‘히로시마현 조선인 피폭자 협의회’의 결성과 원수폭 금지운동

양동숙 민주화운동기념사업회 2018 기억과 전망 Vol.0 No.38

The purpose of this study is to examine the formation and activities of the ‘Hiroshima prefecture Korean Victims of an Atomic Air Raid Council’ in relation to the nuclear bomb ban campaign, and through this, to identify the context in which Japanese Korean A-bomb Victims were able to carry out the activities of the A-bomb survivors relief and disposal of nuclear weapons after post war. The background of formation of the ‘Hiroshima prefecture Korean Victims of an Atomic Air Raid Council’, which was formed by Japanese Korean A-bomb as the first organization, was based on the changes of the lives of Japanese Korean who became poorer during the 1950s and 1970s, and the strong externalism in Japanese society. It heightened the nuclear bomb ban campaign in Hiroshima after 1955, and the awareness of the responsibility in Japanese civil society for the colonialism that was awakened from the hibakusha techo trial in case of Sohn-Jindu accident in 1960s and 1970s. After formation of ‘Hiroshima prefecture Korean Victims of an Atomic Air Raid Council’, they shared the goal of the nuclear bomb ban campaign. They identified the real condition of the Japanese Korean A-bomb Victims and located them in the anti-nuclear disarmament peace movement for the first time in the world. It also covered the issue of the North Korean A-bomb Victims who are not receiving any support from Japan in terms of diplomatic relations between Japan and North Korea. The activities of the ‘Hiroshima prefecture Korean Victims of an Atomic Air Raid Council’ were the exposure to the difficult issues under the democratic system. It was also the activity that strictly adhered to the principle of the the nuclear bomb ban campaign, which rejected the nuclear weapons of any country.

해방 후 공창제 폐지과정 연구

양동숙 역사학연구소 2001 역사 연구 Vol.- No.9

The purpose of this study is to examine in a concrete way the abolition process of licensed prostitution in Korea forced by the enactment and enforcement of the abolition law and the role of the law for the prostitutes. After liberation, prostitutes were economically confined by the debts outstanding to the owner and were treated as tainted group based on socially pervading purism. In order to improve the state of the depersonalization, groups for women's rights took a movement for abolition of licensed prostitution, which had existed from Japanese colonial period. Finally in 1946 U.S. military government enacted and proclaimed Rule 70 (rule prohibiting trade of women) which enforces the abolition of human trade and outstanding debts. But while Rule 70 was perceived by women's rights group as a mean to abrogate the licensed prostitution, U.S. military government under the good name of voluntary prostitution, induced secret prostitution and came to allow racketeers to do prostitution business. As matter of Fact, Rule 70 was not intended to help prostitutes find jobs and become independent free of debts. Therefore, all social standings came to demand immediate abrogation of prostitution both licensed and private, and the economic and social measures for prostitutes. They also formed Alliance for Saving Prostitutes. U.S. military government established the department for women's rights within the central governmental organization. The department, however, had its limit from the beginning because it had been organized excluding female leftist groups and it limited its activity to demanding the enactment of abolition law of licensed prostitution. Suth Choseon interim congress enacted the law abrogating the licensed prostitution, in which buying and selling prostitution are prohibited. As a result, the prostitution saw its end even if it was perfunctorily. In the process of enactment, the realistic meaning that was derived through the argument concerning the penalty terms and effective date, was not for abolition of prostitution and prostitutes' independence. Administration under the law with these problems couldn't provide the solution that helps prostitutes get away from red-light district and live independently. U.S. military government evicted prostitutes from the quarters enforcing the abolition law of licensed prostitution. Though significant number of former prostitutes were demanding measures for financial assistance and social protection, measures taken by government authority for venereal disease, employment and enlightenment was not effective at all. Due to lack of employment solution, measures for venereal diseases was not operated as a substantial medical service foe getting prostitutes out of red-light district. In the meantime, by issuing business license to the person who already doing prostitution business based on result of medical checkup for venereal disease, it resulted in providing legal means that guarantees the secret prostitution after abolition of licensed prostitution. With regards to employment, the licensed prostitutes were introduced to the entertainment spots defined illegal by the rule prohibiting entertainment business at the time. Therefore, the policies made by authorities were nothing but permitting secret prostitution and prostitutes merely changed their names from licensed to secret. In conclusion, the abolition process of licensed prostitution in Korea after liberation started as means to protect human rights by abrogating prostitution allowed in Japanese colonial period and helping prostitutes escape and live independently, but realistically it was not effective. Also government authorities including the department for women's rights failed to establish and enforce the socio-economic measures and protection plan for prostitutes and further forced them to become criminals by making ill-fated policies. The abolition process after 1945 liberation indeed caused new phenomenon of surg of secret prostitution and number of prostitutes.

갑골문에 나타난 질병의 중요 복사 고석

양동숙 한국중어중문학회 1996 中語中文學 Vol.19 No.-

논문(論文) : 은상대(殷商代)의 질병(疾病)과 치료(治療)

양동숙 대한한의학원전학회 ( 구 대한원전의사학회 ) 2006 대한한의학원전학회지 Vol.19 No.4

갑골문에 나타난 상대의 건축

양동숙 한국중어중문학회 1998 中語中文學 Vol.22 No.-

갑골문에 나타난 상대의 천문학

양동숙 한국중문학회 2001 中國文學硏究 Vol.22 No.1

서주갑골문의 고찰

양동숙 영남중국어문학회 1990 중국어문학 Vol.17 No.1

自殷노甲骨文之發見至今已九十餘年·在此間裏不斷地發掘·搜集·考釋·硏究已獲得數十萬片的甲骨資料, 已誠字也將二千餘字, 甲骨學的硏究達驚人的地步. 如此之成果不但在中國文字學上啓示莫大, 旦在中國語言, 歷史·考古·科學技術等, 各方面提供最新鮮, 甲骨學在中國學術界墟固了地位此故, 一提甲骨們都認爲是段商時代之文字. 西周之甲骨文自 1950年代起, 次陜西省爲中心逐漸發見, 而數量不多無法得到學術界的關心·到了 1975年北京昌平, 1977年陜西岐山, 1979年扶風, 齊家村裏一連串地出土大量的甲骨片, 有字的甲骨片地不少. 證明周代也用過甲骨文, 從此將眠界放寬到殷墟甲骨文以外的甲骨文, 擴大了甲骨學的硏究範圍. 西周時代的甲骨文, 以同一個甲骨文的立場而言, 與殷墟甲骨文一脈相承, 而時代不同畢意有各有各的特點, 本稿將西周建立甲骨文整理出其特色. 1. 西周甲骨文之使用時代. 由西周建立前文王時期, 到昭, 穆王時期. 2. 西周甲骨文之內容, 與殷墟甲骨文一稱, 祭祀, 報告, 出入, 田猶, 征伐, 政治, 經濟, 軍事等, 占問各方面之事. 3. 西周甲骨文大部字出於宮殿宗廟其址, 一萬七千片中只三千片爲牛骨, 此外皆龍腹甲. 4. 其整理方法一般都是方整, 鑽, 排列整齊, 密集·約, 兆有一定的相關關係, 左右的卜兆向於龍板中心. 5. 西周甲骨文之最大特色爲字體之細小·大者的五毫米, 小者一毫米, 一般而言小者爲점多. 6. 日期的記錄殷代以日月年爲順, 西周別與其相反以年月日爲順.

해방 후 여자경찰제 형성과 활동 연구(1945~1950)

양동숙 한국민족운동사학회 2009 한국민족운동사연구 Vol.0 No.59

After the liberation, the U.S. military government established the policewomen and the women’s police stations in South Korea. The reasons of forming the policewomen were as follows. First, the sexual violence by American soldiers and policemen was increased. Secondly, urban women frequently raised disturbances demanding the settlement of social problems associated with women. The U.S. military government and the police authorities took notice of these, spreading debates on the public security. The policewomen and the women’s police stations were established in May, 1946 through selecting policewomen officer candidates and the first-term policewomen. In May of 1947 the women’s police stations were established in Seoul, Pusan, Taegu, and Inchon, but they were disbanded in July,1957. The executive policewomen were specially appointed by the U.S. military government where as the first-term police women were selected through open employment test. There existed a conflict between them. The executive policewomen treated female offenders against human right and were implicated in corruption. The policewomen strengthened the means of the police’s duties. They organized ‘The Society of the Support for the Policewomen’ and cooperated with the Bureau of the Women. The three organization maintained close relationship and supported one another. The policewomen’s administrative measures appeared to make progress, but in practice they didn’t meet the need of women. First, their activities intended to expand watch and control. Important was the policewomen’s activities to collect information and to investigate the movements of political groups such as leftists etc. Secondly, although the policewomen promoted many works for enlightenment, sanitation and relief, their activities resulted in the social isolation and exclusion of the poor in cities. Thirdly, the most crucial activity of the policewomen was to regulate and supervise the secret prostitutes. Especially, regulating the secret prostitution revealed the effect and mechanism of ‘the art of rule through fear’ and ‘the politics of exclusion’ such as incriminating female offenders or branding. The policewomen regarded the prostitutes as a main hotbed of crime to the public insecurity. In the end, they brought about making internal enemies without caring about the practical public security. Such politics of oppression and punishment concealed the ultimate social problems only to increase the corresponding violence. Again, the increase of violence and crimes contributed to justifying the transition to the state model oriented for keeping public peace by oppression and penalties using the logic of public security. Further, ultimately it resulted in reinforcing the political power of the U.S.militarygovernmentandRheeSeung-maangovernment. 해방 후 남한 여자경찰과 여자경찰서는 일제시기에 존재하지 않았던 조직으로 미군정이 새롭게 신설한 조직이다. 여자경찰 형성 배경은 첫째 여자경찰의 형성 즈음하여 미군과 남자경찰관의 여성에 대한 성폭력 사건이 증가한 점, 둘째 여성과 관련한 여러 사회문제들이 대두하면서 해결책을 요구하는 여성들의 도시 소요사건이 빈번히 발생한 점이다. 미군정과 경찰 당국은 치안 논의를 확산시키며 이에 주목하였다. 여자경찰과 여자경찰서의 창설은 1946년 5월 여자경찰관 간부급 특기생과 여경 1기생이 모집, 선발되면서 이루어졌다. 이어서 경무부 공안국에 여자경찰과가 신설되고 마침내 1947년 5월 서울, 부산, 대구, 인천 등지에 여자경찰서가 창설되었다. 한편 1950년 한국전쟁 후 여자경찰서 폐지 논의가 대두되다가 1957년 7월 4개 여자경찰서는 폐지된다. 여경 성원 중 간부급 인사는 해방 후 미군정의 관료 충원 원칙에 벗어나지 않았다. 경력 상 미군정이 선호할 만한 조건을 갖춘 인물이었다. 여경1기생은 공개 채용 시험으로 선발되었다. 그런데 여자경찰 간부급 지도부와 일반 여자경찰 구성원들의 조직운영과 활동방식에서 갈등이 존재하였다. 간부급 여경들은 여성들의 인권과 인격을 존중하기 보다는 위법 여성들을 일반 여성들로부터 소외시키고 사회적으로 낙인을 찍어 배제시키는 반인권적 방식이었다. 간부급 여경 관료들은 부정부패 사건과 연루되기도 하였다. 여경은 경찰 임무의 수단들을 강화하였다. 좌익세력의 색출 및 제거를 위하여 지속적으로 여경 정원을 늘렸고 ‘여자경찰후원회’라는 새로운 기구도 창설하였다. 다른 공공부서인 부녀국과의 협조체제도 이루어졌다. 경무부 공안국 소속 여자경찰과는 업무 기능을 확대하고 국으로 승격하였다. 억압적 국가기구인 여자경찰, 부녀 행정기구 부녀국, 민간 우익여성운동 단체들은 서로를 지원하며 긴밀한 관계를 맺고 활동하였다. 여경의 구체적인 경찰 행정 수단은 표면상 상당히 진전된 여성 개혁적 내용처럼 보이지만 실제 활동은 아래로부터의 여성들 요구에 부응한 것은 아니었다. 여경 활동은 첫째, 감시와 통제의 확대를 꾀하였다. 남한의 정치적 상황이 민중과 미군정 및 경찰 당국과의 대립 고조로 이어질 때 여경의 정보수집과 좌익 정치세력 등 도시 소요나 저항세력의 동향 내사 등의 사찰활동은 중요하였다. 둘째, 여경이 여러 계몽사업과 위생사업 그리고 구호사업 등을 추진하지만 그 실제는 도시 빈민들의 사회적 격리와 배제 그리고 통제 차원의 구호활동이었다. 셋째, 여경에게 가장 중요한 활동은 밀매춘 여성의 단속 및 조사 관리 업무였다. 특히 밀매춘 여성의 단속 관리 활동에서는 치안 논리 강화의 수단들, 곧 여성 범죄(자) 만들기, 낙인찍기라는 ‘공포를 통한 통치기술’ 그리고 ‘배제의 정치’의 효과와 메커니즘이 잘 드러났다. 여경이 치안불안의 원인인 주된 위험의 표상으로 자주 지목한 자들 중 하나는 매춘여성들이었다. 여경과 언론을 통해 호명된 그녀들에 대한 ‘두려움’과 그것을 둘러싼 치안 논의는 사회불안이 고조될 때마다 나타났다. 치안이 불안정하고 치안 논의는 무성하지만 내부의 적 만들기만 골몰한 여경은 실제적인 치안 문제에는 신경 쓰지 않았다. 이러한 억압과 처벌의 정치는 근원적인 사회 문제를 은폐하며 그에 대응하는 폭력의 증가를 가져왔다. 폭력과 범죄의 증가 ...

해방 후 독립촉성애국부인회의 조직과 활동 연구

양동숙 한국민족운동사학회 2010 한국민족운동사연구 Vol.0 No.62

This study aims to analyze how the Dokchokbuinhwe that supported the US military government in Korea and power of Syngman Lee after Korea’s independence in 1945 emerged and changed and how their political and social activities were. This thesis, first, reconstructed concrete aspect of the Dokchokbuinhwe through the development process of organizational change of the rightist women’s organizations at this period. Second, it analyzed the activity of Dokchokbuinhwe with the focus on considering at the political level which is a conflict of left and right-wing political power and the relationship between the rightist women’s organizations and state power structure. The outcome of above could be summarized as follows. Based on the analysis of organizations and activities of the post-liberation the Dokchokbuinhwe, its main characteristics are as the following. First, the Dokchokbuinhwe that performed important roles in the processes to establish the government by the Syngman Lee political section and the formation processes to found the state were gradually unified. Moreover, there was a continuing pattern of the pro-Japanese women’s organizations to Dokchokbuinhwe under the US military government. Especially, most of the leaders were those leading nationalist women’s movements based on Christian women. Second, the rightist women’s organizations tried to consolidate their influence by working with various administrative and semi-state organizations such as Bunyogook and police women. Also, they tried to enter political sphere representated as the national assembly based on such. Third, the rightist women’s organizations performed the central role in creating and maintaining the Syngman Lee regime and excluding the leftist women’s organizations that opposed the Syngman Lee section through political activities. 해방 직후 건준 결성을 배경으로 여성운동가들은 건국부녀동맹을 결성하였다. 건국부녀동맹에는 좌우익 여성운동가들이 대부분 참여하였다. 하지만 건준의 인민공화국으로의 전환, 미군의 진주와 미군정의 실시 등으로 정국에 변화가 오자, 여성운동도 그 영향을 받게 되었다. 건국부녀동맹에 참여하였던 우익 여성운동가들은 동 단체에서 탈퇴하였고, 결국 좌우익 연합의 여성운동 조직은 깨어졌다. 우익 여성운동 세력은 미군정의 지원을 받으면서 한국애국부인회와 여자국민당을 결성하였다. 이에 대응하여 좌익 여성운동 세력도 전국 조직으로서 조선부녀총동맹을 결성하였다. 초기 우익 여성단체들은 반탁의 기치 하에 이승만을 지지하는 우익 정치세력과 공동 활동을 전개하였다. 1945년 말 모스크바삼상회의 결정 이후 남한의 우익 정치세력들은 반탁이라는 기치 아래 모두 집결하였다. 이러한 반탁운동의 산물로 독촉중앙부인단이 결성되기도 하였다. 하지만 초기 우익 여성단체들은 좌익 여성운동 세력에 맞서기에는 조직이나 활동 면에서 열세의 위치에 있었다. 제1차 미소공위 개최 기간 중 우익 정치세력은 조직을 개편하고, 지방 세력의 조직화에 나섰다. 남한의 우익 세력들을 통일하려는 시도였다. 이 과정에서 한국애국부인회와 독촉중앙부인단도 독촉부인회로 통합되었다. 독촉부인회는 1946년 5월, 제1차 미소공위 결렬 후 전개된 미군정의 좌익 세력 탄압과 1946년 9월 총파업, 10월 인민항쟁으로 부총이 와해되자, 이를 계기로 조직 확대를 가속화하였다. 독촉부인회 지도부들은 여자국민당 등 그 외 우익 여성단체 간부를 겸한 경우가 많았다. 독촉부인회 결성으로 우익 여성단체는 초기 여성단체들에 비해 보다 정비된 조직을 갖추어 나갈 수 있었다. 그리고 독촉부인회는 좌익 여성단체에 대한 대항 단체로서의 성격을 보다 분명히 하였다. 미군정은 과도입법의원을 설립하여, 독촉부인회 성원 및 우익 여성운동가들을 참여시켰다. 하지만 초기 민주의원과 과도입법의원은 미군정의 자문기구에 불과하였기 때문에, 대의기구로서의 성격에 한계가 있었다. 또 민주의원과 과도입법의원에 참여한 여성의원은 여성계를 대표하는 인물들이라고 보기 어려웠다. 게다가 과도입법의원의 여성의원 경우, 민선이 아닌 관선의원으로만 4명이 임명되었을 뿐이었다. 과도입법의원에 참여한 여성 대의원은 보통선거법 제정과정에 참여하여, 여성할당제인 여성‘편법(便法)’이라는 특별취급안 실시를 제안하였다. 하지만 그러한 할당제 주장은 입법의원 내에서 수용되지 못하였다. 결과는 제헌의원 선거에서 여성의원이 단 한 명도 당선되지 않는 것으로 나타났다. 미소공위를 통한 한국문제 해결의 마지막 가능성이었던 제2차 미소공위 개최가 다시 교착상태로 가자, 우익 정치세력은 좌익에 대한 공세를 강화하였다. 한국문제는 이제 미국에 의해 유엔으로 이관되었다. 이에 따라 이승만 세력은 단독정부 수립을 실현하기 위하여, 독촉국민회와 독촉부인회를 총선거 체제로 전환시켰다. 여총은 여성중앙선거대책위원회를 조직해 단선단정 수립을 위한 여성동원에 힘썼다. 1948년 5.10총선거에는 독촉부인회 간부 9명을 포함하여 총 19명의 여성의원이 출마하였다. 하지만 여성참정권을 주장하던 우익 여성 지도자들은 한 명도 당선되지 못하였다. 임영신은 그 후 보궐선거를 통해 당선되었다. 5.10총선 ...

甲骨文으로 본 商代 武丁妃 婦好

양동숙 淑明女子大學校 亞細亞女性問題硏究所 1992 아시아여성연구 Vol.31 No.-

Fu-Hao is the first prominent lady recorded on Chinese history. She is known to have lived during Shang's era from the late 13rd until early 12nd century B.C., as the wife of the King Wu-Ding. Finally her life as a real person(not fictitious) has been confirmed upon discovery of her tombstone. Fu-Hao was born as a royal family member during the Shang era and later became the wife of the King Wu-Ding. Her family name was Zi but followed the dynasty rule of adding a feminine prefix, making her last name, Hao. After her tombstone was located along with her grave, she was recognized as the oldest Chinese lady whose real life had been identified in written histories. Fu-Hao is now perceived as the queen who took control of Feud-land, hoated royal rituals, and bravely led generals and soldiers to a victorious battle. Her superactive involvements in political, economic, social, and cultural events are manifested in a number of beeds, tools, pottery, and bonic equipments, which were found in her graveyard. Her husband cared for her so much but she suffered from many illnesses to death in later life. She was finally buried in the south yard of the royal palace.