영남대동법 시행 이후 대동세 배분방식의 변화와 儲置米 운영

문광균(Moon, Kwang-Kyun) 역사학회 2015 역사학보 Vol.0 No.225

Due to the daedong law, government provided jeochimi to each region and area so as to control local finance unilaterally. Jachimi of Gyeongsang-do was originally distributed through the ‘chunchubunbong(春秋分捧)’, but it was changed to ‘hapbong(合捧)’ in the 9th year of Sookjong(1683). As a result, Sunhyechung collected all of daedong tax every year and distributed sangnapmi and jeochimi. However, from the first-half of the 18th century, the method of daedong tax budget organization was changed due to the change of Sunhyechung’s profit organization. After the Gyeongjayangjeon, Actual payment was continuously reduced, so incomes of daedong tax were reduced. Unlike the situation, public material price which should be paid as sangnapmi was continuously increaed. In here, Gyunyuk law fulfilled in the middle stage of the 18th century and increase of anti-Japan diplomatic costs of dongrae department became reasons for rapid reduction of jeochimi. As a result, jeochimi which was about 60% of daedong tax in the early stage of daedong law’s execution was reduced to less than 40% in the middle stage of the 18th century. Finally, general problem of jeochimi operation was solved when byulchimi(別置米) was established in the early stage of the 19th century. In other words, government intended to endure the problem caused by insufficient joechimi through the hwangok of byulchimi.

조선후기 雙樹山城의 군사편제와 병력운영

문광균(Moon, Kwang-kyun) 한국사학회 2016 史學硏究 Vol.0 No.121

공주는 차령산맥과 금강에 둘러싸여 있는 지리적 요충지였다. 이러한 지리적 여건으로 인해 이곳은 고대 이래 방어 거점으로 주목되어 왔고, 조선후기에는 쌍수산성이 설치되었다. 본 논문은 군사사적인 입장에서 쌍수산성의 수축과 변천 과정, 그리고 군사편제와 병력 운영의 실상을 밝히고자 한 글이다. 조선전기 퇴락되었던 공주의 公山城이 수축된 것은 선조 36년(1603)이었다. 임진왜란이 종식된 직후 조선정부는 공주에 충청감영을 설치하고, 감사 중심의 행정체계와 군사체계를 일원화하였다. 이 과정에서 충청감사 柳根은 공산성을 대대적으로 수축하였다. 공산성은 李适의 난때 인조의 파천지로 활용된 직후 雙樹山城으로 개칭되었고, 이로 인하여 ‘聖祖駐蹕之地’라는 위상을 갖게 되었다. 쌍수산성은 유사시 충청감사가 군사를 이 끌고 주둔하는 곳이었으므로 감영산성의 성격을 띠게 되었다. 쌍수산성의 병력과 군비가 대대적으로 확충된 것은 수축된 지 100년이 지난 숙종 29년(1703)이었다. 18세기를 전후한 시기는 대외정세의 불안으로 海防論이 등장하면서 지역방어체계가 한창 강화되던 때였다. 이러한 상황에서 정부는 부족한 충청감사의 병력을 보충하고자 충청병사 휘하의 속오군을 쌍수산성으로 배속시키고, 이 병력을 토대로 군사편제를 정비하였다. 그리고 동시에 쌍수산성의 군사를 지휘할 실질 책임자로 정3품의 巡營中軍을 임명하였다. 쌍수산성은 중군영을 중심으로 1營-3部-6司-26哨의 속오군 편제와 2馬隊-5哨로 기동대로 구성되었다. 18세기 이후 쌍수산성의 병력은 약 8,000명 정도였다. 이 중 대다수는 束伍步軍, 束伍牙兵, 守堞軍官, 收米牙兵등 이었다. 이 병력은 충청도내 45개 군현에서 읍의 규모와 거리에 따라 차등적으로 충원했지만, 대부분은 공주의 백성이었다. 그러나 쌍수산성의 병력은 役價만을 납부하는 納布軍이었다. 즉, 쌍수산성에는 유사시를 대비하여 많은 병력이 편제되어 있었지만, 평시에는 군사행정 비용을 충당하는 재정원으로 활용하였던 것이다. 정부는 이러한 병력운영방식을 통해 쌍수산성을 유지해갔다. Gongju was geographical key position surrounded by Charyeong Mountain Range and Geumgang river. However, Gongju of early Joseon period was not focused as military key position although defense facility of border area of the North and the coast of the South. But, geographical and socio-economic condition of Gongju was focused during the Japanese invasion of Korea, mountain fortress was established and then, it became defense mountain fortress, the base of Chungcheong-do. This thesis concentrated on the investigation of actual status of military organization and mountain fortress management of Ssangsu mountain fortress in late Joseon period from a military angle. Gong mountain fortress abolished in early Joseon period was established in the 36th year of Seonjo(1603). In the year, government transferred gamyeong in Gong mountain fortress and audit-centered administrative system and military system were unified. In the process, auditor 柳根 extensively established Gong mountain fortress which was the base defense facility during the Japanese invasion of Korea. The position of Gong mountain fortress was enhanced while its name was changed to Ssangsu mountain fortress rightly after the utilization of refuge place of Injo during the rebellion of 李适. And, in the 24th year of Injo(1646), it was reestablished due to the rebellion of 安益信. Ssangsu mountain fortress became gwanbang of Chungcheong-do from military function after 100 years of the establishment, the 29th year of Sookjong(1703). In the period, regional defense system was much strengthened with appearance of 海防論as foreign situation was unstable. In the situation, 3,000 sokogun soldiers under Chungcheong military were arranged in Ssangsu mountain fortress and based on the military strength, military organization of Ssangsu mountain fortress was prepared based on Soko law. In addition, for the director of the military strength, 巡營中軍 who was dangsang of jeong3pum was nominated. Through the process to secure military strength of Chungcheong gamyoung in the 17th century, about 8,000 people were arranged to Ssangsu mountain fortress. But, while foreign situation was stable after the 18th century, government arranged military soldiers to the center and from them, collected some financial sources. In addition, most of the soldiers belonged to the regional military institution were becoming 納布軍化. In the stream of military policy, most of the military strength of Ssangsu mountain fortress became nappogunhwa.

17~18세기 경상도 세곡운송체계의 변화와 삼조창(三漕倉)의 설치

문광균 ( Kwang Kyun Moon ) 성균관대학교 대동문화연구원 2014 大東文化硏究 Vol.86 No.-

본고는 조선후기 경상도 세곡운송체계의 변화 과정을 이해하고, 3조창 설치에 투영된 정부의 의도를 파악하여 조선후기 조운제의 위상을 규명하는 데 목적을 두었다. 조운제는 조선이 건국된 이후 잦은 변동을 겪었지만, 19세기 후반까지 지속되었다. 이는 왕조정부가 국가재정과 직결되는 세곡운송에 직접 개입하여 관리, 통제하려고 한의도가 관철되고 있었음을 의미한다. 경상도의 조운제는 조선전기 태종 연간 조운선의 해난사고로 폐지되었으나 17세 기 광해군대 들어서면서 재개되었다. 처음에는 조운제가 복구되지 못하고, 경강선을 이용한 ‘私船賃運’체제로 운영되었다. 경강선인의 운수업은 숙종 4년(1678) 영남대 동법을 계기로 더욱 확대되었다. 그러나 경강선인의 운수업은 정부가 허용한 범주 내에서 이루어졌고, 이 범주내에서도 정부는 최소한의 개입과 통제를 통하여 세곡운 송의 안전에 만전을 기하고 있었다. 호조, 선혜청, 훈련도감 등 중앙 기관의 船案에 등록한 경강선에 한하여 운송권을 부여한 점, 差使員을 경강선에 동승시켜 부정행 위를 근절하고 해난사고를 방지한 점, 정부가 경강선의 선가를 구체적으로 책정하여 부당한 선가 징수를 원천적으로 차단하고 있는 점 등이 그 대표적인 예라고 할 수 있다. 경강선인은 정부의 규제 아래에서 많은 이익을 남기기가 어려워지자 상한선 이상으로 세곡을 적재하거나 私物 적재하여 이익 추구를 꾀하고 있었다. 그 결과 발선기 일을 넘기거나 과적을 하는 일이 다반사였고, 이는 결국 영조 4년(1728)과 영조 7 년(1731) 대형 해난사고로 나타났다. 정부는 해난사고 이후 경강선인의 운수업을 억제하고자 地土船을 도입하여 경강선을 대체하고자 했다. 「造船節目」은 이러한 상황에서 반포된 법령이었다. 그러나 조선절목이 반포되었음에도 불구하고 지토선 의 관리와 운영이 부실하자, 경강선인은 세곡운송에 주도적으로 계속 참여할 수 있었다. 그러나 경강선인의 故敗, 和水, 偸食 등의 부정행위는 국가재정을 감소시키 는 한편 민의 부세 부담을 가중시키는 결과를 가져왔다. 결국 정부는 경강선인의 운수업을 전면적으로 차단하고자 영조 36년(1760)과 영 조 41년(1765) 두 차례에 걸쳐 진주, 창원, 밀양에 각각 가산창, 마산창, 삼랑창등 3조창을 설치하고, 조운선을 만들어 배치했으며, 조운선에 승선할 조군을 차정하였다. 이로써 조선전기 태종연간 폐지된 경상도 남해안의 조운제가 전격 재개되었다. The thesis is designed to understand the transformation of the tax grain transport system in Gyeongsang―do during the late Joseon period and figure out the status of Jounje (‘tax―in―kind transport system’) in the late Joseon period by verifying the government`s intention projected in the installation of Samjochang. Jounje lasted through the late 19th century, undergoing frequent changes since the foundation of the Joseon Dynasty. This suggests that the intention of the dynastic government was fully reflected in direct involvement in, management and control of the tax grain transport, which was directly related to the state finance. In Gyeongsang―do during the reign of King Taejong in the early Joseon period, accidents involving tax―in―kind boats cancelled the tax―in―kind transport system, which was revived with the reign of King Gwanghaegun in the 17th century. Initially, Jounje wasn`t restored, and the operation used ‘leased privately―owned boats’ which used gyeonggangseon. The transport business by Yeongnam Daedongbeob enacted in 1678 (in the 4th year of King Sukjong`s reign). But the transport business by gyeonggangseon owners remained within the scope authorized by the government, which continued to intervene to ensure the safety of the tax gran trasnport. Such government involvement was demonstrated by the fact that tax grain transport right was granted only to those gyeonggangseon listed on seonan (船案 ‘ship registry’) such as hojo (‘Ministry of Finance’), Seonhyecheong, and Hunryeondogam (‘a military unit responsible for capital city defense’), presence of chasawon (差使員 ‘temporariliy dispatched central government official’) on gyeonggangseon eradicated illegalities and prevented maritime accidents, and the government specified leases for gyeonggangseon, thus precluding unfair boat charges. Following the large maritime disasters in 1728 (in the 4th year of King Yeongjo`s reign) and in 1731 (in the 7th year of King Yeongjo`s reign), the government tried to replace gyeonggangseon by introducing jitoseon (地土船 ‘boats owned by provincial owners’) in order to supress the transport business of gyeonggangseon owners. Despite the promulgation of Joseon jeolmok, however jitoseon was not properly managed, which allowed gyeonggangseon to play its dominant role in the tax grain transport. Thereafter, gyeonggangseon owners got involved in such irregularities as gopae (故敗 ‘deliberate sinking of a boat’), hwasu (和水 ‘padding of grain with water for misappropriation’), and tusik (偸食 ‘embezzzlement of part or whole of grain in transport’). Such malpractices added to the tax burden of grassroots, while diminishing the state finance. In the end, with a view to totally banning the transport business by gyeonggangseon owners, the government installed Samjochang (‘three jochang {tax grain storage}’) of Gasanchang, Masanchang, and Samrangchang in Jinju, Changwon, and Milyang on two occasions in 1760 (in the 36th year of King yeongjo`s reign) and in 1765 (in the 41st year of King yeongjo`s reign), built and deployed jounseon (‘tax grain transport boat’), and assigned jogun (‘tax grain boat crew’). With this, jounje, which had been cancelled during King Taejong`s reign in the early Joseon period, was drastically resumed.

1540∼1541년 기근과 『충주구황절요(忠州救荒切要)』의 간행

문광균 ( Moon Kwangkyun ) 한국고문서학회 2020 古文書硏究 Vol.57 No.-

『충주구황절요』는 1541년(중종 36) 간행된 구황지침서이다. 이 문서는 충주목사 안위와 판관 홍윤창의 주도 아래 만들어졌다. 총 27개조로 구성된 이 절목에는 진휼곡 마련 방법, 절식 방법, 유기아 구호방법, 재지사족의 역할, 진휼실무자에 대한 처벌조항에 대한 지침들이 수록되었다. 당시 중앙정부는 1540∼1541년 발생한 자연재해와 그에 따른 기근을 극복하고자 진휼청을 설치하여 「진휼청절목」을 각 지방에 내려 보냈다. 안위와 홍윤창은 진휼청이 내려 보낸 「진휼청절목」을 보완하면서도 충주 백성들이 굶주림에서 벗어날 수 있도록 『충주구황절요』를 간행하였다. 이 자료는 충주 뿐 아니라 지방 백성들이 활용할 수 있는 구체적인 구황 방법을 제시하고 있어 16세기 지방군현의 진휼실상을 엿볼 수 있다는 점에서 중요한 의미를 지닌다. 『충주구황절요』에서는 구황정책 중 가장 중요한 사안인 진휼곡 마련이 결송작지(決訟作紙), 주고(酒庫) 혁파, 반강제적인 사족의 곡물 대여 등의 방법을 통해 이루어지고 있었음을 엿볼 수 있다. 이는 중종대 진휼 정책이 수령과 사족의 협조 아래 지방군현 차원에서 독립적으로 이루어지고 있었음을 의미한다. 이러한 정책은 충주목사 안위가 후한 인사평가를 받았던 것에서 알 수 있듯이 당대 긍정적으로 평가되었다. 하지만 양란 이후인 17세기 이후로부터 중앙정부는 사족에 대한 반강제적인 곡물 대여인 권분(勸分)을 금지하는 한편 국가차원의 진휼곡 조성, 수령의 자비곡 의무화, 대규모 진휼곡 설치 등을 통해 진휼재원을 마련하였다. 이를 통해 볼 때 『충주구황절요』는 국가 차원에서 진휼곡을 마련하여 기민을 구제하던 이전 시기 지방군현에서 자발적으로 곡물을 마련하고, 기민을 구제하기 위하여 여러 방안을 정리한 구황서라고 볼 수 있다. 『Chungjuguhwangjeolyo (Essentials of Famine Relief in Chungju)』 is a guidebook to famine relief published on October in the 36th year of the reign of Jungjong of Joseon (1541). This material was made, led by Chungju Magistrate Ahn, Wi and Hong, Yunchang. How to methods to reserve relief grain, fasting methods, famine relief methods, provincial noble families’ roles, and guidelines on penalty clauses of persons in charge of relief were included in these regulations that consist of total 27 sections. The central government then installed Bureau of Relief and sent 「Regulations of Bureau of Relief」 to each region to overcome natural disasters from 1540 to 1541 and the consequent famine. Ahn, Wi and Hong, Yunchang supplemented 「Regulations of Bureau of Relief」 and published 『Chungjuguhwangjeolyo』 to make the people in Chungju immediately escape from starvation. This material is meaningful in that the specific methods to make the people in the local areas as well as Chungju immediately utilize them. Plans for securing relief grain done in local areas of counties and prefectures during the early days of the Joseon Dynasty can be examined in 「Chungjuguhwangjeolyo」. The preparation of famine relief, the most important issue in the famine relief policies, was done by borrowing grain owned by scholar families from them forcibly with actions including legal expenses (決訟作紙) and the abolition of alcohol storages (酒庫). And this policy was recognized as the positive national affairs in those days as evidenced by Chungju Magistrate Ahn, Wi who got a high score in performance rating. However, the central government prohibited Kwonbun (勸分), borrowing grain from scholar families forcibly, and secured finances of relief by preparing relief grain at the national level, making grain prepared by magistrates for themselves mandatory, and the installation of large-scale relief grain since the 17th century after the both wars. Considering this, it is thought that the preparation of relief grain at the local magistrates’ level in counties and prefectures was changed to that at the national level after the period passed.

폴리프로필렌 섬유를 혼입한 시멘트 매트릭스의 열응력 평가

문광균 ( Moon Kwang Kyun ),홍기남 ( Hong Ki Nam ) 한국구조물진단유지관리공학회 2017 한국구조물진단유지관리공학회 학술발표대회 논문집 Vol.21 No.2

In this paper, internal thermal stresses of the cementitious matrix were evaluated by incorporating polypropylene fibers. By using the temperature heating method specified in KS F 2257-1, the temperatures by a depth were measured. Thermal stress was calculated based on Kodur's thermal stress formula. Different thermal stress behaviors were observed depending on amount of PP fiber. Thas, it will become fundamental data to analyze the thermal stresses behavior of structure members subjected to higher temperature.

17∼18세기 경상감영 환곡의 운영 추이

문광균(Moon, Kwang-Kyun) 한국사연구회 2016 한국사연구 Vol.- No.174

19세기 후반 경상도 조운제도의 변화와 기선(汽船) 도입

문광균 ( Moon Kwnang-kyun ) 대구사학회 2017 대구사학 Vol.129 No.-

조선왕조는 현물경제체제 기반 위에서 국가재정을 운영하였다. 이를 위해 반드시 필요했던 제도가 바로 조운이었다. 본 논문은 경상도를 대상으로 19세기 조운제도의 변화 양상을 살폈다. 조선초기 폐지된 경상도의 조운제도는 18세기 중엽 다시 복구되었다. 이는 17세기 이래 노정된 ‘私船賃運’ 문제를 근본적으로 해결하려는 정부의 의지가 반영된 경제정책이었다. 경상도의 조운제도는 3조창을 중심으로 운영되었고, 국왕을 비롯하여 관료들로부터 긍정적인 평가를 받았다. 19세기 중엽 3조창 중심의 조운제도는 점차 균열되었다. 조운선 확보의 어려움, 都差邑의 내부적 문제, 조군에 대한 침탈과 이에 따른 선박의 침몰사고 등이 대표적인 문제였다. 조운제도가 총체적인 난항에 부딪히자 고종 17년(1880) 정부는 조선의 마지막 조운법령인 『漕弊釐正事目』을 반포하였다. 이 사목의 반포로 경상도의 조운제도는 사선을 빌려 세곡을 상납하는 ‘賃運直納’으로 전환되었다. 그럼에도 불구하고 정부의 의도와 달리 세곡운송 문제는 여전했다. 『조폐이정사목』이 성공을 거두지 못하자 관료들과 지식인은 여러 방향에서 조운에 대한 대책을 제시했는데, 그 중 다수의 논자는 火輪船, 즉 汽船의 도입을 주장하였다. 汽船이 신속성, 안정성, 적재량 등 여러 부문에서 재래선박인 조운선이나 경강선보다 우월하다고 판단했기 때문이었다. 결국 고종 19년(1882) 여론을 수렴하여 기선과 풍범선을 세곡운송에 적극 활용하겠다는 결정을 내렸다. 이 조치로 전운국이 해룡호, 조양호, 창룡호 3척을 구비하여 세곡을 상납하였고, 고종 30년(1893)부터는 민영회사인 利運社를 설치하여 세곡운송을 담당하였다. 그러나 기선의 도입에도 불구하고 종래의 세곡운송의 문제점이 모두 해결된 것은 아니었다. 조운제도라는 시스템 안에서 선박만 근대식 문물인 기선으로 바뀐 것이었으므로 기존 세곡운송에서 발생한 문제들은 여전하였다. 비록 기선이라는 근대적 외피를 썼다고 하더라도 수 백년 동안 운영되어온 현물경제체제와 그에 기반한 경제구조가 변하지 않는 이상 그것은 무의미한 일이었다. 결국 조운제도는 고종 32년(1895) 세제개혁이 이루어져서야 폐지되었다. In the mid-19th century, grain transportation system of 3 jochang started to be broken. There were representative problems such as difficulties in securing of transportation assistant ship, internal problem of Dochaeup(都差邑), plunder of Tax Shipping and sinking accident of the ship, etc. Due to the general difficulties in transportation assistant system, the government of the 17th year of Gojong(1880) declared final transportation assistant legislation of Joseon 『Jopyerijeongsamok(漕弊釐正事目)』. Due to the declaration, rear end-jochang of Gyeongsang-do was innovated and 11district of total 20district were transferred to 'Imunjiknap(賃運直納)' that borrows saseon and delibers grains. In the next year, the remained left-jochang and right-jochang were abolished. Therefore, grain transportation system of 3jochang was changed to Imunjiknap. But, in comparison to the intention of government, there was still a problem of grain transporation after the declaration of 『Jopyeijungsamok』. The goal of Joseon government, that was to improve grain transportation system through 『Jopyeijungsamok』, was not successful. Therefore, bureaucrats and intellectual people suggested measures in several directions and most of them insisted introduction of Hwaryunseon(火輪船), steamboat, because they thought steamboat was better than jounseon or gyeonggangseon, that were traditional ships, in several aspects of quickness, stableness, and loaded quantity, etc. Finally, national king accepted people's opinion in the 19th year of Gojong(1882) and decided to utilize steamboat and sailing ship actually for grain transportation. Therefore, in the 23th year of Gojong(1886), they established jeonunkuk(轉運局), prepared 3 ships of Haeryongho, Joyangho, and Changryongho, and delivered grains. From the 30th year of Gojong, (1893), eaunsa(利運社) was established to change private way of grain transportation. However, in spite of the introduction of steamboat, all of problems of grain transportation were not solved. In other words, only ships were changed to steamboat that is modern cultural product in the system of Tax Shipping, so the problems fixed on existing grain transportation were still remained. In spite of the modern shell of steamboat, product economic system that has been managed for several hundred years and the economic structure are not changed. And then, it was not meaningful. Finally, Tax Shipping system was abolished after the taxation innovation of gyelhojeon(結戶錢) in the 32nd year of Gojong(1895).

18세기 중엽 전라도 臨陂縣의 부세운영과 縣令 趙祉命의 시책

문광균(Moon, Kwang-Kyun) 한국사연구회 2019 한국사연구 Vol.- No.184

南坡 洪宇遠의 經世論

문광균(Moon, Kwang-Kyun) 고려사학회 2017 한국사학보 Vol.- No.67

본 논문은 17세기 대표적인 남인 정치인이었던 홍우원의 경세론을 살핀 글이다. 양란이 끝난 17세기는 재원확보의 물적 토대라 할 수 있는 호구와 전결이 제대로 파악되지 않아 지방재정에 대한 통제력이 약화되던 시기였다. 게다가 전란이라는 특수한 상황에서 정부는 結布, 三手米, 西糧米등 신규 부세를 창설하여 국가재정에 충당하였고, 지방의 감.병.수영을 비롯한 군현도 토지와 호구를 매개로 하여 독자적인 재원을 확보하였다. 그 사이 백성은 과도한 부세와 과외 징수에 노출되었다. 이와 같이 백성의 존립이 위태롭던 시기 홍우원은 민의 항산 유지를 위한 安民策을 제시하였다. 먼저, 그는 성리학적 재정이념인 損上益下의 원리에 따라 국가재정을 운영해야 한다고 보았다. 왕조정부가 수취하는 재원을 가급적 재분배해야 나라의 근간인 백성이 안정적인 삶을 영위할 수 있다고 보았다. 내수사의 무절제한 재원확보에 대한 비판, 궁방과 군문의 둔전혁파 요구 등은 그 대표적 주장이었다. 다음으로 그가 제시한 안민책은 減稅와 蠲役이었다. 그는 자연재해나 전란 등을 계기로 정상적인 부세수취가 어려울 경우, 또는 일부지역에 편중된 역이 부과되어 있는 경우에는 감세와 견역 조치를 취하여 백성의 생계기반을 유지해주고자 했다. 실제 농작 상황을 고려하여 給災結을 지급하고, 경상도의 산간지역인 예안현의 감세를 위해 전품을 下下로 낮춰달라고 올린 상소는 그 대표적 감세책이었다. 마지막으로 그가 제시한 안민책은 포흠 환곡 탕감이었다. 17세기 중엽을 전후한 시기는 극심한 기근기였다. 자연재해로 인한 기근과 전염병은 수많은 생명을 앗아갔고, 백성의 삶의 터전을 무너뜨렸다. 홍우원은 그 처참한 상황을 목도하고, 이를 타개하고자 진휼정책에 몰두하였다. 특히 경신대기근을 겪은 이후에는 기근 이전의 포흠환곡을 전면 탕감해야 한다고 주장하였다. 이러한 그의 기민구제책은 현실화되어 많은 백성들이 그 혜택을 입을 수 있었다. 이와 같이 홍우원은 17세기 남인학자로서 민의 항산을 보장하기 위한 여러 방안을 강구하고 있었고, 이를 현실정치에 반영하고자 부단히 노력하고 있었던 인물이었다. Hong Wu-won was acting in about the middle stage of the 17th century. This thesis intends to examine governance theory of Hong Wu-won who was a representative Namin politician in the 17th century. Joseon Dynasty managed national finance based on Joyongjo. Dynasty government raised royal position based on the finance collected from people and maintained bureaucracy. On the other hand, they paid diplomacy and military expenses and strengthened royal system. And, they stored a part of finances at the proper position for natural disasters such as drought, flood damage, etc. and guaranteed the fixed property of people. Hong Wu-won made lots of efforts so as to guarantee people’s livelihood and realize their welfare. First of all, he considered that national finance should be managed by a theory of sonsangikha(損上益下), a concept of Neo-Confucianism. He considered that finances Royal government collects must be redistributed as much as possible for people’s stable lives. His representative opinions were criticism of local government’s intemperate grasping of finances, requests for dunjeon hyukpa of gungbang and gunmun, etc. Next, people’s welfare policy he suggested was for tax reduction (減稅) and labor reduction. If it was difficult to collect taxes because of the natural disaster or war, or taxes were opposed to only some regions, he took measures of tax reduction and gyunyuk so as to maintain the base of people’s livelihood. He considered actual situation of farming and paid geupjaegyul(給災結) and an appeal to reduce jeonpoom to haha(下下) for tax reduction of yenahyun in mountains of Gyeongsang-do was a representative tax-reduction policy. Finally, people’s welfare policy he suggested was poheum hwangok tanggam. The period of about the 17th century was a severe famine period. Famine and infectious disease, caused by natural disasters, killed lots of lives and collapsed people’s houses. Hong Wu-won discovered the terrible situation and concentrated on jinhyul policy so as to solve them. Especially, after the gyeongsin big famine, he insisted that poheum hwangok before the Gyeongsin year should be forgiven. The famine solving policy could be actualized and helpful for many people. Thus, Hong Wu-won prepared several policies so as to guarantee the fixed property of people as a Namin scholar of the 17th century and made an effort to reflect the measures to actual policy.

조선후기 충청도 안흥첨사의 위상과 재임실태

문광균(Moon, Kwang-kyun) 국방부 군사편찬연구소 2021 군사 Vol.- No.120

This study paid attention to special army officer of Anheung, one of naval commanders in Chungcheong-do to examine one aspect of regional political rule done in military territories. For this, the study examined special army officers of Anheung"s actual conditions of holding office as preliminary work and a case study for the study on Anheungjin Camp"s regional political rule. In this study, Special army officers of Anheung which was analyzed, was targeted at 140 people who had been appointed since King Hyojong. Special army officers of Anheung"s term in office was legally 30 months. But the average period that special army officers of Anheung were in office in the reigns of Hyojong of Joseon to Gojong of Korea was about 17 months. Special army officers of Anheung who were termed out of office continued public office in various fields including capital and local officials. About 40% of the total number of officers except the people who dismissed from office belonged to Buhogun to wait for personnel appointments, about 26% was appointed commanders of the senior grade of third rank including commanders of Five Military Commands and commanders of Concurrent Royal Stables. The rate to be promoted to local officials was about 20%. Among them, the rate to be promoted to naval commanders, the high rank of the naval forces was just 6.5% and the case of being promoted to garrison commanders, army inspectors, chiefs of staffs, and county magistrates was 13%. On the other hand, 27.8% of the whole special army officers of Anheung were disgraced as they dismissed from office, were exiled, or were forced into the army. Among them, the people who dismissed from office found from historical records were 36 people. The majority of them dismissed from office because of careless management and transportation of cargo vessels and imperfect management of military food. In addition, the failure of the oyster port of Anheung Port, insufficient reports and management of handover lines, excessive collection of taxation, and matters to repair the mountain fortress led to their dismissal from office. This shows that special army officers of Anheung was conducting Local Magistrates, such as the other regional magistrate.