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조선후기 문중활동은 이른바 향촌사회사의 측면에서 위선활동의 일환으로 분석되고 있다. 이 글에서는 기존의 연구 성과를 바탕으로 일찍이 에릭홉스봄이 제기한 전통의 발견이라는 문제의식을 조선시대에 시범적으로 적용해 보고자 한다. 그는 정치적, 사회적 주도권(Hegemony)의 영향으로 인해 변화된 역사적 현상에 주목한 바 있다. 시범 분석을 위한 사례로 오천정씨문중의 시조 묘단 설치를 둘러싼 움직임을 추적했다. 정습명(鄭襲明)을 시조로 하는 오천정씨는 17세기에는 오천서원(烏川書院)을 중심으로 한 향사, 18세기에는 시조 묘단의 설치를 통해 가문의 전통을 확립했다. 전통의 발견은 성리학적 질서 확립과 연결된 정치적 영향의 결과로 ‘충(忠)'의 실제를 강조하거나 사회적으로 관향지(貫鄕地)를 영일(迎日)에서 ‘오천(烏川)'으로 제한하는 차별화를 통해 성취되었다. 오천정씨 가문이‘충'과‘오천'이라는 정치적이고 사회적인 전통을 발견할 수 있었던 것은 정습명에서 정몽주(鄭夢周)로 이어지는 가계의 연결성이 배경으로 작용했기 때문이었다. One of the research topics related to the local community movement during the late Choson period that can be further explored is the clans'activities in their respective country districts in Korea. These activities have been analysed as methods through which exercises were developed to alleviate the social hierarchy that had developed among the different clans. However, when it comes to hegemony and tradition, this research frame may also be applicable to Hobsbawm's structure. His key concepts related to tradition and invention cope with how to figure out hegemony and power relations and contain both political and social aspects. For this reason, the case of Korea has been examined to employ the invention of tradition in the case of the Ohchǒn-Jung clan . The founder of the Ohchǒn-Jung clan was Jung Seup-Myung (鄭襲明); his clan worked to carry out the clan's unique priority compared with that of the other Jung clans which were founded by others. They established the Ohchǒn Sǒwon (烏川書院) with the founder's spirit tablet and periodically held memorial services during the 17th century. Furthermore, they also built the founder's ancestral shrine, as the burial sight was not clearly identified. This event took place at the next centenary. The Ohchǒn-Jung clan invented their tradition with a heavy emphasis on loyalty; Ohchǒn (烏川) was the place of their origin. Loyalty was one of the core concepts of the neo-Confucianism that became the national institutional policy, and Ohchǒn was a social differentiation campaign that distinguished this clan from the other Jung clans. These traditional concepts are also associated with Jung Mong-Ju (鄭夢周), as he was regarded as the author of many of the tenets of neo-Confucianism; he was also the descendant of Jung Seup-Myung, who lived in Ohchǒn. In conclusion, the Ohchǒn-Jung clan invented their tradition and implemented their system of political and social hegemony as a reflection of these events and concepts.
This paper aims to compare and contrast the ideas of C.G. Jung, a Western psychologist with Dasuk Ryu Youngmo who known as the spiritual man of Korea. In contrast to Freud, who had neglected unconsciousness as a repository of sexual desires, Jung found unconsciousness as an important research area by discovering the creativity and possibility of unconsciousness. For this reason, Jung, unlike other psychologists, has not only been much easier to compare with people with religiosity, but also the contents that can be revealed through comparison can be much richer. Therefore, by comparing two thinkers in the East and the West, I would like to find common points of their ideas and to reveal their ideas more deeply. The composition of this paper is as follows. First, keeping in mind the common sense of unconsciousness and nothingness(無), I want to compare Jung "s unconsciousness with Dasuk"s nothingness(無) and void(虛空). They saw the unconsciousness and nothingness(無) as the basic foundation for forming human beings. Second, the questions about the center of nothingness(無) and unconsciousness, which can be seen as the innermost nucleus of human being as "Selbst" and "Ölna", respectively, were raised. Jung"s "Selbst" is the center of consciousness and unconsciousness, and Dasuk"s Ölna is an immanent self(selbst) given by God. Jung and Dasuk insisted that we should go back to these two centers of humanity. Third, we reviewed Jung and Dasuk"s Christology, paying attention to the fact that one of Jung"s prototypes was Christ. Their Christology has a lot in common in that it emphasizes the possibility of human beings distinct from orthodox Christianity. Finally, We compared ‘the individualization' and ‘the Bataltagi(바탈타기)' perceived by two people as the process of self–actualization. Given the life they have lived in, the two process are likely to be recognized as important goals for them. Through the comparative analysis of the above two people, I tried to show that the two people made their way towards their goal of self-life, and that they lived for the completion of their own life and tried to inform others about it.
This study has been carried out to investigate Pyu-Juk ( 肺積 ), Pyu-Ong ( 肺癰 ), Pyu-Ju ( 肺疽 ), Pyu-Am ( 肺癌 ) by referring to 56 literatures. The results were obtained as follows; 1. The treatllent-method of Pyu-Juk ( 肺積 ) are Ik Ki ( 益氣 ), SuI Yem Wha ( 洩陰火 ), So Juk ( 消積 ), Wha Juk ( 化積 ), Son Juk ( 損積 ), Ma Juk ( 摩積 ) Jo Chil Gi ( 調七氣 ), and herbs are Sik Bun Tang ( 息賁湯 ), Sik Bun Hwan ( 息賁丸 ), O Juk Hwan ( 五積丸 ), Ban ha Tang ( 半夏湯 ), Gil Gyung Tang ( 桔梗湯 ), Dae Chil Gi Tang ( 大七氣湯 ), Chil Gi Hwan ( 七氣湯 ) , Ga Gam Sik BlDl Hwan ( 加減息賁丸 ), Bil Rang San ( 檳郞散 ). 2. The treatment-method of Pyu-Ong ( 肺癰 ) Yang pyu ( 養肺 ), Yang Hyul ( 養血 ), Yang Gi ( 陽氣 ), Chung Geam Youn Pye ( 淸金潤肺 ), Hal Dam Bae Nong ( 豁痰排膿 ), Saeng Gi ( 生肌 ), herbs are Gil Gyung Tang ( 桔梗湯 ), Jung Ryuk Dae Jo Sa Pyu Tang ( ??大棗瀉肺湯 ), Chung Geom Wy Gyung Tang ( 千金 葦莖湯 ) Hwang Gi tang ( 黃嗜湯 ), Hyun Sam Chung Pyu Eum ( 玄蔘淸肺飮 ), Sip Mi Hwan ( 十味丸 ), Gil Gyung Baek San ( 桔梗白散 ), So Hong Eum ( 消膿飮 ), Sam Gi Bo Pyu Tang ( 蔘嗜補肺湯 ), sam Chul Gun Bi Tang ( 蔘朮健脾湯 ), Chung Pyu Gil Gyung Tang ( 淸肺桔梗湯 ), Yu Sung Hwan ( 如聖丸 ). 3. The treatment-method of Pyu-Ju ( 肺疽 ) are Be Bi ( 補脾 ), Bo Pyu ( 補肺 ), herbs are Hwang Gi Gum Jung Tang( 黃嗜補裨湯 ), lnSamBoPyuSan (人蔘補肺散) 4. The treatment-method of Pyu-Am ( 肺癌 ) are Bal Han ( 發汗 ), Chung Yul Hae Dok ( 淸熱解毒 ), Gang Hwa Do Dam ( 降火導痰 ), Hwa Rak Hwa a ( 和絡化瘀 ) Ik Pyu ( 益肺 ), Gun Bi ( 健脾 ), Ja Eum Yun Pyu ( 滋陰潤肺 ), Gi Hu Yang Bo ( 氣虛兩補 ), herbs are Gyul Yua Hae Dok Tang ( 莖熱解毒湯 ), Gang Hwa Jae ( 降火劑 ), Chil Yul Do Dam Tang ( 治熱導痰湯 ), Chong Ho Byul Gap Tang ( 靑蒿鱉甲湯 ), Ga gam Gil Gyung Tang ( 加減桔梗湯 ), Sang Mak San ( 生脈散), Yuk Mi Ji Hwang Tang ( 六味地黃湯 ), Baek Hap Go Geum Tang ( 百合固金湯 ), Dae Be Won Jun ( 大補元煎 ), Ga Mi Jae Che Bo Pyu Tang ( 加味載體補肺湯 ).
Jung,,Hyun-Min,Choi,,Seoung-Jun,Kim,,Se-Hee,Moon,,Sung-Hwan,Yoo,,Jung-Ki,Chung,,Hyung-Min,Kim,,Jin-Kyeoung The Korean Society of Animal Reproduction 2008 Reproductive & developmental biology Vol.32 No.2
The endogenous retrovirus-like elements (HERVs) found on several human chromosomes are somehow involved in gene regulation, especially during the transcription level. HERV-H, located on chromosome Xp22, may regulate gastrin-releasing peptide receptor (GRPR) in connection with diverse diseases. By suppression subtractive hybridization screen on SV40-immortalized lung fibroblast (WI-38 VA-13), we discovered that expression of HERV-HX2, a clustered HERV-H sequence on chromosome X, was upregulated in immortalized lung cells, compared to that of normal cells. Expression of HERV-HX2 was then analyzed in various cell lines, including normal somatic cells, cancer cells, SV40-immortalized cells, and undifferentiated and differentiated human embryonic stem cells. Expression of HERV-HX2 was specifically upregulated in continuously-dividing cells, such as cancer cells and SV40-immortalized cells. Especially, HERV-HX2 in HeLa cells was highly upregulated during the S phase of the cell cycle. Similar results were obtained in hES cells, in which undifferentiated cells expressed more HERV-HX2 mRNA than differentiated hES cells, including neural precursor and endothelial progenitor cells. Taken together, our results suggest that HERV-HX2 is upregulated in cancer cells and undifferentiated hES cells, whereas downregulated as differentiation progress. Therefore, we assume that HERV-HX2 may playa role on proliferation of cancer cells as well as differentiation of hES cells in the transcriptional level.
Objective: A lymphocele is a cystic mass that may occur in the retroperitoneum following a pelvic lymphadenectomy. Lymphoceles may be the cause of severe morbidity, or rarely mortality. This retrospective study was aimed to determine risk factor for development of lymphocele after pelvic and/or paraaortic lymphadenectomy in women with cervical cancer. Methods: This study was conducted on 547 cervical cancer patients who underwent radical hysterectomy and pelvic lymphadenectomy at Seoul St. Mary's Hospital and St. Vincent's Hospital from 1997 to 2010. We divided them into lymphocele induced and lymphocele free groups, respectively. 6 variables (the type of energy device, the number of lymph nodes removed, radiation therapy, operation time, drainage use, BMI) were retrospectively compared between both group. Results: Of 547 patients who underwent sole pelvic or combined pelvic and paraaortic lymphadenectomy for cervical cancer, the overall incidence of lymphoceles was 15.5% (85/547) that were detected by CT scan examination within 8 week after operation. To detect the independent risk factor for lymphocele development, we performed multivariate analysis with logistic regression for seven variables. Among these variables, we found a significant difference (p=0.029, p<0.05) for only the number of lymph nodes removed. The mean number of lymph nodes removed from the lymphocele group was 55.09 and the mean number of lymph nodes removed from the lymphocele-free group was 51.19. Among 85 lymphocele groups, more than 2 lymphocele were found in 20 patients and the total number of lymphocele was 106. Lymphoceles were predominantly located on the pelvic area. (pelvic wall 54.7%, ext. iliac 26.4%, int. iliac 12.3%, obturator 2.8%, inguinal 2.8%) In only one case, Lymphocele was located on the para-renal area. Conclusion: The number of lymph nodes removed during pelvic and/or para-aortic lymphadenectomy for cervical cancer is a risk factor for the development of lymphocele.