조선 전기 격동기 신숙주의 정치적 역할과 그 의미

신병주(Shin, Byung-ju) 동국역사문화연구소 2020 동국사학 Vol.68 No.-

세조는 왕이 된 후 집권의 명분과 도덕성의 취약점을 극복하기 위하여 민본정치, 부국강병책, 왕권의 재확립과 『경국대전』이나 『동국통감』과 같은 학술, 문화정비 사업에 진력을 다하였고, 이것은 세조를 긍정적으로 평가하는 요인이 된다. 세조가 법주사, 상원사 등에 잦은 행차를 한 것 또한 왕권 강화와 민심 수습의 목적이 담겨 있었다. 세조에 대한 평가 기준에 따라 신숙주의 평가는 달라진다. 세조대에 확립된 왕권 강화와 정치적 기반은 성종대에 이르러 조선 전기 정치, 문화를 완성할 수 있는원동력이 되었고, 이러한 업적의 중심에 신숙주가 있었다. 세조 집권 후에 신숙주는 병조판서, 우의정 등을 거쳐 1466년 영의정에 올라 세조를 적극적으로 보좌했다. 신숙주에 대한 세조의 총애는 신숙주를 나의 智將이라 일컫고, 나의 魏徵이라 하면서, 사관으로 하여금 이 말을 기록하도록 한 사례에서 잘 나타난다. 외교관으로서의 역량은 『해동제국기』의 저술에서 확인할 수가 있다. 조선 전기 정치적 안정이 필요한 격동기에 신숙주는 세조가 추구한 중앙 집권과 왕권 강화, 민생 안정과 국방 강화 등의 정책 실천에서 중심적인 역할을 했다. 수양대군 시절부터 맺은 깊은 인연과 세조라는 왕에 대한 믿음이 이를 가능하게 했을 것이다. 조선이라는 나라가 초기의 정치적 격동기를 잘 극복하고 빠른 기간 내에 정치적, 문화적으로 튼튼한 기반을 형성한 바탕에 신숙주와 같은 뛰어난 관료학자가 존재했음을 기억해야 할 필요가 있다. After becoming the new king, Sejo employed certain pro-public policies while also launching institutions designed to enhance the government’s fiscal situation as well as the integrity of the military. By doing so he intended to solidify his leadership, and spawn by such intentions were also several legal or historical publication projects which led to the compilation of Gyeong’guk Daejeon and Dong’guk Tong’gam. This was all to legitimize his own enthronement and overcome his own immoral image, and these efforts eventually paid off, as they contributed to the bettering of Sejo’s overall image. He also frequently visited Buddhist monasteries like Beobju-sa and Sang’weon-sa, in order to appease the people and enhance his authority at the same time. The evaluation of Shin Suk-ju varies depending on what kind of criteria is (or was) used, and many opinions on King Sejo were (and are) reflected in the opinions on Shin. The king’s strengthened ruling authority not to mention accumulated political capital for the government in general was ultimately what enabled all kinds of political and cultural accomplishments during the reign of King Seongjong, and Shin Suk-ju was an integral part of King Sejo’s rule which set off the entire process. After Sejo took over the throne, Shin served the government as the Minister of Military Affairs as well as the Right Chancellor. In 1466, he became the Central Chancellor and continued to serve Sejo faithfully. Sejo explicitly trusted him to the extent of calling him his most trusted and wise advisor(智將), and virtually on the level of the renowned Chinese figure Wi Jing(魏徵). He even ordered the official historian to write that down in the Official Annals. Also he wrote 『Haedongjegookgi(海東諸國紀)』. During the turbulent times of Joseon’s early years, political stability was what the government most needed, and Shin Suk-ju played the most instrumental part in all sorts of policies conceived for that end, such as the establishment of a central authority, reinforced leadership of the king, comforted population and upgraded dynastic defense. Probably, the fact that Shin had already been acquainted with Sejo from the old days when Sejo was still Su’yang Daegun, and that he wholeheartedly believed in him, made this all possible. Shin Suk-ju was indeed one of the most dignified talents, an academician/governmental official, who enabled Joseon to overcome the initial confusions and mistakes and to create a politically and culturally stable platform for future prosperity that would last for centuries to come.

북인(北人) 학파의 연원과 사상, 그리고 현실인식

신병주 ( Byung Ju Shin ) 한국철학사연구회 2011 한국 철학논집 Vol.0 No.32

The two schools which eventually came to form the Northerners party in the middle period of the Joseon dynasty, were Nam`myeong school and Hwadam school. Nam`myeong`s philosophy, which emphasized the importance and merit of acting upon respect and righteousness(敬義), encouraged many people to organize righteous militias during the war with the Japanese in the 1590s, and when Jeong In-hong established himself as the leader of the Northerners party during the reign of King Gwang`hae-gun, the philosophy of the party and the school continued to thrive. Also, Hwadam`s philosophy, which tried to understand Neo-Confucianism from a flexible point of view and demonstrated a level of openness toward it, had a considerable influence upon the Northerners school as well. It seems Nam`myeong Jo Shik and Hwadam Seo Gyeong-deok were the ones who ultimately enabled the Northerners party to be more active in their operations of the government and also to approach more freely toward the ideology of Neo-Confucianism. Prime examples of the party`s stance and attitude, and also of the school`s philosophy and perception of the world, were figures like Jeong In-hong and Heo Gyun from the ``Majority Northerners(大北) party,`` and Kim Shin-guk and Nam I-gong from the ``Minority Northerners(小北) party.`` Since the time of King Injo`s ascension to the throne in 1623, the philosophical society of Joseon came to be occupied by schools who were deeply committed and dedicated to the teachings of Ju Hi and his Neo-Confucianism, such as the Twe`gye and Yulgok schools, and as a result the Northerners` philosophy was pushed away from its former formidable status. Their political philosophy was also partially responsible for their fall, as they believed only them were the ideal Confucian figures(君子黨), and never appreciated the stances of other political factions. In the middle of the 17th century, passing through a war with the Manchurian Qing dynasty as well, they further became a mere undercurrent. Yet their thinking and philosophy partially survived, as it managed to affect and influence the Southerner school scholars who were living in the vicinity of the capital in the mid and late 17th century, as well as the Shilhak scholars such as Yi Ik/李瀷 in the 18th century, on a certain level. The Northerners faction was a party and a school which led the political and philosophical societies of Joseon, alongside the Westerners and Southerners, in the middle period of the Joseon dynasty. Recently, studies of Jo Shik and Seo Gyeong-deok, figures who were the roots of the Northerners faction, and studies of how the Northerners` political philosophy was inherited to the following generations, have been published and announced. All these efforts will enrich future studies dealing with the political history and philosophical history of the middle and latter periods of the Joseon dynasty.

조선왕실 혼례의 사례와 그 의미

신병주(Shin, Byung-ju) 동국역사문화연구소 2021 동국사학 Vol.71 No.-

조선시대 왕실 혼례의 주요한 사례들을 개관해 보았다. 왕실 혼례에서 우선 주목되는 것은 다양한 지위에서 혼례식이 거행되었다는 점이다. 세자의 신분이 가장 흔할 것처럼 보이나 적장자로서 왕위를 계승하는 사례가 드물기 때문에 세자의 신분으로서 세자빈을 맞이하는 경우도 적었다. 오히려 왕자의 신분으로 있다가 정변의 영향으로 왕이 되는 경우가 더 많았다. 조선전기에는 왕자의 난이나 계유정난과 같은 왕실의 정변뿐만 아니라, 예종이나 성종의 즉위에서 볼 수 있듯이 후계자 계승에 많은 변수들이 있었다. 16세기 왕실 혼례의 경우에도 왕실의 후계자 계승을 둘러싸고 많은 변수들이 있었다. 중종반정이나 왕실 방계에서 즉위한 선조의 사례에서 보듯이, 왕세자의 신분으로 후계자 수업을 받고 왕세자빈을 맞이한 후 왕위에 오르는 전형적인 사례가 오히려 이례적이었다. 특히 16세기에는 『주자가례』가 급격히 확산되어 가는 분위기가 형성되어 왕실 혼례에서뿐만 아니라 민간에서도 친영 의식이 강화되어가는 점을 주요한 특징으로 지적할 수 있다. 조선 후기 왕실 혼례식은 그 틀을 잡아가면서 정형화되어 가고 있었지만, 시기별로 변화의 모습도 보이고 있다. 특히 현존하는 가례도감의궤를 통해 조선후기 왕실 혼례의 절차와 혼례행렬 등 화려하고 엄숙한 혼례 모습을 접할 수 있다. This article was written to overview the history of royal wedding in Joseon dynasty. First of all, kings of Joseon had their royal wedding ceremony in various status. Although the status of the crown prince seems to be the most common, there’s only few cases because eldest legitimate son(嫡長子) rarely succeed to the throne. Rather it was more often a prince and became a king under the influence of political upheaval. During the early Joseon dynasty, there were many variables in the succession to the throne, as seen from King Yejong or King Seongjong, as well as royal coups such as the Prince’s Rebellion and Gyeyujeongnan(癸酉靖難). In the 16th century, there were many variables surrounding the succession of the royal heir. As seen in the case of King Seonjo or King Jungjong, the typical case of ascending the throne after receiving a successor class as a crown prince and greeting the crown princess was rather unusual. Especially in the 16th century, owe to the rapid spread 《Jujagarye(朱子家禮)》, Chinyeong(親迎), which is bridegroom personally inducting the bride into his home, became the general trend not only in royal weddings but also in the private sector. Royal wedding in the late Joseon Dynasty were becoming more formalized but it also changed from time to time. In particular, the existing Garyedogam-uigwe(嘉禮都監儀軌) provides access to splendid and solemn royal wedding ceremonies such as wedding procedure and wedding procession during the late Joseon Period.

일반논문 : 광해군 시기 의궤의 편찬과 그 성격

신병주 ( Byung Ju Shin ) 경상대학교 남명학연구소 2006 남명학연구 Vol.22 No.-

영조대 대사례의 실시와 『대사례의궤』

신병주 ( Byung Ju Shin ) 일지사 2002 韓國學報 Vol.28 No.1

N/A

기획논문 : 인조반정(仁祖反正)과 남명학파(南冥學派) ; 남명학파(南冥學派)의 정치적 동향과 인조반정(仁祖反正)

신병주 ( Byung Ju Shin ) 南冥學硏究院 2011 南冥學 Vol.16 No.-

남명학파는 선조 후반부터 시작하여 광해군대를 정점으로 중앙 정계의 권력을 장악했다. 임진왜란이라는 국가 위기적 상황과 광해군의 즉위라는 시대적 상황이 소수파의 집권을 가능하게 했다. 남명학파는 광해군이라는 국왕의 신임을 철저히 바탕으로 한 정권이었기에 광해군에 대한 충성 또한 현저하였다. 광해군 초기에 벌어진 임해군의 옥사나 김직재의 옥사를 거쳐 영창대군의 蒸殺에 이르는 과정에서 남명학파의 영수 정인홍은 주요한 역할을 하였다. 왕통에 조금이라도 어긋나는 요인에 대해서는 철저히 뿌리를 뽑겠다는 정치 철학이 반영된 것이었다. 그러나 왕통에 대한 지나친 집착은 ‘廢母殺弟’라는 의리 명분상의 반발에 부닥쳤고, 결국 남인과 서인들이 타도 남명학파를 외치는 빌미를 제공해 주었다. 남명학파의 학문적 뿌리에 대한 취약성은 영수 조식에 대한 文廟從祀 운동으로 나타났다. 그러나 이 과정에서도 정인홍은 스승을 존숭하는 과정에서 이언적과 이황을 폄훼하는 논의를 주도했고, 이미 문묘에 종사된 이들을 黜享하려고 까지 하였다. 이러한 독선적인 성향은 많은 사류들이 등을 돌리는 단서를 제공하였고, 정인홍은 성균관 유생 명부인 『청금록』에서 삭제당하는 수모를 겪었다. 결국 광해군대 중반 이후 북인은 서인과 남인의 지지기반을 상실한 채 고립무원의 처지가 되었고, 1623년 인조반정으로 정인홍은 처형을 당하였다. 이후 남명학파는 정치적으로 재기를 할 수 없을 정도로 몰락하였다. 남명학파는 퇴계학파, 율곡학파 등과 더불어 조선중기 정치, 사상계를 이끌어간 대표적인 학파였다. 그러나 1623년 인조반정으로 북인이 몰락하면서, 북인의 원류가 되는 남명학파의 정치적, 사상적 위치에 대한 평가는 축소되었다. Members of the Nam`myeong school have already seized control of the government in the latter half period of king Seonjo`s reign, and also throughout king Gwang`hae-gun`s reign. Admittedly they had been the minority faction inside the government, yet the national crisis caused by the wars with the Japanese in the 1590s, and the emergency nature of king Gwang`hae-gun`s enthronement, made possible for them to become a dominant faction over the others. The regime they formed was primarily based upon king Gwang`hae-gun`s explicit trust, so their loyalty to the king was quite severe as well. Punishing the king`s brother Im`hae-gun, or eliminating the Kim Jik-jae faction, or even killing off the king`s half brother Yeongchang Daegun in the early days of the king`s reign, were all led by the Nam`myeong members, and the leader Jeong In-hong played an important role in all of those incidents. His actions were based upon a belief -a political philosophy- that any disruptive element which could turn out to be harmful to the legitimacy of the king`s heritage should be destroyed. Yet such obsession eventually invited a criticism and resistance, which called the king a ``murderer`` of his brother, and a person who abandoned his duty to his mother(step mother actually). And it also created a cause for the Nam`in(the "Southerners") and Seo`in(the "Westerners") party members, to fight and expel the Nam`myeong regime. The inherent weakness of the Nam`myeong school members` academic achievements drove them to promote a movement which claimed that their master Jo Shik should be enshrined at the National Literary shrine("文廟從祀"). Yet in the process Jeong In-hong chose to ``degrade`` and criticise the achievements of Yi Eon-jeok and Yi Hwang, and even tried to remove the tablets of some of the honoraries who were already enshrined there. This turned out to be a very unpopular choice of action, and the Nam`myeong regime lost support from many Confucian scholars. Also in retaliation, the name of Jeong In-hong himself was scratched from the 『Cheong`geum-rok』 Manifest, which was a list of Confucian students of the Seong`gyun-gwan university. As a result, in the latter half of Gwang`hae-gun`s reign, the Buk`in(the "Northerners") lost support from the other parties(``south`` and ``west``), therefore was placed in a very lonely and precarious situation inside the government, and after Jeong In-hong was executed by the new regime that installed Injo as the replacement king in 1623, the Nam`myeong school itself was politically demolished beyond recovery. Nam`myeong school was one of the leading academic groups that engaged in political and philosophical discussion in the middle period of the Joseon dynasty, along with the Twe`gye school and Yulgok school. Yet after the political party that was called the Northerners was politically defeated in 1623, people`s recognition and evaluation of the academic achievements of the Nam`myeong school in general, which was the mother group of that political faction, came to exhibit a considerable and harsh downfall.

오대산 사고와 사고본의 가치 오대산(五臺山) 사고본(史庫本) 실록의 특징과 학술적 가치

신병주 ( Byung Ju Shin ) 동국대학교 동국역사문화연구소 2014 동국사학 Vol.57 No.-

The Annals of the Joseon dynasty stored at the Odae-san Archives have two types of versions. From the Annals of king Taejo’s reign through the Annals of king Myeongjong’s reign are in fact ‘proofread versions’ which were only awaiting the final evaluation session, while the Annals from king Seonjo’s reign and then the annals of later kings were completed versions that were officially published, same as the Annals stored in other regions’ archives. Reason for preserving proofread versions instead of the final versions was because the task of creating new copies of the entire Annals of the Joseon dynasty during the reign of king Sonjo heavily costed for the government and it also required a large volumnes of paper. The entire process of storing the printed Annals at Odae-san mountain, including the copying process, renovation of the storage facility, and condition of the materials at the time of storage were all recorded in the “Shillok Hyeongji-an” record. We can see in exactly what kind of manner they were stored and preserved. The Annals of the Joseon dynasty Kept in the Odae-san storage facility were stolen and illegally shipped out of the country, and landed in the Tokyo University in Japan during the Japanese occupation of Korea. They were almost obliterated during the Gwandong Earthquake(that 생략) occurred in 1923. Surviving documents in the catastrophe were only 74 volumes, of which 9 volumes were from the Annals of king Seonjong’s region, 50 volumes were from the Annals of king Jungjong’s reign, and 15 volumes were from the Annals of king Seonjo’s reign. The first two groups of surviving volumes were the aforementioned ‘proofread version.’ Wrong letters were replaced with right ones, while some new ones were added. Portions needing corrections were highlighted in red, or checked with x or O, which show us how proofreading procedures were at the time. The most usual types of mistake made by the people of the time are evident, and in some cases the era-title for a specific Chinese emperor is mis-recorded, suggesting that the copying task was mostly undertaken by technicians. In the future, they should be further compared with Annals stored at other facilities.

16세기 남명(南冥) 조식(曺植)의 사상 형성과 현실 대응

신병주 ( Byung Ju Shin ) 한국사상사학회 2008 韓國思想史學 Vol.0 No.31

《朝鮮王朝實錄》의 奉安儀式과 관리

申炳周(Shin Byung-Ju) 한국사연구회 2001 한국사연구 Vol.115 No.-

成運의 학문과 교유관계

신병주(Shin, Byung ju) 충북연구원 2002 충북학 Vol.4 No.-