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      • KCI등재

        조선 전기 격동기 신숙주의 정치적 역할과 그 의미

        신병주(Shin, Byung-ju) 동국역사문화연구소 2020 동국사학 Vol.68 No.-

        세조는 왕이 된 후 집권의 명분과 도덕성의 취약점을 극복하기 위하여 민본정치, 부국강병책, 왕권의 재확립과 『경국대전』이나 『동국통감』과 같은 학술, 문화정비 사업에 진력을 다하였고, 이것은 세조를 긍정적으로 평가하는 요인이 된다. 세조가 법주사, 상원사 등에 잦은 행차를 한 것 또한 왕권 강화와 민심 수습의 목적이 담겨 있었다. 세조에 대한 평가 기준에 따라 신숙주의 평가는 달라진다. 세조대에 확립된 왕권 강화와 정치적 기반은 성종대에 이르러 조선 전기 정치, 문화를 완성할 수 있는원동력이 되었고, 이러한 업적의 중심에 신숙주가 있었다. 세조 집권 후에 신숙주는 병조판서, 우의정 등을 거쳐 1466년 영의정에 올라 세조를 적극적으로 보좌했다. 신숙주에 대한 세조의 총애는 신숙주를 나의 智將이라 일컫고, 나의 魏徵이라 하면서, 사관으로 하여금 이 말을 기록하도록 한 사례에서 잘 나타난다. 외교관으로서의 역량은 『해동제국기』의 저술에서 확인할 수가 있다. 조선 전기 정치적 안정이 필요한 격동기에 신숙주는 세조가 추구한 중앙 집권과 왕권 강화, 민생 안정과 국방 강화 등의 정책 실천에서 중심적인 역할을 했다. 수양대군 시절부터 맺은 깊은 인연과 세조라는 왕에 대한 믿음이 이를 가능하게 했을 것이다. 조선이라는 나라가 초기의 정치적 격동기를 잘 극복하고 빠른 기간 내에 정치적, 문화적으로 튼튼한 기반을 형성한 바탕에 신숙주와 같은 뛰어난 관료학자가 존재했음을 기억해야 할 필요가 있다. After becoming the new king, Sejo employed certain pro-public policies while also launching institutions designed to enhance the government’s fiscal situation as well as the integrity of the military. By doing so he intended to solidify his leadership, and spawn by such intentions were also several legal or historical publication projects which led to the compilation of Gyeong’guk Daejeon and Dong’guk Tong’gam. This was all to legitimize his own enthronement and overcome his own immoral image, and these efforts eventually paid off, as they contributed to the bettering of Sejo’s overall image. He also frequently visited Buddhist monasteries like Beobju-sa and Sang’weon-sa, in order to appease the people and enhance his authority at the same time. The evaluation of Shin Suk-ju varies depending on what kind of criteria is (or was) used, and many opinions on King Sejo were (and are) reflected in the opinions on Shin. The king’s strengthened ruling authority not to mention accumulated political capital for the government in general was ultimately what enabled all kinds of political and cultural accomplishments during the reign of King Seongjong, and Shin Suk-ju was an integral part of King Sejo’s rule which set off the entire process. After Sejo took over the throne, Shin served the government as the Minister of Military Affairs as well as the Right Chancellor. In 1466, he became the Central Chancellor and continued to serve Sejo faithfully. Sejo explicitly trusted him to the extent of calling him his most trusted and wise advisor(智將), and virtually on the level of the renowned Chinese figure Wi Jing(魏徵). He even ordered the official historian to write that down in the Official Annals. Also he wrote 『Haedongjegookgi(海東諸國紀)』. During the turbulent times of Joseon’s early years, political stability was what the government most needed, and Shin Suk-ju played the most instrumental part in all sorts of policies conceived for that end, such as the establishment of a central authority, reinforced leadership of the king, comforted population and upgraded dynastic defense. Probably, the fact that Shin had already been acquainted with Sejo from the old days when Sejo was still Su’yang Daegun, and that he wholeheartedly believed in him, made this all possible. Shin Suk-ju was indeed one of the most dignified talents, an academician/governmental official, who enabled Joseon to overcome the initial confusions and mistakes and to create a politically and culturally stable platform for future prosperity that would last for centuries to come.

      • KCI등재

        북인(北人) 학파의 연원과 사상, 그리고 현실인식

        신병주 ( Byung Ju Shin ) 한국철학사연구회 2011 한국 철학논집 Vol.0 No.32

        The two schools which eventually came to form the Northerners party in the middle period of the Joseon dynasty, were Nam`myeong school and Hwadam school. Nam`myeong`s philosophy, which emphasized the importance and merit of acting upon respect and righteousness(敬義), encouraged many people to organize righteous militias during the war with the Japanese in the 1590s, and when Jeong In-hong established himself as the leader of the Northerners party during the reign of King Gwang`hae-gun, the philosophy of the party and the school continued to thrive. Also, Hwadam`s philosophy, which tried to understand Neo-Confucianism from a flexible point of view and demonstrated a level of openness toward it, had a considerable influence upon the Northerners school as well. It seems Nam`myeong Jo Shik and Hwadam Seo Gyeong-deok were the ones who ultimately enabled the Northerners party to be more active in their operations of the government and also to approach more freely toward the ideology of Neo-Confucianism. Prime examples of the party`s stance and attitude, and also of the school`s philosophy and perception of the world, were figures like Jeong In-hong and Heo Gyun from the ``Majority Northerners(大北) party,`` and Kim Shin-guk and Nam I-gong from the ``Minority Northerners(小北) party.`` Since the time of King Injo`s ascension to the throne in 1623, the philosophical society of Joseon came to be occupied by schools who were deeply committed and dedicated to the teachings of Ju Hi and his Neo-Confucianism, such as the Twe`gye and Yulgok schools, and as a result the Northerners` philosophy was pushed away from its former formidable status. Their political philosophy was also partially responsible for their fall, as they believed only them were the ideal Confucian figures(君子黨), and never appreciated the stances of other political factions. In the middle of the 17th century, passing through a war with the Manchurian Qing dynasty as well, they further became a mere undercurrent. Yet their thinking and philosophy partially survived, as it managed to affect and influence the Southerner school scholars who were living in the vicinity of the capital in the mid and late 17th century, as well as the Shilhak scholars such as Yi Ik/李瀷 in the 18th century, on a certain level. The Northerners faction was a party and a school which led the political and philosophical societies of Joseon, alongside the Westerners and Southerners, in the middle period of the Joseon dynasty. Recently, studies of Jo Shik and Seo Gyeong-deok, figures who were the roots of the Northerners faction, and studies of how the Northerners` political philosophy was inherited to the following generations, have been published and announced. All these efforts will enrich future studies dealing with the political history and philosophical history of the middle and latter periods of the Joseon dynasty.

      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재

        조선왕실 혼례의 사례와 그 의미

        신병주(Shin, Byung-ju) 동국역사문화연구소 2021 동국사학 Vol.71 No.-

        조선시대 왕실 혼례의 주요한 사례들을 개관해 보았다. 왕실 혼례에서 우선 주목되는 것은 다양한 지위에서 혼례식이 거행되었다는 점이다. 세자의 신분이 가장 흔할 것처럼 보이나 적장자로서 왕위를 계승하는 사례가 드물기 때문에 세자의 신분으로서 세자빈을 맞이하는 경우도 적었다. 오히려 왕자의 신분으로 있다가 정변의 영향으로 왕이 되는 경우가 더 많았다. 조선전기에는 왕자의 난이나 계유정난과 같은 왕실의 정변뿐만 아니라, 예종이나 성종의 즉위에서 볼 수 있듯이 후계자 계승에 많은 변수들이 있었다. 16세기 왕실 혼례의 경우에도 왕실의 후계자 계승을 둘러싸고 많은 변수들이 있었다. 중종반정이나 왕실 방계에서 즉위한 선조의 사례에서 보듯이, 왕세자의 신분으로 후계자 수업을 받고 왕세자빈을 맞이한 후 왕위에 오르는 전형적인 사례가 오히려 이례적이었다. 특히 16세기에는 『주자가례』가 급격히 확산되어 가는 분위기가 형성되어 왕실 혼례에서뿐만 아니라 민간에서도 친영 의식이 강화되어가는 점을 주요한 특징으로 지적할 수 있다. 조선 후기 왕실 혼례식은 그 틀을 잡아가면서 정형화되어 가고 있었지만, 시기별로 변화의 모습도 보이고 있다. 특히 현존하는 가례도감의궤를 통해 조선후기 왕실 혼례의 절차와 혼례행렬 등 화려하고 엄숙한 혼례 모습을 접할 수 있다. This article was written to overview the history of royal wedding in Joseon dynasty. First of all, kings of Joseon had their royal wedding ceremony in various status. Although the status of the crown prince seems to be the most common, there’s only few cases because eldest legitimate son(嫡長子) rarely succeed to the throne. Rather it was more often a prince and became a king under the influence of political upheaval. During the early Joseon dynasty, there were many variables in the succession to the throne, as seen from King Yejong or King Seongjong, as well as royal coups such as the Prince’s Rebellion and Gyeyujeongnan(癸酉靖難). In the 16th century, there were many variables surrounding the succession of the royal heir. As seen in the case of King Seonjo or King Jungjong, the typical case of ascending the throne after receiving a successor class as a crown prince and greeting the crown princess was rather unusual. Especially in the 16th century, owe to the rapid spread 《Jujagarye(朱子家禮)》, Chinyeong(親迎), which is bridegroom personally inducting the bride into his home, became the general trend not only in royal weddings but also in the private sector. Royal wedding in the late Joseon Dynasty were becoming more formalized but it also changed from time to time. In particular, the existing Garyedogam-uigwe(嘉禮都監儀軌) provides access to splendid and solemn royal wedding ceremonies such as wedding procedure and wedding procession during the late Joseon Period.

      • 기획논문 : 인조반정(仁祖反正)과 남명학파(南冥學派) ; 남명학파(南冥學派)의 정치적 동향과 인조반정(仁祖反正)

        신병주 ( Byung Ju Shin ) 南冥學硏究院 2011 南冥學 Vol.16 No.-

        남명학파는 선조 후반부터 시작하여 광해군대를 정점으로 중앙 정계의 권력을 장악했다. 임진왜란이라는 국가 위기적 상황과 광해군의 즉위라는 시대적 상황이 소수파의 집권을 가능하게 했다. 남명학파는 광해군이라는 국왕의 신임을 철저히 바탕으로 한 정권이었기에 광해군에 대한 충성 또한 현저하였다. 광해군 초기에 벌어진 임해군의 옥사나 김직재의 옥사를 거쳐 영창대군의 蒸殺에 이르는 과정에서 남명학파의 영수 정인홍은 주요한 역할을 하였다. 왕통에 조금이라도 어긋나는 요인에 대해서는 철저히 뿌리를 뽑겠다는 정치 철학이 반영된 것이었다. 그러나 왕통에 대한 지나친 집착은 ‘廢母殺弟’라는 의리 명분상의 반발에 부닥쳤고, 결국 남인과 서인들이 타도 남명학파를 외치는 빌미를 제공해 주었다. 남명학파의 학문적 뿌리에 대한 취약성은 영수 조식에 대한 文廟從祀 운동으로 나타났다. 그러나 이 과정에서도 정인홍은 스승을 존숭하는 과정에서 이언적과 이황을 폄훼하는 논의를 주도했고, 이미 문묘에 종사된 이들을 黜享하려고 까지 하였다. 이러한 독선적인 성향은 많은 사류들이 등을 돌리는 단서를 제공하였고, 정인홍은 성균관 유생 명부인 『청금록』에서 삭제당하는 수모를 겪었다. 결국 광해군대 중반 이후 북인은 서인과 남인의 지지기반을 상실한 채 고립무원의 처지가 되었고, 1623년 인조반정으로 정인홍은 처형을 당하였다. 이후 남명학파는 정치적으로 재기를 할 수 없을 정도로 몰락하였다. 남명학파는 퇴계학파, 율곡학파 등과 더불어 조선중기 정치, 사상계를 이끌어간 대표적인 학파였다. 그러나 1623년 인조반정으로 북인이 몰락하면서, 북인의 원류가 되는 남명학파의 정치적, 사상적 위치에 대한 평가는 축소되었다. Members of the Nam`myeong school have already seized control of the government in the latter half period of king Seonjo`s reign, and also throughout king Gwang`hae-gun`s reign. Admittedly they had been the minority faction inside the government, yet the national crisis caused by the wars with the Japanese in the 1590s, and the emergency nature of king Gwang`hae-gun`s enthronement, made possible for them to become a dominant faction over the others. The regime they formed was primarily based upon king Gwang`hae-gun`s explicit trust, so their loyalty to the king was quite severe as well. Punishing the king`s brother Im`hae-gun, or eliminating the Kim Jik-jae faction, or even killing off the king`s half brother Yeongchang Daegun in the early days of the king`s reign, were all led by the Nam`myeong members, and the leader Jeong In-hong played an important role in all of those incidents. His actions were based upon a belief -a political philosophy- that any disruptive element which could turn out to be harmful to the legitimacy of the king`s heritage should be destroyed. Yet such obsession eventually invited a criticism and resistance, which called the king a ``murderer`` of his brother, and a person who abandoned his duty to his mother(step mother actually). And it also created a cause for the Nam`in(the "Southerners") and Seo`in(the "Westerners") party members, to fight and expel the Nam`myeong regime. The inherent weakness of the Nam`myeong school members` academic achievements drove them to promote a movement which claimed that their master Jo Shik should be enshrined at the National Literary shrine("文廟從祀"). Yet in the process Jeong In-hong chose to ``degrade`` and criticise the achievements of Yi Eon-jeok and Yi Hwang, and even tried to remove the tablets of some of the honoraries who were already enshrined there. This turned out to be a very unpopular choice of action, and the Nam`myeong regime lost support from many Confucian scholars. Also in retaliation, the name of Jeong In-hong himself was scratched from the 『Cheong`geum-rok』 Manifest, which was a list of Confucian students of the Seong`gyun-gwan university. As a result, in the latter half of Gwang`hae-gun`s reign, the Buk`in(the "Northerners") lost support from the other parties(``south`` and ``west``), therefore was placed in a very lonely and precarious situation inside the government, and after Jeong In-hong was executed by the new regime that installed Injo as the replacement king in 1623, the Nam`myeong school itself was politically demolished beyond recovery. Nam`myeong school was one of the leading academic groups that engaged in political and philosophical discussion in the middle period of the Joseon dynasty, along with the Twe`gye school and Yulgok school. Yet after the political party that was called the Northerners was politically defeated in 1623, people`s recognition and evaluation of the academic achievements of the Nam`myeong school in general, which was the mother group of that political faction, came to exhibit a considerable and harsh downfall.

      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재

        연산군과 광해군, 최후의 장면

        신병주 ( Shin Byung-ju ) 한국문학치료학회 2018 문학치료연구 Vol.48 No.-

        먼저 두 왕은 왕위에 오른 과정은 완전히 달랐다. 연산군은 적장자 프리미엄 속에서 왕위에 올랐고, 광해군은 후궁의 두 번째 아들이라는 한계에도 불구하고 임진왜란이라는 정치적 변수 속에서 왕위에 오를 수 있었다. 왕이 된 후 독재 군주로 가는 과정 또한 달랐다. 연산군은 왕권이 신권에 휘둘리는 상황을 참지 못했고, 능상(凌上)에 대해 강한 피해 의식을 지니고 있었다. 그에게 추종하는 소수 측근 세력을 제외하면 거의 모든 정치 세력을 반대파로 만들어 갔다. 광해군은 왕위 계승의 적통에 있던 이복동생 영창대군에 대한 지나친 견제와 이어지는 살해, 그리고 왕통에 대한 집착으로 시작된 교하 천도와 무리한 궁궐 조성 사업이 민심의 이반을 가져왔다. 대북의 소수 측근 세력만이 광해군 정권의 지지자였다는 점에서는 친인척 일부와 임사홍 등 일부 측근 세력만이 연산군의 독재에 추종했다는 점과 공통점을 보인다. 장녹수, 전비 등 기생 출신들에게 권력과 금력을 부여한 점은 광해군이 말년에 상궁 김개시에게 정치적으로 크게 의존한 점과 유사하다. 유배된 후 두 왕의 모습은 큰 차이를 보였다. 연산군은 교동도에 유배된 후 불과 2개월 만에 생을 마감했지만, 광해군은 가족들의 자결과 같은 처참한 상황 속에서도, 유배 후 18년을 더 살다가 제주도에서 최후를 맞았다. 반정으로 폐위된 연산군과 광해군의 행적과 최후의 장면에서는 오늘날 정치사와 오버랩 되는 정면들이 많다. 역사가 중요한 것은 과거의 잘못을 반복하지 않아야 한다는 경고들을 역사 속에서 거듭 보여주고 있기 때문일 것이다. These two individuals showed a completely different path to their own enthronements. Yeonsan-gun was the eldest son, so there was no problem in his becoming the king. On the other hand, Gwang’hae-gun was the second son of a royal concubine, and was only able to ascend to the throne in an extraordinary situation that was the Japanese invasion upon the Korean peninsula. The two kings also differed from each other in terms of how they became despots. Yeonsan-gun was very much frustrated with the contemporary situation in which the King had to defer to either the initiatives or judgements of his own vassals, and had no intention to put up with his own subordinates’ insubordination and defiance. As a result, with the exception of his most trusted cronies, he made virtually every political group his own enemy and opposition. Meanwhile, Gwang’hae-gun was most mindful of the very existence of his half-brother Yeongchang, who was ironically the more legitimate choice as a candidate for the throne. His murder of that brother did not quell his own sense of rivalry, and his subsequent policies -such as the Capital transfer to the Gyoha region and a difficult construction process for the new palace- eventually angered the general population. These two kings indeed shared a trait, which was the very narrow nature of their own advisory groups. Only a handful of royal relatives and cronies such as Im Sa-hong served Yeonsan-gun, while a relatively small number of officials from the Daebuk School (“Northerners,” not in geographical term) stood by the side of the Gwang’hae-gun administration. And the similarities do not end just there. While Yeonsan-gun provided his own concubines such as Jang Nok-su and Jeon Bi with power and money, Gwang’hae-gun also hugely relied upon Court lady Kim Gaeshi, and utilized her political capital. Their lives after they were expelled from the throne, however, were very different. Yeonsan-gun was relocated to Gyodong-do and died only two months later, while Gwang’hae-gun survived his own family members who met their demise by taking their own lives, and lived eighteen more years until he died on the Jeju-do island. Nonetheless, the last moments of their lives do remind us the political incidents of today. History does inspire us not to repeat past mistakes and wrong deeds.

      • KCI등재
      • KCI등재

        17세기 정국(政局)의 전개와 조경(趙絅)의 정치적 활동

        신병주 ( Shin Byung-ju ) 조선시대사학회 2017 朝鮮時代史學報 Vol.80 No.0

        The time when Jo Gyeong was in action was a period of political turmoils. Gwang’hae-gun was enthroned, only to be dethroned and replaced by king Injo in 1623. A Westerner party regime was established, but the Manchurian troops invaded Joseon in 1627(the Jeongmyo year) and 1636(the Byeongja year), resulting in King Injo’s kneeling to the Qing troops at Samjeon-do. Hyojong ascended to the throne, and planned a military campaign targeting the north(the Manchurian Qing dynasty). Later, during king Hyeonjong’s reign, a government-wide controversy concerning the issue of ritual protocols, particularly of the wearing periods of mourning attires, broke out. Jo Gyeong was, judging from his relationships with others, a member of the Southerner party. But instead of expressing the Southerners’ position or charging on with their agendas, he expressed his opinions based upon his own thoughts and principles. He was also particularly strict and honest in his criticism of power and powerful figures. Jo Gyeong made his opposition clear against the idea of king Injo posthumously honoring his own biological father Jeong’weon-gun as an honorary king Weonjong(元宗), and criticised the people who were behind such plans. He was a strong supporter of the idea of refusing peace with the Manchurian Hu-Geum(later Qing dynasty), and was against the idea of killing crown-princess Gang or punishing the son of crown-prince So’hyeon. He defended Kim Hong-uk who requested amnesty for the crown-princess, and supported the position concerning ritual protocols suggested by Yun Seon-do, who was at the time battling the leader of the Westerner party Song Shi-yeol. He was also not threatened by a Chinese translater named Jeong Myeong-su, who was being so arrogant in his dealings with the Joseon government. Because he was not a hard-line Southerner, he was able to befriend and acquaint himself with many renowned people regardless of their parties, such as Kim Yuk, Yi Gyeong-seok, Jeong Gyeong-se and Yun Seon-do. His own principle in selecting friends was whether or not the individual was working for the interest of the country in the area of either politics or academism. But during the Ritual protocol controversy of king Hyeonjong’s reign, when the Westerners and Southerners fiercely fought with each other, he advocated the position of Southerner Yun Seon-do and was regarded as another Southerner politician. He lived to reach the age of 84, and was present in every politically important event and occasion. He maintained his principles during his long career, which began during king Seonjo’s reign and continued through the reign of king Hyeonjong. He was an integral figure of the government who contributed to achieving a certain balance inside the political arena of the 17<sup>th</sup> century, which witnessed the coming and going of total of five kings.

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