조선시대 분묘 內 매납 자기에 대한 一考

오영인(Oh, Young-in) 중앙문화재연구원 2013 중앙고고연구 Vol.0 No.12

본 논문은 최근까지 조사된 조선시대 분묘유적 중 한양 공동묘역에서 출토된 한 벌의 자기 부장품의 매납 양상과 특징에 대한 구체적인 규명을 시도한 글이다. 이를 위해 조선시대 한양의 공동묘역인 서교와 동교의 위치가 현재 진관동을 중심으로 한 은평구 일대, 광진구-중랑구-노원구 일대인 것으로 추정하여 이들 지역에서 발굴조사된 5,228기의 분묘 중 128기에서 출토된 한 벌의 자기 부장품을 대상으로 살펴보았다. 총 119건의 부장품 조합을 살펴본 결과 백색이 갖는 의미가 부장품에 적용되어 높은 백자의 매납 비율을 보였으며, ‘발·종자·접시·호·청동시(+저)’의 구성 안에서 개별적인 부장품의 조합이 선별되었고, 그중 ‘발+청동시’의 조합이 가장 높은 비율을 차지하였다. 본 논문에서는 한 벌의 자기 부장품의 구성과 용례에 집중하여「세종실록 」 ｢ 오례의 ｣ 흉례 명기조의 기명 조합, 김장생의 제기도, 명대 분묘 출토품과의 비교를 진행했고, 그 결과 한양 공동 묘역에서 출토된 한 벌의 자기 부장품은 당시 국가적인 예제의 지침에 부합하는 기종에 해당하고, 중국의 제기 기물의 용례와 연관지어 음식, 다례용 제기로 사용된 이후 한 벌의 부장품으로 성격을 변환시켜 매납되었을 가능성을 제시하였다. This study set out to investigate burial aspects and feature of sets of Grave Goods, with the recently excavated relics of the boundaries of a communal grave within Hanyang City in Joseon Dynasty. For that purpose, the relics were presumed Eunpyeong-gu including Jingwan-dong as a western suburb(西郊), Gwangjin-gu, Jungnang-gu and Nowon-gu as the eastern edge(東郊), in which were further examined closely sets of Grave Goods including ceramics excavated 128 graves from among whole 5228 graves. As a result of inspecting the whole 119 sets of Grave Goods including ceramics, white porcelain took possession of most proportion with implication as white color, each compositions were made a selection from the combine of bowl, a small dish, plate, jar and bronze spoon, among which the combine of bowl and bronze spoon comprised the most proportion. The further study, focusing on the composition and usage of sets of Grave Goods including ceramics, compared objects in Five Rituals of Sejong chronicles(世宗實 錄 五禮儀), Kim Changsaeng(金長生)’s book depicting utensils used in ancestral rites, articles excavated from graves in Ming Dynasty, which they were types suited to national guideline, converted tableware for table use and the tea ceremony to utensils used in ancestral rites, being committed to the earth, sets of Grave Goods including ceramics excavated in the boundaries of a communal grave within Hanyang City.

조선 전기(15~16세기) 완상(玩賞)의 분위기와 청자 화분의 재현

오영인(Oh Young in) 한국중세고고학회 2021 한국중세고고학 Vol.- No.10

본 연구는 조선시대 소비문화 연구의 일환으로써 조선 전기 완상의 분위기 속에서 고려청자의 수집과 애호가 이뤄졌고, 귀중품으로 인식되던 화분이 고려청자의 특징을 재현하여 제작되었음을 확인하였다. 화훼는 이른 시기부터 완상의 대상이 되었고, 선비의 도리와 군자의 덕성을 연마하는 수단이 수목과 화훼를 가까이 두는 것이라 여겨 수많은 정원이 조성되는 배경이 되었다. 화분은 화훼 재배와 관련한 기능적인 측면 외에도 식재된 수목 및 화훼와 함께 감상되었을 뿐만 아니라 자연을 그대로 축소한 정원 안에서 다른 지물과 대등한 감상의 대상이 되었다. 화훼를 감상하고 애호한 이들은 당시 오래된 명물 중 하나로 수집과 애호의 대상이 되어온 고려청자를 자신들의 정원 및 공간에 구현하고자 하였다. 1411년 제작된 화기는 이러한 요구에 부합하였기에 엄격한 화분 및 받침의 견양으로 유효할 수 있었고, 관요는 15세기 중후반부터 17세기 중반까지 기형, 문양의 종류 및 형태, 구성, 시문방식과 위치에 이르기까지 고려청자 원통형 화분을 재현한 청자화분의 제작을 지속하였다. 즉, 관요 청자에 보이는 고려청자의 전통성은 시대적 전개 추이에 따른 불가피한 사항이 아니라, 사용하는 이들의 요구사항이 투영된 산물이었다. This Study determined that the Flowerpot was reproduced Goryeo celadon to be in the liking and the collection of Goryeo celadon in the atmospherics of Appreciation玩賞 in the early Joseon dynasty, as a part of the study about Consumption Culture in Joseon dynasty. Early Flowering plant was appreciated, it was regarded to have Flowering plant at hand as to perfect the Duty of a Scholar and the Virtue of a Noble man. As well as having a purpose for Floriculture, the Flowerpot was appreciated with Flowering plant planted, and was treated in a class with unlike objects in garden to reduce nature intactly. The Upper Class to appreciate and to care for Flowering plant wanted to incarnate Goryeo celadon in their own space, garden. Flower Vessels花器 produced In 1411, it could valid as standard for the Flowerpot by meeting their needs. the Flowerpot had been produced in imitation of shape, pattern, decoration of Goryeo celadon in Royal Kilns between the late 15th century to the mid-17th century. In other words, it was not the Circumstance beyond control to occur from the passage of time but the Result reflected user requirement, tradition of Goryeo celadon found at Celadon produced in th Royal Kilns of the Joseon dynasty.

미국 문맹테스트 이민법을 통해서 본의회와 이민국의 관계

오영인 ( Young In Oh ) 한국서양사학회 2009 西洋史論 Vol.0 No.103

This study is to reveal why and how the Bureau of Immigration extended its discretionary power in relationship to Congress` attitude toward the law and its administration. It will also explain why the immigration service ended up being both inefficient and dehumanizing and how the conflict between Congress and the Bureau of Immigration, by extension, created an expanded illegal immigration problem. In many studies, scholars of immigration history have pointed out that the federal immigration agency functioned with considerable freedom compared to other government agencies. Since the very beginning of the twentieth century, indeed, the Bureau of Immigration and each immigration station acted largely unchecked in applying its discretion to immigration laws. This discretion led to abuses. Its scope of responsibilities and a heavy work prompted scholars to accuse the immigration agency of inefficient and dehumanizing administration. The history of self-governing immigration policy by the Bureau of Immigration was largely carried on in relation to Congressional attitudes toward immigration issues and immigration laws because Congress and the immigration administration or administrators shared responsibility for running immigration policy. In order to explore the relationship between Congress and the Bureau of Immigration, this study uses the Literacy Test Act of 1917 since it was the first congressional attempt to legislate a systematic restrictive immigration law. In addition, the Literacy Test Act of 1917 played the role of prototype for the relationship between Congress and the Bureau of Immigration. No other immigration laws took such a long time of debates in Congress than the Literacy Test Act. After 4 presidential vetoes, it took almost a quarter century to become the law since its first appearance in an 1893 bill. But after a long and exhausting debate to meet political pressures from various interest groups, Congress did not want to interfere with way to complex and difficult immigration issues, resulting in discretionary administrations. And this development became a standard practice. In the context of the Literacy Test Act and its administration, congressional pressure on the Bureau had mainly two facets: the unwillingness to interfere with immigration issues right after the enactment of legislation, and the matter of money. There was also an enormously wide diversity of individual cases and exceptions that immigration law had to cover. For these reasons, Congress, after passing legislation, tended to delegate further responsibility of preparing regulations to administrative officials. Given Congress` unwillingness to interfere with immigration issues, immigration officers gradually could and did operate with wide latitude, often reflecting the growing racist ideas of the period. However, Congress in the early 1920s was not willing to enlarge the station`s facilities or even repair the existing structures. Rather, by facing a difficult dilemma between the demand from growers for cheap labor and anti-immigrant nativism, Congress negotiated these concerns by focusing on “temporary solutions” such as exempting Mexicans from the literacy test. Congress in 1923 allowed the temporary admission of illiterate laborers on the pretext of relieving the administrative hardship caused by dealing with illiterates habitually crossing at the borders. Facing increasing illegal traffics on the border lines, the immigration service confronted even more complex pressures than just a matter of inadequate budget and lack of capacity. As the restrictive measures of the immigration law began to be felt, this large increase of illegal immigration were not surprising. And, by adding the provision allowing the temporary admission of illiterate laborers, Congress had constructed classifications of entry that supported local and regional labor markets. But this congressional “solution,” with its lack of capacity to provide a comprehensive answer to immigration policy, actually and eventually encouraged illegal immigration.

미국 1870년 민권법(Civil Rights Act of 1870)과 이민자들 - 19세기 중국인 쿨리(Coolie)를 중심으로 -

오영인(Oh, Young-In) 효원사학회 2019 역사와 세계 Vol.- No.56

본 논문은 미국의 1870년 민권법(Civil Rights Act of 1870)과 이민자들과의 관계를 통해 특히 중국인 쿨리들의 다층적이고 다양한 역사 경험을 재발굴 해보고자 한다. 19세기 중국인 쿨리에 대한 대부분의 기존 연구는 서부 백인노동자들이 경쟁적으로 여론화했던 소위 ‘황인종의 위협(Yellow Peril)’에서 미국적 가치를 지키기 위해 중국인 쿨리들을 일상 생활에서뿐 아니라 법과 제도적으로도 격리하고 차별한 인종적 타자로서의 쿨리 연구가 압도적이다. 물론 쿨리 노동력의 노동효율성으로 인해 경제적인 관점에서 미국의 영토 확장에 필요했던 값싼 노동력으로서의 쿨리노동 혹은 자본의 폭력성과 연계되어 작업장에서 착취당하는 이민노동자로서의 쿨리에 대한 연구들도 다수 발표되었다. 그렇다면 쿨리들은 미국 사회에서 자본의 논리로 착취당하고 인종적 타자로 차별 당했던 희생자이기만 한 것일까? 1870년 민권법의 재해석을 통해 이 질문에 답하는 것이 본고의 목적이다. 강제법 혹은 KKK법으로도 익히 알려져 있는 1870년 민권법은 남북전쟁 이후 해방된 흑인의 인권보장이라는 너무도 명백한 목적으로 제정되었다. 그런데 이런 대의에 묻혀 그동안 우리가 간과하거나 무관심했던 것은 1870년 민권법 제16조와 17조항(Sect. 16, 17)이다. 이것은 미국 법제사 중 최초로 미국 시민이 아닌 외국인(alienage)의 인권을 언급한 법 조항으로써 유일하게 인종뿐만 아니라 국적에 있어서도 중립적인 법적 보호망이었다. 이에 1870년 민권법은 연방외국인보호법(The Federal Alienage Protection Act of 1870)으로 불리기도 한다. 더욱 중요한 사실은 이 두 조항들이 민권법에 포함되는 데 결정적 역할을 한 주체가 바로 중국인 이민노동자들이었다는 사실이다. 노예해방 이후 재건기라는 시대 상황 속에서 평등의 개념을 (재)정의하고 인권보호의 정당성을 시민에 한정시켰던 것을 비시민의 법적·제도적 인권보장으로 확대하는 데 있어 이민노동자 쿨리들은 결코 수동적인 희생자가 아니었던 것이다. 오히려 그들은 미국 사회의 한 구성원으로서 법과 제도의 발전적 변화를 이끄는 능동적이고 주체적인 자극제였다. 이에 본고는 미국에 유입된 쿨리는 누구였는가라는 근본적인 질문에서 시작하여 미국 사회에서 이들의 실질적인 삶과 저항들이 미국의 법체계와 법의식의 발전에 어떤 역할을 했는지를 1870년 민권법을 통해 보여줄 것이다. 더불어 중국 이민자들이 1870년 민권법 중 외국인 인권조항을 실제로 어떻게 활용하고 어떤 성공적인 결과를 도출했는 지를 익 우(Yick Wo) 대법원 판례를 통해 증명해보고자 한다. This study tries to re-discover various and multilayered historical experiences of chinese coolies by examining the relations between Civil Rights Act of 1870 and Chinese labor immigrants in the 19th century. Previous studies on chinese coolies in the 19th century, overwhelmingly, focused on the discourse of racial discrimination because of the fact that white laborers in California, in the milieu of so called “yellow peril,” regarded chinese as a serious social threat. Therefore coolies were segregated in the social systems and discriminated in everyday life. With a different perspective, there are many studies on chinese coolies who were exploited in the workshop as immigrant workers. Then, were chinese coolies no more than victims who experienced unfair exploitation and discrimination? The purpose of this study is to answer this question by reconsidering the Civil Rights Act of 1870 in relationship with Chinese coolie immigrants. Known as the Enforcement Act or the First Ku Klux Klan Act, Congress enacted the Civil Rights Act of 1870 in order to enforce the terms of the Fifteenth Amendment, which prohibited the states from denying anyone the right to vote based on race. In the Act, however, section 16 and 17 of the Act were forgotten or largely overlooked because of the obvious purpose of the act for freedmen. However this section 16 and 17 of the 1870 Act for the first time prohibits discrimination on the basis of alienage including American citizens. Therefore the 1870 act was known as the Federal Alienage Protection Act of 1870, too. Chinese coolie immigrant workers played an pivotal role who eventually led Congress to enact section 16 and 17 of the 1870 Act. By expanding and redefining a fundamental notion of equality, chinese coolies made very important contributions to American political and legal history which have been ignored. This study answers the following questions: who were chinese coolies; how did chinese coolies resist the unreasonable and unfair American legal system; what kind of roles did chinese coolies do for the development of American legal system. In addition, through the case of Yick Wo in 1886, it tries to prove how chinese immigrants successfully use the legal system in order to survive by appealing to the Supreme court rather than to California state court.

고려 초 순화(淳化)명 청자에 대한 재조명 ―제작과 전개를 중심으로―

오영인 ( Oh Young-in ) 고려대학교 민족문화연구원 2021 民族文化硏究 Vol.93 No.-

본 연구는 순화명 청자의 성격, 제작배경과 의미, 위계를 살피고, 제작이 중단된 이후 태묘 의례용 제기의 추이를 제작 및 수급방식의 변화에 주목하여 논하였다. 중국예서와 제기도는 고려의 제사 공간을 만드는데 일조하였고, 988년 성종은 태묘를 5묘체제로 삼아 992년 11월에 건립을 마무리하였다. 성종에게 태묘는 국가근본인 효가 구현되는 공간이었고, 태묘의 건립과 제사를 통해 왕위의 정통성을 공표하고자 하였다. 순화명 청자는 이러한 성종의 의지를 담아 992-993년 태묘 의례를 위해 배천 원산리 가마에서 우수한 제작공력으로 제작된 결과물이자, 『삼례도』를 견본으로 제작되고 명문을 개체별로 표기할 만큼 규격화된 공정과 체계적인 제작방식이 적용된 대상이었다. 960년 물장성에서 개칭된 보천은 장인과 진귀품의 보관을 담당하였고, 배천원산리 가마를 산하에 두어 필요시 장인을 차출하여 순화명 청자를 제작하였다. 993년 이후 순화명 청자의 제작을 비롯해 배천 원산리 가마 역시 운영이 중단되었다. 해당 가마의 운영 중단은 요업상 비효율과 유지의 어려움에 기인하였고, 운영을 중단한 이후 1010년 재차 발발한 거란의 침입에 따른 피해로 왕실의 지원을 받거나 인력의 확보 및 가마 구조의 전환을 통한 재건도 불가능하였다. 1011년 소실된 태묘는 1027년 수리가 마무리되어 의례가 진행되었다. 1029년 태묘 의례용 제기의 확보가 원활히 이행된 배경에는 제기도감의 관할 하에 공물의 형태로 자기제기가 수급되었기에 가능하였다. 992-993년 배천 원산리 가마에서 제작된 순화명 청자는 11세기 이후 용인서리 및 여주 중암리 일대에서 제작된 백자제기에 태묘 의례용 제기의 역할을 위임하였고, 왕실직속 제작체제의 조달에서 공물 납부방식으로 태묘 의례용 자기제기의 제작과 수급방식에 큰 변화를 가져왔다. This study sets out to investigate the formative Origin, Production Background, Characteristics, Hierarchy of the Celadon with the Inscription of 'Soonhwa(淳化)' excavated in Hwanghae-do (黃海道) Baechun (白川) Wonsan-ri (圓山里) kiln, to estimate Production and Supply of Imperial Ancestral Temple (太廟) ceremonial earthenware in the 11th century. The ritual space of the Goryeo Dynasty was built on the basis of Yeseo (禮書) and Jaegido (祭器圖) imported from Song dynasty. Sungjong(成宗) set Imperial Ancestral Temple (太廟) as Five Ancestral Temple in 988, started building Imperial Ancestral Temple (太廟) in 989, completed construction in 992. Sungjong (成宗) took Imperial Ancestral Temple (太廟) as space to include filial piety, the prop of the country, and intended to reveal Royal authority and authenticity through Ritual in Imperial Ancestral Temple (太廟). With intention of Sungjong(成宗), the Celadon with the Inscription of 'Soonhwa (淳化)' was produced using Taejoon (太尊) and Doo (豆) of the northern Song dynasty's Samryedo (三禮圖) as a sample for Ritual in Imperial Ancestral Temple (太廟) in 992-993, produced systematically to put together the fabricated parts and to write the inscription 'time-place-use-manufacturer'. Bochun (寶泉) managed master craftsmans and treasure warehouse, the Celadon with the Inscription of 'Soonhwa (淳化)' made in Baechun (白川) Wonsan-ri (圓山里) kiln until 993. Out of operation in Baechun (白川) Wonsan-ri (圓山里) kiln, it was rooted in problem maintaining kiln. In the end, it stopped altogether ending up with less Royal Family's support and the insurance of manpower for regeneration by Kitan's invasion since 1010. Imperial Ancestral Temple (太廟) had been burnt down in 1011, was fixed and opened up Ritual in 1027. According to plan, Jaegidogam (儀禮都監) might procure by tribute Ancestral utensil (儀禮器) of pottery for Ritual in Imperial Ancestral Temple (太廟) in 1029. After the 11th century, the Celadon with the Inscription of 'Soonhwa (淳化)' delegated a role of Ancestral utensil (儀禮器) for Ritual in Imperial Ancestral Temple (太廟) to white porcelain produced in Yongin (龍仁) Seo-ri (西里) and Yeoju (驪州) Joongam-ri (中巖里) kilns.

21세기 전환기 미국 여성사와 뉴페미니즘(New Feminism)

오영인 ( Young In Oh ) 역사교육학회 2014 역사교육논집 Vol.52 No.-

This study is for introducing and understanding American Women`s history, particularly new feminism which has been emerging since the mid-1980s. Affected by Civil Rights movement in the 1960s, the New Left criticized the liberal consensus view of American history. Within the historical discipline, in addition, a social and cultural history revolution took place in the 1970s that pushed scholars to emphasize the history from the bottom up such as class formation, regional history, race relations, religions, and gender relations. Emerging from women`s inquiries in the 1960s and the 1970s, women`s history has become one of the most prolific and creative fields in American history. Even so, however, before the mid-1980s, women`s history scholars treated it as a branch of social history which normally emphasized the experiences of ordinary women as a passive agent and the sources of their oppression as women. Women`s history still could not overcome the limits that focused on the rise and fall of Victorian domesticity, with its attention to women`s "separate sphere." By looking at the world as dichotomy between man/woman or public/private sphere, therefore, women`s history before the mid-1980s was criticized as biased analyses. However, since the path-breaking article by Joan Scott in 1986 who introduced the socially and culturally constructed concept of "gender" instead of biological unchangeable concept of sex. Now, the separate public and private spheres became not fixed but socially constructed and possible to change. American women`s history is entering the era of "new feminism" which request historians to change their historical recognition paying more attention to the multiplicity of women`s historical experiences. Both the rise of gender history and the new emphasis on differences among women have reshaped historian`s understanding of women as historical subject. Women`s history is no longer a branch of social history. Historians of law, labor, politics, public policy, race, etc are now recognizing gender as a important category of analysis. This study, in particular, explore three areas that new feminism have reshaped the women`s history at the turn of the 21st century: gender and race; gender and culture(including consumer culture); gender and public policies especially social welfare policies and the policy of citizenship. By doing so, this study provides one possible way in what American women`s history should go.

중국 보건의료정책의 변동과 효과가 우리나라에 주는 시사점 - 일차의료 강화 및 의료산업화 과정을 중심으로 -

오영인 ( Oh Young In ),신선미 ( Shin Sun Mi ),김석영 ( Kim Seok Yeong ),이얼 ( Lee Eol ) 경희대학교 경영연구원 2016 의료경영학연구 Vol.10 No.4

The demand of medical services has been consistently increasing in China with economic growth and population aging. They have acknowledged the needs of improvement on primary care system to solve the problems such as "Kan bing nan, Kan bing gui"(getting medical care is difficult and expensive) and have been supporting it for decades. The purpose of the study is to overview the Chinese Health Care System, examine change in policy and its effect and draw implication from it. Promoting community health service (CHS) has become a prioritized policy agenda, in line with the Chinese government``s overall goal of re-strengthening primary care networks based on community health centers (CHCs) since early 1997. Resultingly, compared with a 1.45-fold increase in hospital constructions between 2002 and 2014, there was a dramatic increase by 3.30-fold in the number of CHCs from 2002 to 2007 (8,211 versus 27,069), followed by a mild increase from 2010 to 2014 by which the number of CHCs exceeded that of hospitals (34,238 versus 25,860). The enhanced service provision also resulted from the rising number of medical practitioners working at CHCs (173,838 in 2013 versus 19,451 in 2002). Since 2002, the number of daily clinical consultations per doctor at CHCs has increased by 25.6%(15.7 versus 12.5 in 2013). Korea needs the continuous national supports of primary medical care in a long-term perspective and institutional supports to enable the health delivery system between doctors and hospitals.

미국 정치사(Political History)의 성장과 의회사(Congressional History)

오영인 ( Young In Oh ) 고려대학교 역사연구소 2014 사총 Vol.81 No.-

This study is for understanding and introducing congressional history in the development of American political history since the 1980s. Under the milieu of Civil Rights movement in the 1960s, the New Left criticized the liberal consensus view of American history. Within the historical discipline, in addition, a social and cultural history revolution took place that pushed scholars to emphasize the history from the bottom up such as class formation, gender relations, and cultural consciousness. Therefore. political history, which focused on not ordinary people but political elites who represented peoples, was loosing it`s place in the realm of American history. However, during the 1980s, a group of political scientists, sociologists and historians brought historical institutionalism back into the study of politics since they shared the fact that politics was profoundly historical. Bringing together the new institutionalism and sociocultural history, since the 1980s, political history has been reemerging as sociocultural political history for revisiting the study of politics. And it was the time when congressional history emerged in American political history. When most social and cultural historians minimized the study of government institutions, policymakers, and policies, Congress was characterized an insulated haven for white male elites who subverted the democratic process in favor of vested interest groups or as an archaic institution that functioned as a roadblock from mass social movements. However, recently, historians and historical social scientists are interested in learning more about this important branch of government. A renewed interest among historians in the modern Congress has emerged form two ways. The first approach is the new historical institutional analysis emphasizing how and in what relations Congress itself had been reformed. The second approach which congressional history has emerged is the debate over how gender and race influenced policy development particularly the Social Security Policy. Unlike social scientists or political scientists, historians provide a more dynamic history of Congress by integrating a history of social conflict and nonelite groups into the analysis of politics and considering categories such as gender and race as well as factors such as symbols, ideology and rhetoric. Given the distrust of Congress in history, a stronger understanding of how the institution related to the people and its condition seems more important ever.

비평논문 : 미국 이민연구와 적극적 사회주체로서의 이주자들

오영인 ( Young In Oh ) 수선사학회 2010 史林 Vol.0 No.36

As well known, America is `a nation of immigration.` America, indeed, has had a long history of different mass migrations and has struggled to develop a flexible social framework and policy to accommodate diverse immigrants. Since America has accepted new immigrants from not only European countries that already dominate population came from but also the underdeveloped countries, particularly Asia, Latin America after the liberalization of Immigration in 1965, the study of immigration has provided alternative theories to explain a new tale of immigrant history. Moving beyond the traditional debates on restrictions toward immigrants based on nativism, recent studies have clearly paid more attention to the process of immigrant adaptation to a new society. And contemporary researches on immigrants` incorporation to life in America have emphasized the role of ethnic communities to support a collective strategy of self-defense rather than relied on individual assimilation. Ethnic communities does not mean ethnic enclave only, which is generally an economic concept, but also co-ethnic networks, in which each ethnicity could coexist in the socio-cultural and political arena as well. Immigrants, however, have been regarded as just recipients of government policies and economic needs, and the people who have little done to change American social control. Attaching a “minority” label to immigrants, previous studies of immigration have mainly revealed immigrants` discriminatory situations in the host society. Yet, historically immigrants never simply been a passive agent in American society since the beginning of the nation. In order to minimize the prejudice towards immigrants, which has been a critical barrier on their incorporations into a new society, immigration studies should try to discover immigrants as active participants in the host society. Therefore, this study focuses on analysing active roles of ethnic communities to the American society. By doing so, it will show how American society have affected immigrants themselves and how immigrants have responded actively.

백인 지배담론 가로지르기: 미 식민지 시기 기간계약노역제도(Indentured Servitude System)에 대한 소고

오영인 ( Oh Young In ) 한국미국사학회 2019 미국사연구 Vol.49 No.-

식민지 시기 적어도 노예제도가 정착하기 이전 신대륙 경제의 핵심적인 노동력은 백인 노동력이었던 기간계약노역자들이었다. 그런데 일반적으로, 흑인노예제가 정착되면서 소멸되었다고 간주된 백인 기간계약노역자들은 연구대상에서 부차적인 것으로 주변화 되었고 대부분의 연구는 흑인노예 노동연구에 집중해왔다. 물론 흑인노예 노동연구의 중요성은 아무리 강조해도 지나침이 없다. 그렇다고 백인 기간계약노역에 대한 연구의 중요성이 축소되어서도 안된다. 기간계약노역자들은 그 이주 구성원과 노동의 성격이 변화되었을 뿐 노예제도 정착 이후에도 노예제와 공존하면서 식민지와 초기 미국 사회의 수천수만의 노동주체의 삶을 구성하고 대변했다. 더욱이 식민지시기 백인 기간계약노역자들 또한 부자유 강제노동을 경험하며 유사노예상태에서 부당한 노동현실에 끊임없이 저항했다. 본고는 기간계약노역자들의 실제 구체적인 식민지 경험을 들여다봄으로써, 비(非)자유 노동이었던 기간계약노역제도 또한 정도의 차이가 존재했을 뿐 노예노동의 안과 밖에 공존했음을 재확인한다. 이것은 가해자 백인과 희생자 흑인노예라는 극단적 이분법을 넘어 식민지시기 노동연구를 전체 비(非)자유 강제노동이라는 큰 틀에서 조망하는 하나의 기회가 될 것이다. White indentured servants were a pivotal labor force before the slave system in colonial America. Recognizing that the increasing reliance on racial slavery in the late 17th century led to a reduction of indentured servants, however, historians have emphasized the declining significance of servants in colonial society. Scholars have overlooked, noting both the continued-importance of servants and the likelihood as unfree forced labors. They also suggests that by the end of the 18th century, servitude was virtually nonexistent, having been replaced by racial slavery. But this position have marginalized real historical experiences of thousands of indentured servants in Colonial America. I insist a fact that the indentured servitude system and slave system had co-existed with similar historical experiences and indenture servants as a historical subject never diminished in historical value. Looking closely to the realities of indentured servants, I also explain how indentured servant system as the term-bound chattel property made a legal foundation for the laws of slavery system. Instead of setting indentured servant system and slavery system in opposition to one another, it is important to consider how these two systems had affected each other. This is the better way to enrich studies of unfree forced labors in colonial America.