 프로세스적 설계의 특성을 분석하는데 있으며, 이를 위해 각 출품작을 프로세스적 설계의 주요 대상, 단계별 계획 구성의 시간적 기준과 특징, 프로세스적 설계의 표현 방법 등 세 가지 기준으로 분석하였다. 본 연구는 프로세스적 설계 방법론의 현재 수준을 비판적으로 점검하는 동시에 국제공모를 통해 수렴된 용산공원의 미래 좌표를 보다 합리적이고 전략적인 방향으로 제안하는 이중의 의의를 지닐 수 있을 것이다. 각 출품작에서 프로세스를 계획한 대상은 공간의 물리적 개발 순서, 생태성의 복원 과정, 공공성의 회복 과정, 경제성을 고려한 운영계획의 순으로 나타났다. 주요 고려사항으로는 주변 도시 조직과의 연결, 광역 녹지 체계와 수 체계의 연결, 부지 내 기존 건물 및 기반 시설의 활용 등이 있었다. 단계별 계획의 시간적 기준은 크게 일정한 시점과 기간을 설정하는 것과 단계의 순서만을 설정하는 것으로 구분되었다. 프로세스적 설계의 표현 방법은 대부분 단계별 계획의 형식을 취하고 있었으며, 일부 작품에서는 시나리오 구성 등과 같은 방식이 시도되었다. 용산공원 설계 국제공모의 출품작들은 프로세스적 설계를 적극적으로 시도했다기보다는 프로세스적 설계의 방법 중 하나인 단계별 계획을 설계의 한 부문으로 도입했다고 볼 수 있다. 또한 전통적인 설계 관례인 마스터플랜 방식을 거부하기보다는 마스터플랜과 프로세스적 설계 사이의 절충적 입장을 취했다고 볼 수 있다. Designing large parks such as Yongsan Park requires the open-ended process-oriented design approach in complex layers rather than the conventional self-completed master plan method. This study aims to examine the characteristics of process-oriented design in the eight invited entries of "International Competition for the Master Plan of the Yongsan Park, Korea"(2012). For this purpose, it analyzed each entry according to three criteria: objects of process-oriented approach, time factor and its features of phasing plan, and presentation method of the process. This analysis can not only critically review the current level of the process-centered design methodology but also suggest strategic future directions for Yongsan Park. The objects of process-oriented design in the eight works were order of physical space development, restoration process of ecosystem, recovering process of publicity, and economic operation and management. Main considerations in the objects were connections to adjacent urban fabrics, links to regional green and water system, reuse of existing buildings and infrastructures in the site. The temporal criteria of the phasing plan had two aspects. One was planning a certain time and period, and the other was just establishing an order of phases. Most of the presentation method of process was the phasing plan, but some of the entries suggested a scenario plan. The eight works of "International Competition for the Master Plan of Yongsan Park" did not attempt process-oriented designs entirely and completely. Rather, they tried to introduce the phasing plan as part of a process-centered design. Also, they took an eclectic approach between master plan and process-oriented design instead of rejecting the conventional master plan approach.

      • KCI등재

        인조의 호패법 시행과정을 통해 본 권력의 정당성문제와 그 한계

        소진 한국동양정치사상사학회 2018 한국동양정치사상사연구 Vol.17 No.1

        This article examines the debates on Hopae law, the identity tag law in terms of king Injo’s political legitimacy. The process of decision and execution of policies and laws like Hopae law reveals the king’s authority and power. Analyzing the limitation of political legetimacy in the decision process shows the difficulties and structual problems that the politician faced in a certain historical context. In addition, it explains the factors of legitimacy the politician should have retained although they were not easily secured. By pursuing the process of making, executing Hopae law and its failure, this article interprets the compositions of legitimacy and the tension between the compositions.

      • KCI등재

        몽테스키외 『법의 정신』의 동아시아적 번역과 번역의 연쇄: 19세기 말 20세기 초 일본과 중국의 『법의 정신』 번역서의 정치개념을 중심으로

        소진형(Soh, Jean Hyoung) 한국동양정치사상사학회 2021 한국동양정치사상사연구 Vol.20 No.2

        본 논문은 19세기 말 20세기 초 일본과 중국에서 이루어진 『법의 정신』의 번역에서 민주주의와 관련된 정치개념들이 동아시아에 어떻게 번역되었는지를 검토하는 것을 목적으로 한다. 특히 본 논문은 몽테스키외가 소개한 정부의 형태 중 민주정, 즉 데모 크러시에 대한 설명이 나오는 2권 2장의 번역어에 주목하여 일본과 중국의 번역본들을 비교, 검토한다. 연구의 대상은 19세기 후반에 일본에서 가 노리유키(何礼之)와 스즈키 유이치(鈴木唯一)가 각각 번역한 『만법정리(萬法精理)』 및 『율례정의(律例精義)』, 그리고 가 노리유키의 『만법정리』를 재중역한 것으로 알려져 있는 역서휘편사(譯書彙編社)의 번역 및 장샹웬(張相文)과 청빙시(程柄熙)의 공동 번역, 일본어 번역 및 중국어 중역을 비판하면서 번역을 시도한 옌푸(嚴復)의 『법의(法意)』이다. 중역과 재중역의 과정에서 보여지는 번역어의 선택을 비교함으로써 본 논문은 20세기초까지 민주주의와 관련된 정치 개념어는 통일되지 않고 경쟁적이었고, 민주주의를 제도보다는 이념으로 이해했을 가능성을 제시한다. 또, 개념을 만드는 일본식 한자어 조어 방식을 중국에서 일방적으로 수용하지 않았다는 점 역시 비교를 통해 설명하고자 한다. This paper examines the democratic concepts of the early Japanese and Chinese translations of Montesquieu’s the Spirit of Laws in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. This study especially focuses on Chapter 2 of Volume 2, in which Montesquieu introduced the democratic government. By comparing the translations by Ka Noriyuki, Suzuki Yuichi, Yishu huibian, Zhang Xiangwen ․ Cheng Bingxi, and Yan Fu, I argue that there were no common translations of democratic concepts or institutions but the translations were still competitive and confusing. I emphasize the Chinese translators did not accept all the Chinese concepts coined or chosen by Japanese translators although the Chinese versions were the re-translations of Ka Noriyuki’s translation.

      • KCI등재

        일본의 고대국가 「大倭」의 뿌리는 「韓」

        蘇鎭轍(Soh, Jin-Chull) 백산학회 2011 白山學報 Vol.- No.90

        The Chinese ancient historical texts 『Huhan-suh (後漢書)』 and 『Samkuk-ji Wee-suh (三國志 魏書)』 disclose the story of Japan’s ancient state “Dae-wae (大倭japanese pronounce as ‘yamato’).” “Dae-wae” was the very first state ever recorded as “Wae Kuk(倭國).” Ancient Japan, located in the northern part of Kyushu(九州), consisted of around 30 small states with the leading state called Sama-Il Kuk(邪馬壹(台)國 · japanese pronounce as ‘yamatai-kokook’). According to 『Wee-suh』 text, in the third century AD, Sama-Il Kuk had a population of approximately 300,000 inhabitants and was considered as one of the more powerful states. Also at this time, according to the 『Huhan-suh』, the “Sam Han(三韓)” or “Three Han” states, occupied the southern part of the Korean Peninsula. These three states consisted of “Ma-han(馬韓)”, composed of 54 small states, along with “Jin-han(辰韓)” and Byun-jin(弁辰), composed of 24 small states. Among these, “Ma-han” was the leading country in the region and held the right to designate the “King of Jin(辰王),” who had rule over the three states. The 『Wee-suh(魏書)』 text discloses an important fact that “Dae-wae(大倭)” was controlled by a strong man called “Dae-sol(大率)” and that “Dae-wae” only had control of markets and taxation matters of the country. “Dae-sol”, who was stationed in Ito State(伊都國) maintained power by controlling ancient Japan’s security and social order. The 『Wee-suh』 text states that the position of “Dae-sol” is equivalent to the “Ja-sa(刺史)” of China, or the special envoy to the Emperor. The 『Huhan-suh』 text states, however, that an official rank of “Dae-sol” existed in the “Ma-han” government. From this, we can conclude that this “Dae-sol” in the Ito State was an official sent by the “Ma-han (馬韓)” government, namely “King of Jin(辰王).” But in Japanese academic circles, this “Dae-sol” in the Ito State, was believed to be dispatched by the “Queen of Dae-wae(女王 卑彌呼)” to control the area of northern part of Kyushu. Furthermore, they insisted that the origin of ancient Japan is “Yamato(大和) Regime” which unified the country in the 4th and 5th Centuries AD. The “Yamato Regime” existed in the central part of mainland Japan in the Kansai(關西) area. Scholars in Japan believe that the state of “Dae-wae” disappeared from the map after change of the Wee(魏) Dynasty in China in the 3rd Century. However, this is not true. In fact, “Dae-wae” continued to exist in this area (Kyushu) and later expanded its territory into the mainland Japan by the assistance of the Baekjae(百濟) Kingdom, which eventually claimed the authority of “Ma-han” in the Korean Peninsula. Therefore, the origin of ancient Japan is not “Yamato Regime” of the Kansai area, but rather “Dae-wae”, which began in northern Kyushu during the 2nd and 3rd Centuries. In fact, “Dae-wae” has its origins in the Han(韓) states, namely “Ma-han” in the Korean Peninsula.

      • KCI등재

        베트남 지역사회의 사회적 자본 연구

        소진광(So Jin Kwang) 한국지역개발학회 2011 韓國地域開發學會誌 Vol.23 No.2

        Since Doi Moi policy(1986), traditional communities in Vietnam, which could be characterized by their own local products such as silk ceramics, wood crafts, began to be rehabilitated. This paper aims to analyze social capital in those communities of Vietnam with data on Dong Ky town. In this paper, social capital is categorized into three types; trust, participation and networks. Dong Ky town, located 20 km away from the Hanoi center, is known for its wood crafts. Two hundred people were interviewed and their answers were analyzed to show social capital and to explain the structure of social capital in the communities of Vietnam. The results can be summarized into four findings. First, Dong Ky people tend to have much higher trust in their family member than in their friends, merchants, neighbors and public officials. This signifies that a great deal of activities in the communities of Vietnam operate through kinship bonds. Second, Dong Ky people participate in sports games and social activities with friends frequently. However, they rarely do so in professional associations, volunteer activities, community activities and governmental activities. Third, Dong Ky people collect the most of information about government policies from their relatives, friends and neighbors. The next active information source is local market, followed by wall posters and TV. The three most active social associations that Dong Ky people involve themselves in are social meetings, sport club, and parent association, respectively. Fourth, regarding the overall structure of social capital, Dong Ky people consider trust (bonding social capital) to be more important than the other two types of social capital such as participation and networks(bridging social capital). However, the younger generations aged below fifty years old treat networks that signify bridging social capital as the most important type of social capital. Then, they consider participation as the second most important social capital, followed by trust. This reveals that the communities of Vietnam are in the process of changing the structure of social capital from bonding social capital to bridging one.

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