일본 미디어가 표상(representation)하는 「재일」상

양인실 ( Yang In Sil ) 한일민족문제학회 2003 한일민족문제연구 Vol.5 No.-

개화기ㆍ일제시대 경기 북부 지역의 천주교

양인성(Yang In-Seong) 한국교회사연구소 2008 敎會史硏究 Vol.0 No.31

After the Persecution of the year Byeongin(丙寅迫害), the Paris Foreign Missions Society missionaries tried to reconstruct believers' communities. In consequence, many (secondary) stations were built in each district. There were some stations in Yangju, Yeoncheon, 1883. Yakhyeon catholic church was established in 1891, having jurisdiction over the northern areas of Gyeonggi. Some stations appeared in Yangju, Gyoha, Paju, Goyang and so forth, but there were 2~5 stations in those areas until 1900. Since the establishment of Kaeseong catholic church in 1900 and Haengju catholic church in 1909, the total number of stations and Catholics increased from 1901 to 1924. During the period, stations were 40, and Catholics reached more than 1,700 from 1914. In consequence, Sinamri catholic church in 1927 and Deokjeongri catholic church in 1934 were divided from Kaeseong catholic church. Despite the total number of stations decreased from 1930 to 1937, Roman Catholicism had been spread to each district where was nothing of a staion, The figure of Catholics declined, but it had increased again from 1934 and recovered 1,700 Catholics.

해방 후 일본의 재일조선인 영화에 대한 고찰

양인실 ( In Sil Yang ) 한국사회사학회 2004 사회와 역사 Vol.0 No.66

This paper examines Zainicbi(resident Koreans in Japan), who as objects of description until the mid-1970`s, have come to represent themselves with their own stories; it also takes up the limits of these representations and its significance. Works written by Zainicbi from the 1960`s until the mid-1970`s have came to be presented in Japanese society. Even before the war, Zainichi pursued writing activities including literature, but they only came to present their works in major Japanese publishing houses and commercial literary journals during this period. In this sense, Zainicbi went from objects to be written about to writing subjects. In the world of film, Lee Hak-in also showed the possibility for self-representation, producing "The River of foreigners"(Ihojin no kawa) in 1975. The appearance of this work was significant in that it was the first Zainicbi-made self-representation film in the history of Japanese cinema. Accompanying the subsequent advancement of second generation Zainicbi into Japanese society, a greater number of self-representational films made by Zainicbi as well as the discourse that surrounded them, examines the degree of success of these films and their limitations, in addition to the way in which Japanese society received them. Exposed in these films are the issues and tensions within Zainicbi society itself, sexual and gender concerns, and conflicts with other ethnic minorities. However, as will also become clear in this paper, self-representational films made by Zainicbi continued to accept prejudices in the gender regime as perpetuated by the media as well as the gaze toward the "new" generation and first generation Koreans. Self-representational films by Zainicbi are structuring the gaze of the majority within Japanese society, which can be considered one of their limitations. First generation Koreans and women have thus become "others" for young Zainicbi.

좌절된 세계화와 로컬리티

양인실(Yang In-Sil) 부산대학교 한국민족문화연구소 2009 로컬리티 인문학 Vol.0 No.2

세계화ㆍ로컬리티는 특정장소나 경계를 지칭히는 것이 아니라 관계와 시대에 따라 유동적으로 변화하는 개념이다. 1960년대 한국영회는 유례없는 변화를 맞이하고 있었다. 그 중 가장 특이할 만한 사실은 미국과 일본의 영화계에서 활약하고 있던 재외한인들이 한국으로 들어오기 시작했다는 점이다. 이들은 미국이나 일본과 한국을 왕래하며 한미합작영화를 추진하거나 동시녹음으로 영화를 만들고 한국영화를 해외에 수출하려고 했다. 이는 해방 후 20여년간 ‘한국’이라는 민족국가의 경계내부에서 만들어지고 소비되어 온 한국영화가 일본이나 아시아라는 외부를 상상하고 변화의 기운을 느끼게 되었다는 점을 의미한다. 여기에서 국민국가의 경계란 영토의 경계를 의미하는 국경뿐만 아니라 문화적ㆍ사회적 경계도 포함하는 넓은 의미이다. 그리고 이러한 변화들은 1960년대의 한국영화를 생각할 때 세계화와 로컬리티라는 시점에서 생각해야 한다는 점을 보여 준다. 구체적으로 1960년대 한국영화계에서 활약했던 재외한인중 가장 큰 역할을 한 사람은 재미한인 필립 안과 재일조선인 류신노스케였다. 본 연구에서는 1960년대의 한국영화에 있어서의 재외한인들의 역할과 영화<팔도강산>시리즈를 연관시켜 분석함으로서 이 시기에 일어났던 한국영화계의 지각변동이 현재 한국에서 일어나고 있는 세계화의 시초였다는 점을 고찰했다. Recently, due to the Korean Wave, the concepts of globalization and locality are being used to explain the penetration of foreign capital into Korean cinema, the internationalization of its staff and the participation of foreign actors in Korean movies, as well as of Korean actors in foreign movies. However, internationalization and locality should not be understood as pointing at a specific place or limits, but as fluctuating according to their mutual relationship and the time period. During the 1960s Korean cinema underwent a great change. The most important change in that period was that Korean residents abroad involved in American and Japanese cinema begun to take part in Korean cinema. These Koreans, moving between the two countries, tried to make co-production movies between America and Korea, to introduce the synchronous recording technology into Korean cinema, and to export Korean movies to Japan and America. This means that, during 20years after the war, the movies made and consumed inside the limits of the Korean nation-state were made as image of the outside Japan and Asia. Here, nation-state refers not only to territorial limits, but also to cultural and social limits. These changes imply that, when considering the Korean cinema of the I 960s, the point of view of globalization and locality becomes indispensable. In this paper, the cases of Philip Ahn, a Korean resident in America, and Shinnosuke Ryu, a Korean resident in Japan, are analyzed as examples of two Korean residents abroad who showed great activity in the Korean cinema of the 1960s. Nevertheless, Ahn's plan for making co-production movies between America and Korea, and Ryu's attempts to introduce the synchronous recording technology into Korean cinema, were rejected. Contrasting with this, the movie series "The Land of Korea" reflects well how internationalization and locality where understood in the Korean cinema of the 1960s. In this paper, analyzing the relationship between the role of the Korean residents abroad and the "The Land of Korea", it is made clear that the changes in the 1960s were the beginning of the globalization that Korean cinema is undergoing at present.

팬덤 내 문화번역 차원의 중국어 유통: EXO 한국팬을 중심으로

양인화(Yang, In Wha) 한국대중음악학회 2014 대중음악 Vol.- No.14

Japanese language is the most influential language in Korean on-line fandom culture. Japanese which is used in fandom has been translated into bespoke Korean culture, while in its progress many of meanings has been changed. With a stage debut in 2012, Idol group EXO-K and EXO-M used to perform in Korea and China respectively but from recent merge of two groups in the name of EXO in 2013, they have dramatically renown their name in Music industry and grown rapidly their fandom. Existences of Chinese members in the group and their performances in Chinese broadcasts have made fandom recognize ‘China’ and ‘Chinese’, meanwhile a certain Chinese idioms and words have emerged and used in fandom. Among them some of these particular Chinese languages have also used by other idol fandom and we have noted that these languages are used in perspective of cultural translation and have made changes in ways to understand China as well. This trend has staged firmly within fandom and influenced fandom to motivate to learn Chinese language. Based on in depth interviews with EXO fans, this paper has focused to analyse connection between needs and usages of Chinese language within fandom and changes in images of China, which would eventually impact on Image of China. 한국 온라인 팬덤 문화에 가장 큰 영향을 끼친 언어는 일본어이다. 팬덤 내에서 통용되는 일본어는 한국에 맞게 문화번역적으로 사용된 경우가 많고 그 과정에서 의미의 전이가 일어나기도 하였다. 2012년 데뷔한 아이돌 그룹 EXO는 EXO-K, EXO-M으로 한중 양국에서 각각 활동하다 2013년 그룹 전체가 함께 활동하며 팬덤이 급성장하였다. 중국 멤버의 존재와 중국 방송 출연은 팬덤에게 ‘중국’과 ‘중국어’를 새롭게 인식시키는 계기가 되었는데, 그 결과 특정 중국어 단어들이 팬덤 내에서 유통되고 그중 일부는 타 팬덤에서도 사용되고 있다. 이들 역시 문화번역적 차원에서 사용되고 있고, 나아가 중국에 대한 접근 방식의 변화도 감지된다. 중국어를 배우려는 목적이 바뀌고, 팬덤 내에서 새로운 지위를 획득하였다. 이는 결국 대중국이미지에도 영향을 미친다는 전제하에 EXO팬과의 심층면접을 통해 중국어의 유통과 중국이미지의 변화에 대해 분석을 시도하였다.

제국일본을 부유하는 영화(인)들

양인실(Yang, In-Sil) 국제고려학회 서울지회 2011 국제고려학회 서울지회 논문집 Vol.14 No.-

In Korean film history, there were three periods which can be called the Golden Age. The first was from the 1920s till 1930s during the period of Japanese colonization, the second was in the 1960s, and the third was from the end of 1990s. While each of these three periods had different historical backdrops and political/social contexts, they still share common characteristics. One for instance was a large number of people who tried to produce films across state borders, or who involved with the film industry beyond borders. This paper focuses on the first Golden Age, from the 1920s till the 1930s, and looks squarely at people who tried to engage with the film industry beyond borders as well as the factors which enabled them to do so. Within the Japanese empire, it was hardly possible for filmmakers to produce films at one location. She/he usually migrated from place to place without settling down, from the imperial capital Tokyo to the “Dream City” Keijo (Kyongsung) where films make money, and to stateless Shanghai. Especially an enormous number of people was involved with the film industry across “border” between Japan and colonial Korea. There are, however, still very few studies on this subject. What I found in this study are as following: 1) There was a significant involvement of Japanese in Korea to the film industry in Keijo during the 1920s and the 1930s; 2) as the number of cinemas run by Japanese in colonial Korea increased, the competition among cinemas became fierce; and 3) such a situation often brought about conflicts with the film production and censorship by the General Headquarters of Korea. Acknowledging the flourishing reprinting of film magazines from the pre-war period in the recent years, I would like to emphasize in the end the necessity of studying further about the relationship between the film industry and Japanese in Korea who have been long-forgotten both in Japanese and Korean film histories.

천주교회의 신축교안 인식 형성과 변화

양인성(Yang, In Seong) 서강대학교 인문과학연구소 2021 서강인문논총 Vol.- No.61

이 글은 천주교회의 신축교안 인식 형성과 변화를 검토한 것이다. 신축교안은 1901년 제주도에서 천주교 선교사와 신자들이 비신자들과 충돌한 사건으로, ‘이재수의 난’으로 잘 알려져 있다. 사건의 주요 원인은 중앙 정부에서 파견된 봉세관의 세폐(稅弊)와 선교사 및 신자들의 작폐[敎弊]였다. 조선대목구장 뮈텔 주교의 문서를 통해 신축교안 당시 천주교회의 인식을 살펴보았다. 뮈텔 주교는 교안을 ‘무고한 신자들’이 희생된 ‘박해’라고 규정하였다. 천주교에 대한 중상모략이 주요 원인이라 보았고, 한국 관리의 책임을 강조하였다. 제주의 비신자들, 한국 관리 등이 교폐를 원인으로 지적하였지만, 뮈텔 주교는 이를 인정하지 않았다. 이러한 뮈텔 주교의 인식은 천주교회의 공식적인 기억으로 자리매김하였다. 천주교회의 신축교안 인식 변화를 규명하기 위해 천주교회 신문과 잡지, 교회사 연구자들의 글을 분석하였다. 교폐를 부정하고 ‘박해’라 주장하는 인식이 여전히 강했지만, 신자들의 과실을 지적하는 의견도 제기되었다. ‘민란’, ‘학살사건’을 대신하여 ‘교난’, ‘교안’이란 용어를 사용하기 시작하였다. 이와 같은 천주교회의 인식은 제주사회의 인식과 큰 괴리를 보였다. 제주사회는 교안의 원인으로 교폐만을 강조하였고, 이재수를 영웅시하였다. 이러한 인식 차이로 인해 천주교회와 제주사회는 1980년대와 1990년대에 대립하기도 했다. 그러다가 양측은 1990년대 후반에 대화하기 시작하였고, 2003년에 「화해와 기념을 위한 미래 선언」을 발표하였다. 그러나 천주교회와 제주사회는 여전히 각자의 관점에 따라 신축교안을 기억하고 기념하고 있다. 양측 간의 ‘진정한’ 대화와 화해는 앞으로의 숙제로 남아있다. This article aims to examine the formation and change of the Catholic Church’s perception of the Sinchuk Gyoan. The Sinchuk Gyoan was an incident which Catholic missionaries and believers clashed with nonbelievers in Jeju Island in 1901, and is also well known as “Lee Jae soo’s Rebellion”. The main causes of the trouble were excessive tax collection of an official dispatched from the Korean government and the Catholics’ faults. I tried to analyze documents of Bishop Mutel, the Vicar Apostolic of Joseon, to understand the Catholic Church’s perception at the time of the Sinchuk Gyoan. Bishop Mutel defined the incident as “persecution” which “innocent believers” were sacrificed. The non-believers and Korean officials pointed out that the incident was caused by the Catholics’ faults. But Bishop Mutel refused to recognize the Catholics’ faults. He also insisted that the incident was caused by slander against the Catholic Church. This Bishop Mutel’s perception became the Catholic Church’s public memories of the Sinchuk Gyoan. In order to understand the changes in the Catholic Church’s perception of the Sinchuk Gyoan, I analyzed articles in newspapers and magazines of the Catholic Church, as well as writings by church history researchers. There were many articles still denying the Catholics’ faults and claiming that the incident was “persecution.” However, there were some articles that acknowledged the Catholics’ faults. The Catholic Church’s perception of the Sinchuk Gyoan was very different from that of Jeju society. Jeju society emphasized only the Catholics’ faults as a cause of the Sinchuk Gyoan and regarded Lee Jae soo as a hero. Such differences in perception between Catholic Church and Jeju society caused conflicts in the 1980s and 1990s. Both sides began to talk in the late 1990s and issued the “Declaration of future for reconciliation and commemoration” in 2003. But the Catholic Church and Jeju society have still remembered and commemorated the Sinchuk Gyoan from their respective point of view. “Genuine” dialogue and reconciliation between the both sides remains a task to settle.

1891년 대구 로베르 신부 사건 연구

양인성(Yang, In Seong) 한국교회사연구소 2014 敎會史硏究 Vol.0 No.44

1891년 2월, 경상도 지역의 사목을 맡은 로베르 신부가 비신자들에 의해 위협을 받고, 경상 감사에 의해 추방되는 사건이 발생했다. 로베르 신부는 조선 대목구장 뮈텔 주교에게 이 사실을 보고했고, 뮈텔 주교는 주한 프랑스 공사 콜랭 드 플랑시에게 사건 보고서를 제출하였다. 드 플랑시는 로베르 신부 사건을 1886년에 체결된 조불조약에 크게 위배되는 것으로 여겼다. 그는 사건 관련자인 민정식이 고관인 감사이자, 유력한 민씨 척족의 일원임을 알았고, 사건의 해결이 쉽지 않을 것이라고 판단했다. 그는 단호한 조치가 필요하다고 보고, 프랑스 정부에 군함 파견을 요청하였다. 그리고 통리교섭통상사무아문 독판 민종묵과 사건 해결 방안을 협의하였다. 드 플랑시는 조선 정부에 시정 조치를 제시했지만, 민씨 척족이 민정식 징계에 반대함에 따라 합의에 이르지 못하였다. 이처럼 협상이 진전되지 못하고 있었을 때, 프랑스 군함이 도착하였다. 조선 정부와 프랑스 공사관의 강경한 입장 차, 프랑스 군함의 출현으로 민종묵은 더욱 곤란한 처지에 놓이게 되었다. 이렇게 되자, 그는 뮈텔 주교에게 협상 중재를 요청하였다. 뮈텔 주교는 앞으로의 선교 활동을 위해 민종묵의 제안을 받아들였다. 뮈텔 주교의 중재로 드 플랑시는 민정식을 징계하는 대신 견책하는 공문을 보내는 것으로 방침을 수정했다. 조선 정부가 이 수정안을 받아들임으로써 로베르 신부 사건은 해결되었다. 로베르 신부 사건이 프랑스 정부의 종교 보호 정책과 선교회의 선교 활동에 미친 영향은 컸다. 조선 정부는 외국인 학대 사건이 발생할 경우, 관련자뿐만 아니라 관할 지방관도 처벌을 받을 수 있다는 내용을 담은 회람장을 각도의 감사들에게 보냈다. 이로 인해 지방관은 선교사를 보호할 수밖에 없게 되었다. 그리고 사건 해결 후, 로베르 신부는 대구 읍내에 정착하였는데, 뮈텔 주교는 선교회가 내지 거주권을 획득한 것으로 해석했다. 로베르 신부 사건을 계기로, 조선 정부 관료들은 뮈텔 주교를 교회의 대표와 대화의 상대로 인정했다. 뮈텔 주교는 이러한 정부 관료의 인식 변화를 활용하여 선교사와 신자들을 보호하였다. 하지만 이러한 뮈텔 주교의 선교 정책은 프랑스 공사와의 갈등을 빚기도 했고, 교안이 많이 증가하는 원인이 되기도 했다. In February 1891, Fr. Robert, a French missionary who did his work in Gyeongsang Province, was threatened by non-Catholics and was expelled from the area by the Provincial Governor. Fr. Robert reported the incident to Bishop Mutel, the Vicar Apostolic of Korea. Bishop Mutel also submitted a report to Collin de Plancy, the French minister to Korea. Collin de Plancy considered the incident a serious violation of the Korea-France Treaty of 1886. He figured out that Min Jeong Sik, a Gyeongsang Provincial Governor and scion of the powerful Yeoheung Min clan, was involved in the incident. For this reason, he thought it was would be a difficult problem to resolve. So he took a decisive measure to ask for dispatch of a warship from his government. And he shared ideas about ways to resolve the problem with Korean Foreign Minister Min Jong Muk. He wanted to call on the Korean government to take measures to fix the problem. But they weren’t able to reach an agreement because the government rejected disciplinary action against Min Jeong Sik. When the negotiation yielded little progress, the French warship arrived in Korea. First the conflicting views of the Korean government and the French minister to Korea, then the French warship’s arrival got Min Jong Muk in a difficult position. Min Jong Muk asked for Bishop Mutel’s intervention, the Bishop accepted it. As a result of Mutel’s intervention, Collin de Plancy amended the terms of agreement. He required that the Korean government should send an official document of reprimand to Min Jeong Sik instead of taking disciplinary action. The incident finally was solved by the government’s acceptance of the amendment. The incident had a great influence on French government’s religion protection and French missionary work. The Korean government sent a circular letter to every Provincial Governor in the country, which stated that the local authorities would be severely punished if a foreigner was harassed by local resident. And for this reason, local authorities couldn’t help protecting foreign missionaries. After the incident, Fr. Robert settled in Daegu, the city was the capital of Gyeongsang Province. Bishop Mutel interpreted the Robert’s settlement as gaining the right of residence in inland area from the Korean government. And The Bishop was recognized as a representative of Catholic church and conversation partner by the government officials. He actively supported French missionaries and protected Korean Catholics. But the Bishop’s mission policy caused clash with the French minister to Korea or numerous conflicts between Catholics and non-Catholics.

한국인 산모에서 B형 간염 바이러스의 보유율 변화에 관한 연구

오은아 ( O Eun A ),정숙애 ( Jeong Sug Ae ),정만 ( Jeong Man ),심승식 ( Sim Seung Sig ),양인애 ( Yang In Ae ),최관수 ( Choe Gwan Su ),정남기 ( Jeong Nam Gi ) 대한내과학회 1990 대한내과학회지 Vol.38 No.6

N/A In an attempt to investigate the yearly changes of the HBsAg carrier rate by observing the HBsAg positive rate in full-term pregnant women who are definitely related to the vertical transmission of the hepatitis B virus, as well as to analyze the epidemiologic factors which influence the HBsAg positive rate in pregnant women, we tested HBsAg and checked the histories of about 20 epidemiologic factors in 10,359 prgnant women .who delivered at St. Columban`s Hospital in Mokpo City from April 1, 1985 to June 30, 1989. The results were as follows: 1) Overall HBsAg positivity in all 10,359 pregnant women was 7.9%. 2) The positive rate of HBsAg was unrelated to the frequency or degree of alcohol drinking,smoking, income, nutritional state, hygiene, education, religion, occupation, locality or, injections at home in pregnant women. 3) The positive rates of HBsAg were higher in cases who had acupuncture, venereal disease, who had more than four siblings, and who worked as an institutional worker or hospital staff. The positive rates of HBsAg increased significantly in cases who had blood transfusions(0.025<p<0.05), who had injections at hospitals(p<0.005), who had no hepatitis B vaccination(p<0.005), who had a family history of liver disease(p<0.001) and who were much older(p<0.005). 4) The positive rate of HBsAg was decreased significantly from 9.2% to 7.0% for five years(p<0.001). There were several factors which influence the HBsAg positivity every year. First, the rate of hepatitis B vaccination increased significantly(p<0.001), second, the number of pregnant women who had more than six siblings increased significantly(0.025<p<0.05) and third, the number of pregnant women who had acupuncture decreased significantly(p<0.001). But the number of pregnant women who were over 30 years old increased significantly(p<0.001). 5) The positive rate of HBsAg increased significantly from 7.2% to 13.0% as the age increased(p<0.005). There were several factors which influenced HBsAg positivity by age group. Although the rate of hepatitis B vaccination increased significantly in the older age groups(p<0.001), the positive rate of HBsAg increased more in the older age groups because the numbers of pregnant women who had acupuncture(p<0.001) and a family history of liver disease(p<0.005) increased significantly. The results suggest that the number of HBV carrier pregnant women in Korea decreased progressively every year. Although the rate of hepatitis B vaccination increased significantly, it was not so effective due to the small total number. The number of pregnant women who had acupuncture and a family history of liver disease increased significantly, especially those over 30 years old. So it is important to have a nationwide program of hepatitis B immunization and to educate people on how to interfere with the transmission route in order to eradicate hepatitis B in Korea.

한국인 산모와 신생아에서 NANB 간염과 B 형 간염에 관한 연구

최관수(Gwan Su Choi),김지운(Ji Woon Kim),장영호(Yung Ho Chang),오은아(Eun A O),양인애(In Ae Yang),유영근(Young Geun Ryoo),이봉섭(Bong Seob Lee),정남기(Nam Ki Jong),오영종(Young Zong Oh),남명숙(Myoung Soog Nam),임순선(Soon Seon Lim),김 대한소화기학회 1988 대한소화기학회지 Vol.20 No.2

N/A To assess the frequency of hepatitis in pregnant women, we examined the findings of the physical examination, medical history, liver function tests and viral markers in 7,580 pregnant women who delivered at St. Columbans Hospital in Mokpo City from April 1st, 1985 to June 30th, 1988. We compared the characteristics of hepatitis B in 28 mothers and 17 newborn infants, and of non-A, non-B hepatitis in 17 mothers and 61 newborn infants, The results were as follows; 1) Among 7,580 pregnant women, there were 629 cases (8.30%) of HBV carriers. Abnormal elevation of transaminase at delivery was noted in cases of hepatitis A (2, 0.03%), hepatitis B (25, 0. 33%), NANB hepatitis (57, 0.75%) toxemia (9, 0.12%) and drug induced hepatitis (1, 0,01%). 2) The earliest elevation of transaminase was noted at 3 months in 9 hepatitis B infants (6, 66.7%) and 61 NANB hepatitis infants (57, 93.4%). The highest elevation of transaminase was noted at 3 months in 61 NANB hepatitis infants (41, 67. 2%) and seemed to be delayed in 9 hepatitis B infants due to the effect of vaccine. 3) Abnormal transaminase was normal within 6 months in 17 cases (60.7%) of 28 mothers with hepatitis B, and 14 cases (82.4%) of 17 mothers with NANB hepatitis. If we test and observe for )onger time the cases of chronic hepatitis with intermittent elevation of transaminase may increase more. Twenty-seven of 28 hepatitis B mothers were positive for HBsAg for more than 1 year. Duration of abnormal transaminase in hepatitis B infants was much different by the vaccination, but total number of cases was very small. Among 61 NANB hepatitis infants, continuous elevation of transaminase was noted in 5(62.5%) of 8 infants who had no imrnunoprophylaxis, 19(55.9%) of 34 infants who received HBIG & Hepavax, 5(26.3%) of 19 infants who received gamma-globulin. There was slight but not significant inhibition of persistence of abnormal transaminase in group of gamma-globulin injection (0.05<p<0.1). The mean level of maximal ALT was higher in hepatitis B (148.32+162.47 IU) than in NANB hepatitis mothers (76.53<53.14 IU). It was similar in infants of both hepatitis B & NANB, and lower in infants who received Hepavax, gamma-globulin but it was not statistically significant. 4) Among the factors which may influence the elevation of ALT in hepatitis infants the level of ALT in hepatitis mothers had no influence. The immunoprophylaxis with HBIG & hepavax for hepatitis B infants, gamma-globulin for NANB hepatitis seemed to inhibit the elevation of ALT in infants, but not signficantly. ALT was normal in 5 infants (23.8%) of 21 HBeAg positive hepatitis B mothers and in 6 infants (85.7%) of 7 HBeAg negative hepatitis B mothers. There was significant elevation of ALT in infants of HBeAg positive hepatitis B mothers (p<0.0001). The results suggest that the prevalence of NANB hepatitis was higher than hepatitis B in Korean pregnant women at the time of delivery. Duration of abnormal transaminase was similar in mothers with hepatitis B and NANB. The time of the earliest and highest elevation of ALT, the mean level of maximal elevation of ALT were similar in infants with hepatitis B and NANB. Duration of abnormal transaminase and maximal elevation of ALT seemed to be decreased by the immunoprophylaxis with HBIG and Hepavax for hepatitis B infants, gamma-globulin for NANB hepatitis infants, but there was a significant difference in hepatitis B infants whose mothers had HBeAg positivity.