논문 : 동아시아 정상회담과 한,중,일의 이해관계

박인휘 한국북방학회 2005 韓國北方學會論集 Vol.13 No.-

오바마 행정부의 등장과 2009년 북핵 문제 및 북미관계 전망

박인휘 한국국방연구원 2009 국방정책연구 Vol.24 No.4

오바마의 당선은 민주당 정권의 전통적인 외교정책적 가치인 ‘자유주의적 국제주의(liberal internationalism)’를 복원시키는 계기가 될 것이다. 북한문제의 경우 국제공조와 협력을 전제로 한 ‘다자주의적 개입주의’의 방식이 될 것으로 전망된다. 경제위기, 동북아 안보의 특수성 등을 고려할 때 오바마 행정부가 들어서더라도 지난 2년 동안 부시 행정부가 보인 대북정책에서의 과감한 정책을 뛰어넘는 특단의 조치를 기대하기는 어려울 것으로 판단된다. 다만 현시점에서의 난관인 북핵 ‘검증체계’가 북한의 협조로 인해 순조롭게 해결되면 2단계 불능화의 모멘텀이 3단계 폐기로 연결되는 가능성을 점쳐볼 수는 있다. 이 경우 북미 고위급 간 정치적 타결을 필요로 할 것이다. 우리 정부의 입장에서는 오바마 정권 출범을 계기로 남북미 간 상호의존적 관계의 필요성을 강조하고 북핵 문제 해결과정에서 고유 역할을 창출하는 전략 수립이 요구된다. The beginning of the Obama administration will make the ʻliberal internationalismʼ of the traditional Democratic idea at the center of the U.S. foreign policy. In case of the U.S. policy toward North Korea we expect a strategic way of ʻmultilateral engagementʼ based on the idea of international cooperation. Considering current global economic crisis and the characteristics of the Northeast Asian regional security, the new Obama administration may not go beyond the active bilateral approaches of the Bush administration during the last two years. If North Korea positively reply to build up an ʻinspect systemicʼ to verify the North Korean nuclear program, then the Obama administration should rely on ʻcarrotsʼ instead of ʻstickʼ suggesting institutionalized communication channel between the U.S. and North Korea. In 2009 the South Korean government is expected to play a more active role in the process of handling with the North Korean nuclear issue.

안보와 지역: 안보개념의 정립과 동북아안보공동체의 가능성

박인휘 세종연구소 2010 국가전략 Vol.16 No.4

This research includes analyses on the definitions of security and insecurity, the referent subject of security, the meaning of threat, and the related political process. In the history of modern sovereign states 'individual security', which emphasizes the physical, economic, and social conditions of human beings, has been centered on the discussions on security. Those conditions mainly based on the 'social contract' between individuals and state stand on the reliable foundation of the domestic political stability and rational diplomatic relations with neighboring countries. In other words, 'being secured condition' of human beings only can be achieved by the understanding of the social relations or interdependence in which peoples are associated with in regional levels. The Northeast Asian region has been identified as one of the most typical regions at which the 'individual security' of the people is unlikely to be understood in the context of regional level. To achieve the better secured Northeast Asian region it is mostly necessary to explore theoretical concepts on security which would lead to develop a regional security community. 안보연구는 통상 ‘안보’ 및 ‘안보부재’를 정의하는 방법, 안보의 주체, 위협의 내용, 안보를 확보하는 방법, 그리고 관련 정치화 과정 등을 핵심 내용으로 한다. 근대 주권국가의 역사에서 안보의 출발은 ‘개인의 안보(individual security)’ 확보에 있으며, 생명의 보장과 행복한 삶으로 통칭되는 개인의 안보는 ‘국가’와의 계약을 토대로 국내 정치적 안정 및 주변 국가들과의 이성적인 외교관계를 전제로 하고 있다. 즉, 개인을 둘러싸고 있는 환경들과의 지속적인 ‘상호작용 및 사회적 연합’을 이해하고, 이를 둘러싼 다양한 노력과 실천이 안보 확보의 핵심임을 깨닫게 된다. 시간적, 공간적, 구조적 수준의 안보 이슈들이 서로 복합적으로 얽혀있는 동북아의 경우 이 지역에 살고 있는 사람들의 안보를 확보하기 위해서는 동북아를 하나의 지역으로 설정한 공동체적 접근이 긴요히 요구된다. 그러기 위해서는 무엇보다도 동북아 지역의 안보를 구성하고 있는 인식적 요소 및 관련 개념화 작업이 필요하다고 판단된다.

한국의 주변국 관계와 외교정책

박인휘 한국외교협회 2020 외교 Vol.135 No.0

The Korean Peace System after the Korean War: International Factors and the Current Significance

박인휘 통일연구원 2020 International journal of korean unification studie Vol.29 No.1

A state of cease-fire has been maintained on the Korean Peninsula ever since the Korean War ended. Over the past 70 years, the debate on the peace system in the Korean Peninsula has been particularly acute on three distinguishable occasions, right after the Korean War, in the early 1970s, and from the end of the Cold War in the 1990s to the early 2000s. Interestingly, however, when discussions on the peace system on the Korean Peninsula were activated in the past, international political factors have influenced the discourse regarding the peace system. This paper explains in what context the discussion of a peace regime on the Korean Peninsula is linked to international political variables when it occasionally emerged in the past. Moon Jae-in administration’s “Denuclearization & Peace Process” has revitalized discussions on institutionalizing peace. However, the contemporary discourse on the peace system is deeply influenced by one particular international political variable, the conflict between the U.S and China. It is indeed very difficult for the Korean government to achieve the goal while influenced by the U.S. and China - countries with much richer diplomatic assets than the two Koreas. Notwithstanding the diplomatic difficulties, however, President Moon Jae-in’s “security-security trade-off” should be reviewed as a diplomatic breakthrough. Also, it should be noted that in the early stage of denuclearization, the strategic measures of countries with superiority in military security such as South Korea and the United States must be taken in advance.

한미공조 체제를 통한 대북 정보능력 강화와 중국, 일본 등 외교협력관계 필요 : 북한 급변사태와 한반도

박인휘 북한연구소 2009 北韓 Vol.- No.452

A Historical Contingency?: North Korea’s New Leadership Meets the Rise of China and the U.S. Re-engagement Policy

박인휘 통일연구원 2012 International journal of korean unification studie Vol.21 No.1

The new power relations between the United States and China suggest an increasing possibility of conflict due to the U.S. re-engagement policy and China’s vigorous rise. From the perspective of the Korean peninsula,this historical transitional period occurs ironically alongside a huge transformation in North Korea, with the death of Kim Jong-il and the emergence of the new Kim Jong-un regime. If North Korea attempts to expand its economic relations with China, improve relations with the United States and the international community, and capture the momentum to transform its relations with South Korea, all these things linked together may provide momentum for an ultimate, albeit unintended,transformation of the entire North Korean society. The diplomatic environment of the G2 relationship may possibly give North Korea a vague hope for the future and lead it to heighten the brinkmanship diplomacy inherited from the previous leadership. Against this backdrop,South Korea must strive to ensure that the only option for North Korea is to embrace the transforming environment in which the United States and China seek increased influence on the Korean peninsula, and accept the momentum for transformation.

Korea’s National Interests and Security Conditions in the Age of Globalization

박인휘 한국국제정치학회 2011 The Korean Journal of International Studies Vol.9 No.2

The relative decline of the presence of the United States in the post-Cold War period is a significant determinant causing instability in Northeast Asia. Despite a strong US security commitment in the region, the new security circumstances may render the security condition of Korea less than stable. Given the change of security conditions related to Korea, this article examines Korea’s national identity and national interests in terms of the security context. Korea has the strongest Northeast Asian identity, making regional stability the most important premise for Korea’s national interest. Therefore, the security complex characteristics of the Korean Peninsula should be clearly identified in terms of Northeast Asian regional peace and stability. This article also shows what the specific security subjects of Korea are in the age of globalization. Closely associated with Korea’s national interests, the critical security subjects of Korea are discussed for a more peaceful Korean Peninsula and more stabilized Northeast Asian region.

[기획 : 북·미 2·29합의 물거품?] 북·미관계 개선 모멘텀, 예상 못한 북한 변화 야기?

박인휘 평화문제연구소 2012 통일한국 Vol.340 No.-

구연 : 신장 ; BK 바이러스와 연관된 이식신병증의 Cidofovir치료와 효과에 관한 정량적 고찰

박인휘,신규태,박한정,안상미,신도현,임현희,김명성,김홍수 대한내과학회 2003 대한내과학회 추계학술대회 Vol.65 No.10