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식민지 통치원리로서 ‘식민지특수사정론’의 관철과 위임입법
윤민혁 한국역사연구회 2022 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.124
The Argument of “Special Circumstances for a Colonized State”(植民地特殊事情論) was made to emphasize the colony(Korea)’s different history, culture and natural environment from the mainland(Japan). It was also argued because of the ‘Situation on the Ground’ (which usually meant the colony population’s resistance), with the intention of demanding a different type of ruling other than methods used to govern the mainland. In essence, required by the people who supported this argument was a legislation process entrusted to the colony itself. The argument focused on promoting the necessity of autonomous functions of the Joseon Governor General office continued on and off repeatedly during Japan’s occupation of the Korean peninsula. The first phase, which continued since the year 1895 through 1911, is examined in this article. Two things were revealed by the examination. First, the Governor-General office’s independent legislation, based on rights delegated from the mainland, was never suggested based on any individual Governor-General office’s status, but was actually based on years of experiences of Japan’s colonial ruling of regions -from Taiwan to Joseon- and the rules and principles gathered through that experience. Second, the “Special Circumstances for a Colonized State” argument and the ‘Entrusted Legislation’ of the Governor-General office was made possible only after acknowledging the possibility/necessity of extending the mainland’s law and regulations to the colonized regions, which was then followed by a decision to postpone such extension for a while. As of 1911, however, the “Argument” was more refined, with the intention to ever block the possibility of both the mainland and the colonized regions being ruled with the same law. It is necessary to examine more of this “Argument” and how it was eventually implemented in Joseon, as it would give us the opportunity to reexamine the previous notion that the mainland Japan’s law was extended to the ruling of the colonized Korean peninsula. The March 1st Movement in 1919, which was indeed a “Situation on the Ground,” served as a catalyst for the launch of such argument. On the other hand, the fact that there were calls for the abolishment of the “Argument,” and even attempts to “extend mainland laws,” right after the March 1st Movement, ironically shows us that the colonial uthorities were operating with no established principles.
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Tacrolimus의 LC/MS 분석과 지원자에 대한 약물동태 연구
윤민혁,이서판,남진경,권광일 忠南大學校 生命科學硏究院 醫藥品開發硏究所 2006 藥學論文集 Vol.21 No.-
The purpose of this study was to confirm the analysis method and also to estimate the pharmacokinetic parameters of tacrolimus in human volunteers. The pharmacokinetics of tacrolimus tablet was examined on 24 healthy volunteers who received a single oral dose(4mg) of each preparation in the fasting state. After an oral dosing, blood samples were collected for a period of 72 hours. Blood concentrations of tacrolimus were determined using a liquid chromatographic electrospray mass spectrometric (LC-MS) method. The pharmacokinetic parameters were calculated with non-compartmental(AUC, C_(max), T_(max), Cl_(t), V/F) and compartmental(K_(el), K_(a), K_(12), K_(21), t_(1/2)) pharmacokinetic analysis using WinNonlin program. The estimated means of AUC_(0-72hours), C_(max) and T_(max) were 425.54 ± 197.49 ng·hr/ml, 76.14 ± 29.18 ng/ml and 1.40 ± 0.44 hr, respectively. The means of other pharmacokinetic parameters(V/F, CL_(t), K_(el), K_(a), K_(23), K_(32) and t_(1/2)) were 35.12 ± 34.28 L, 10.45 ± 5.32 L/hr, 0.39 ± 0.21 hr^(-1), 1.91 ± 4.17 hr^(-1), 0.32 ± 0.33 hr^(-1), 0.07 ± 0.09 hr^(-1), 26.94 ± 10.19 hr^(-1), respectively.
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윤민혁,김호순,최용포,권광일 한국임상약학회 2002 한국임상약학회지 Vol.12 No.2
This study was carried out to compare the bioavailability of (test drug, cefaclor 250 mg/capsule) with that of (reference drug) and to estimate the pharmacokinetic parameters of cefaclor in healthy Korean adult. The bioavailability was examined on 20 healthy volunteers who received a single dose (250 mg) of each drug in the fasting state in a randomized balanced 2-way crossover design. After dosing, blood samples were collected for a period of 6hours. Plasma concentrations of cefaclor were determined using HPLC with UV detection. The pharmacokinetic parameters F, and CL/F) were calculated with non-compartmental pharmacokinetic analysis. The ANOVA test was utilized for the statistical analysis of the , and CL/F. The ratios of geometric means of AUC0-6hr and between test drug and reference drug were , respectively. The of test drug and reference drug were hrs, respectively. The confidence intervals of mean difference of logarithmic transformed were log 1.08 and log , respectively. It shows that the bioavailability of test drug is equivalent with that of reference drug. The estimated half-life of this study was longer , the Vd/F was larger vs 24.9L), and the CL/F was higher vs 24.9 L/hr) than the previously reported values.
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1919년 3.1운동 전후 식민지 정세 변화와 '적극주의' 식민지 경영의 모색
윤민혁 한국근현대사학회 2023 한국 근현대사 연구 Vol.106 No.-
이 연구는 1919년 전후 식민지 통치 ‘개혁’ 과정을 검토하여 1920년대 식민지 지배체제에 대한 새로운 시각을 제시하고자 했다. 3.1운동 이후 시도된 식민지 통치 ‘개혁’은 점진적 내지연장주의로서, 하라 다카시의 정치적 이상이 실현되는 과정으로 묘사된다. 그러나 3.1운동 이전 하라뿐만 아니라 번벌-육군에서도 ‘개혁’ 구상이 존재했고, 이는 3.1운동으로 인해 좌절되었다. 이에 하라는자신의 이상을 유예하는 동시에 기존 식민지 통치의 관성을 활용하는 것으로 선회했다. 하라가 활용하고자 했던 야마가타계는 ‘개혁’의 필요성을 인정하되조선 부임에는 미온적이었고, 데라우치계는 개혁 자체를 반대했다. 이로 인해개혁의 지체와 유예가 반복되면서, 하라의 ‘이상적’ 식민지 통치관은 정책적공백을 노출했다. 이를 해소한 것은 대만이라는 선례와 이를 주도했던 고토 신페이의 ‘적극주의’ 식민지 경영이었다. 적극적 재정 투여와 구관 조사를 통한식민지 통치라는 방법은 하라 다카시, 미즈노 렌타로에 의해 수용되었다. 3.1운동 이후 시도된 식민지 통치 ‘개혁’은 고토 신페이의 적극주의 식민지 경영을하라-미즈노가 수용하고, 대만이라는 선례를 조선에 적용하고자 했던 조선판적극주의 식민지 경영이었다. This study aims to shed new light on the colonial system in the 1920s by examining the process of colonial governance ‘reform’ after 1919. The colonial governance ‘reform’ attempted after the March 1 Movement is described as gradualism and extensionism, a process in which Takashi Hara's political ideals are realised. However, there were ‘reform’ initiatives before the March 1 Movement, not only by Hara but also by the Bungei and the Army, which were thwarted by the March 1 Movement. In response, Hara suspended his ideals and turned to utilising the inertia of existing colonial rule. The Yamagata clan, which Hara hoped to capitalise on, recognised the need for ‘reform’ but were lukewarm about going to Korea, while the Terauchi clan opposed reform itself. As a result, the ‘reform’ repeatedly delayed and delayed. So exposing a policy vacuum in Hara’s ‘ideal’ colonial ruler. It was the Taiwanese precedent and the ‘activist’ colonial management of Goto Shinpei that filled this void. This method of colonial governance through aggressive financial injections and inspections was embraced by Takashi Hara and Rentaro Mizuno. The colonial ‘reform’ attempted after the 3.1 Movement was a Korean version of Goto Shinpei’s activist colonial management, which Hara and Mizuno embraced and sought to apply the Taiwanese precedent to Korea.
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윤민혁,이종환,임종민,곽호완,장문선 한국임상심리학회 2018 Korean Journal of Clinical Psychology Vol.37 No.3
This study investigated the social cognition deficit of antisocial personality disorder, through both K-MASC which is an integrative measuring tool for social cognition and SCORS-G using TAT, retesting the conflicting results of previous studies. A group of participants with antisocial personality tendencies (n=37) and a control group (n=38) were selected based on PAIANT scores, after carrying out a survey that consisting of PAI and TCI among 494 undergraduate students. First, SCORS-G using TAT and K-MASC was administered and social cognitive ability was compared between these two groups. Thereafter, temperamental characteristics were controlled through a MANCOVA, to determine the effect of antisocial personality characteristics on social cognition. Results showed that the group with antisocial personality disorder tendencies displayed an overall deficit in cognitive and emotional aspects of social cognitive ability, compared to the control group. However, after the temperamental characteristics were controlled there was a significant difference between groups only in the cognitive aspect of social cognitive ability. The results indicated that individuals with antisocial personality disorder tendencies are likely to display an overall deficit in social cognitive ability compared to the control group, but the cognitive aspect of this ability is the core deficit related to antisocial personality disorder.
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