태권도시범단의 심상유형이 무대불안에 미치는 영향

김남중(Kim, Nam-Jung),김근국(Kim, Geun-Kook),김승철(Kim, Seung-Chul) 한국체육과학회 2013 한국체육과학회지 Vol.22 No.5

The purpose of this study was to understand how imagery types of the taekwondo demonstration teams are related with stage-anxiety. A national and a college taekwondo demonstration teams were selected as subjects of this research, and a total of 552 samples of a survey were processed for data collection by purposive sampling method and 536 copies in total were used for the final analysis. one-way ANOVA and multiple regression analysis were used for data assessment with SPSS 18.0, and the result was shown as follows. First, according to the findings from an investigation on how individual characteristics affect the imagery types, the gender did not present any particular differences from any of the factors except for motivational specific for the imagery types. An individual taekwondo demonstrator belongs to came up with differences from all the factors of the imagery types while how long an demonstrator has been performing so far presented differences from all the other factors but not for the motivational specific for the imagery types. In addition, the study looked into how the individual characteristics are related to the stage-anxiety and the results reported that even though the gender demonstrated some differences from the physical state anxiety, no difference was discovered from the cognitive state anxiety. An individual taekwondo demonstrator belongs to and how long an demonstrator has been performing so far presented differences from every factor of the stage-anxiety. Second, according to what has been found from how the imagery types affect the stage-anxiety, the motivational general-arousal of the imagery types was learned to have positive (+) influences on all the factors of the stage?anxiety. The motivational general-mastery and cognitive specific of the imagery types were observed negative (-) influence on the physical state anxiety of the stage-anxiety while the general cognitive of eh imagery types would have negative (-) influence on the cognitive sates anxiety of the stage-anxiety. Also, the motivational specific for the imagery types were shown positive (+) influence to the cognitive state anxiety of the stage-anxiety.

팔라디움과 백금이 금합금의 특성에 미치는 영향

김남중(Nam-Jung Kim),우이형(Yi-Hung Woo),권긍록(Kung-Rok Kwon),최부병(Boo-Byung Choi) 대한턱관절교합학회 2004 구강회복응용과학지 Vol.20 No.4

위만조선과 고구려 초기의 相

김남중(Kim, Nam-jung) 한국고대사탐구학회 2013 한국고대사탐구 Vol.14 No.-

위만조선에는 여러 명의 相이 있었고, 相은 일정 지역을 통치하기도 하였다. 이러한 점에서 위만조선의 相은 중국의 相과는 다르다고 보는 견해가 있었다. 그러나 이것은 중국의 相에 대한 철저한 검토 없이 내려진 결론이다. 위만조선이 성립될 무렵 중국의 왕조 및 제후왕국에도 중앙에 두 명의 相을 둔 경우가 많았으며, 相은 일정 지역을 봉읍으로 지닌 列侯이기도 하였다. 즉 중국의 相은 위만조선의 相과 전혀 다를 바 없었다. 또한 흉노나 남월의 相이 중국의 相과 다르다고 보면서 위만조선의 相은 족장적 성격을 지녔을 것이라는 추론도 문제가 있음을 확인하였다. 燕人으로 기록된 위만에 의해 건국되었고 燕·齊·趙 지역 유이민이 중심이 되어 성립된 위만조선은 중국의 相 관직을 그대로 수용하였다. 즉 위만조선의 相은 중국의 경우와 마찬가지로 왕에 의해 임명되고 왕권을 보좌하는 역할을 한 百官의 長이었다. 『史記』朝鮮列傳에 언급된 朝鮮相은 중국의 丞相, 丞谿相은 泥谿侯國에 파견된 相이었으며, 또 한 명의 相은 국가 위기 상황에서 임시로 설치된 守相으로 보인다. 이렇게 위만조선은 相을 정점으로 하는 관직 체계를 지니고 있었으며 지방관을 파견하여 지방을 통치하였다. 고구려 역시 相을 파견하여 복속 지역을 통치하였는데, 『三國志』東沃沮傳에 서 이러한 사실을 확인할 수 있다. 즉 고구려는 옥저를 복속한 뒤 당시 漢에서 실시되고 있던 후국 지배 방식을 채용하여 토착 세력의 大人에게 고구려 관직인 使者를 주어 통치에 활용하였으며, 相을 파견하여 옥저 지역을 통치하도록 하였다. 또한 고구려는 2세기 후반 신대왕 때부터 중앙에 國相을 두었는데, 고구려의 국상은 위만조선과 마찬가지로 중국의 승상과 같은 존재였다. 즉 국상은 왕에 의해 임명되어 왕의 통치를 보좌하는 역할을 하였으며, 百官之上의 관직이었다. In Wiman - Chos?n, there was a number of Sang(相) who had their own private fiefdom. So many people have recognized that the Sang of Wiman - Chos?n different from the one of China. However, the inference had come without thorough investigation about Sang of China. At that time China government placed two people to Seung Sang(丞相), Prime Minister, and dispatched lots of Sang to the princely states, some of the Sang had their own private fiefdom. It is mean that the Sang of Wiman - Chos?n was not different from the one of China. Meanwhile, one said that the Sang of Wiman - Chos?n was a tribal chief, on the grounds that the Sang of Xiongnu(匈奴) and Nanyue(南越) were dissimilar to the one of China, but in this paper it is determined that the grounds were insufficient. It is quite natural that Wiman - Chos?n, which founded by Wiman who became known Yan(燕) man and in which resided lots of refugees coming from Yan(燕), Qi(齊), Zhao(趙), areas of China, accepted political system of China. The Sang of Wiman - Chos?n, as in the case of China, was appointed by the king on the throne, and was the head of many government officials. The Sang of Wiman - Chos?n were Chos?n Sang(朝鮮相), Nigye - Sang(丞谿相), etc. Chos?n - Sang was Prime Minister, the nature of it was like to Seung Sang of China. Nigye - Sang was a provincial governor to dispatch the Nigye princely states(侯國). Another Sang was supposed Su - Sang(守相) that appointed temporarily in the national crisis. Chos?n - Sang was the most high up official in Wiman - Chos?n, Wiman - Chos?n ruled the province by dispatching local minister. Koguryo also ruled the annexed areas by lots of Sang, the fact is confirmed through 『Samgukji(三國志)』 East - Okjeo(東沃沮) chapter. Since then annexed Okjeo(沃沮), Koguryo governed Okjeo depending on Han(漢)’s method about ruling over princely states. Namely, Koguryo gave Saja(使者) title to the Adult(大人) of Okjeo, in order to receive their help when ruled over Okjeo, dispatched lots of Sang for dominating colonial Okjeo. And when the king of Sin - Dae(the late second century A.D.), Koguryo made a new government office, Guk - Sang(國相) the same as Seung - Sang of China just like Wiman - Chos?n. The Guk - Sang was not elected by subject or dignitary but appointed by the king, was a counselor to assist the reign of King and the head of all government officials.

인적용역 사업자의 소득세 과세제도에 관한 연구

김남중 ( Nam Jung Kim ),정래용 ( Rae Yong Jung ) 연세대학교 법학연구원 2014 法學硏究 Vol.24 No.2

Personal service income earners terminate a duty of tax payment by means of withholding tax like a day worker. In another way of a duty of tax payment, they fulfill the general income tax payment separately by self-assessment not to terminate a duty of tax payment as year-end tax adjustment like a regular employee, although in fact, they are non-regular worker, day worker or similar case. As excessive assessment of income amount, they also pay income tax much more than other types of income earners or workers earning fixed same amount. In comparison with other tax payers, they get disadvantaged in utility bill etc. besides of tax law by excessive assessment of income amount. Likewise, most of them are small income earners and they suffer from disadvantage and inequality in many ways including tax law on socially·economically poor status. Therefore, it is necessary to improve it as follows. First, 74.1 per cent of whole personal service income earners are small income earners whose annual income is below 10 million won. Therefore, as for the personal service income earners whose annual personal service business income without other incomes is below 10 million won, it is necessary to improve deduction of withholding tax for 1 per cent and termination of duty of tax payment by means of selective separated taxation and then they do not confirm and report the general income tax. Second, substantially most of personal service income earners are similar to non-regular workers or they are made a report to tax office as personal service business income earners although they are employed workers in order to evade responsibility for the four big Insurance premium payment and labor law. Thus, it is necessary to allow personal service income earners to deduct special deduction articles for all of them who are workers in fact and to offer personal service similar to work. Third, it is necessary to raise the reference amount of revenue by simple expense rate of personal service income earners from current 24,000,000 to 60,000,000 won by just before year. As far as 40,000,000 won which is excess amount of income amount by relevant year is concerned, it is necessary to abolish the application of excess rate of simple expense rate and to apply for the primary rate unification like other personal service income earners. Fourth, it is necessary to give earned income tax credit (EITC) which is due for payment in 2015 to other types of personal service income earners in its early stages like personal service income earners who calculate year-end adjustment of income amount.

점토대토기 문화의 확산과 고조선, 고구려, 한의 관계

김남중(Kim, Nam-Jung) 한국고대학회 2020 先史와 古代 Vol.- No.64

이 논문은 중국 동북 지역에서 출현하여 한반도로 확산된 점토대토기 문화를 통해 고조선과 고구려·한(韓)의 관계, 고구려와 마한의 관계를 다루었다. 중국 동북 지역은 고조선 또는 예맥과 관련이 깊은 곳이다. 그런데 집안의 고구려 고분 벽화의 내용, 고구려 발상 지역인 환인·집안 일대에도 점토대토기가 확인된다는 점 등에서 고조선과 고구려는 관련이 깊은 세력임을 알 수 있다. 남한 지역으로 확대된 점토대토기 문화는 토착 청동기 문화와 결합하며 발전하였다. 이 과정에서 중서부 지역에는 선주 점토대토기 문화와 관련 있는 진국이, 만경강 일대에는 기원전 2세기 초에 유입된 준왕계 세력과 관련 있는 한(본[本] 마한)이 이루어졌다. 영남 지역은 서남부 지역 점토대토기 문화의 영향으로 변·진한 사회가 형성되었다. 이에 진(진국), 한(마한) 및 진과 한이 결합한 진한은 모두 고조선·예맥과 같은 계통의 세력이라 할 수 있다. 목지국에 의해 통합된 진한은 영남 지역 세력의 대중국 교섭 과정에서 121년 이전에 다시 마한(후[後] 마한)과 진한으로 구분되었다. 중국에서 그들과 꾸준히 교류 관계를 유지한 영남 지역 세력을 진한으로 표기하는 대신 목지국 중심의 다른 진한 세력을 이와 구별하기 위해 마한이라는 이름으로 표기한 것이다. 마한(후 마한)은 121·122년에 고구려 주도의 현도성 공격에도 참여한 바 있다. 다만 이때의 마한은 목지국이 아닌 낙랑 주변의 토착 세력을 의미할 수도 있다. 『삼국사기』에 언급된 남한 기사를 통해 고구려와 옥저 등 삼한 이외의 세력도 자신들을 한의 범주에 넣었음을 살필 수 있는데, 이런 점에서 고구려와 마한은 같은 계통의 세력이라 할 수 있다. This paper deals with the relationship between old joseon and gogulyeo & han, gogulyeo and mahan through the clay-band rim pottery culture that emerged in northeast-china and spread the korean peninsula. The northeast-china is deeply related to old joseon and yemaeg. By the way, pictures painted on the goguryeo mural tomb in jian and the fact that the clay-band rim pottery was found in huanren & jian area, the birthplace of gogulyeo, shows that gogulyeo is a country closely related to old joseon. The clay-band rim pottery culture, which expanded to the south-korea, developed in conjunction with the indigenous bronze age culture. Under these circumstances, jingug which was related to the first settled the clay-band rim pottery culture was formed in the midwest-korea and han(orignal mahan) was formed in connection with the last king of old joseon, king jun, who entered the early 2nd century BC at the mangyeong river area. In the yeongnam area, the influence of the clay-band rim pottery culture of southwest-korea formed the byeonhan & jinhan society. In this regard, jin(jingug), han(mahan), and jinhan which is a combination of jin and han, are all the same force of old joseon & yemaeg. The jinhan, which was incorporated by mogjigug, was again divided into mahan(late mahan) and jinhan before 121 year while the yeongnam area forces interacted with china. In china, instead of labeling the yeongnam area forces as jinhan, who steadily interacted with them, other powers led by mogjigug were written in the name of mahan to distinguish him. Mahan(late mahan) also participated in the battle that attacked xuantu castle, led by gogulyeo in 121·122 year. However, mahan at this time may not mean mogjigug, but may mean the indigenous forces around naglang. In the south-han article mentioned in samgugsagi, it can be seen that forces outside of the three hans, such as gogulyeo and ogjeo, also put themselves in han s category. In this regard, it can be said that gogulyeo and mahan are the same lineage.

고조선 연구의 신지평 『삼국사기』에 나타난 신라의 낙랑 인식과 신라 건국 세력의 성격 -신라와 고조선과의 관계를 중심으로-

김남중 ( Nam Jung Kim ) 경희대학교 인문학연구원 2015 인문학연구 Vol.0 No.28

This paper examined the reason why Nakrang(樂浪) harassed Silla as more than any other nation in the Samguksagi Silla-bongi. The records of Nakrang`s invasion in the Samguksagi Silla-bongi unlike traditional war record. As a result, it has a role to enhance the image that Silla was a country ruled by a saint. the record gave up the national prestige of Silla. At the time, the leader led to attack on Silla was not Lelang(樂浪) governor but the king of Nakrang(樂浪) state. Actual the record of Nakrang in Samguk-sagi Silla-bongi finished by the people of Nakrang come to Silla. ‘Nakrang’ name was used from Wiman-Chosun period. The sentence about the Xuantu(玄?)·Lelang-County area in the Geography section(地理志) of Hansu(漢書) indicates the situation of Nakrang at the time. The sentence covered lots for Ji-Zi(箕子), but did not address at all for Wiman, because it had reflected the opinion of Proto-Old-Chosun force, concerned with Ji-Zi. On the other hand, in the traditions of the Chosun(朝鮮列傳) Shiji(史記) does not look at all about Ji-Zi. This phenomenon shows that it should distinguish between Wiman-Chosun and Proto-Old-Chosun force. Wiman force had developed at western part of Old-Chosun and annexed to Old-Chosun. At that time Old-Chosun force not fused in Wiman-Chosun and lost their identity but lived in separate area and reduced the size to the prefecture level. At Wiman-Chosun period, they had been called Nakrang or Nakrang-Chosun, distinguished by the country name of Wiman-Chosun. they also kept their force when received the government of Han empire. The records, they had fled to escape the forced labor in Qin(秦) empire, used ‘bang(邦)’ instead of the ‘guk(國)’ and came to evacuate in Yen(燕) area, show that the Chosun people founded Silla were Wiman-Chosun ancestry. In other words, Silla was related with Wiman-Chosun and Nakrang was related with Proto-Old-Chosun force. The Nakrang-related records in the Samguksagi Silla-bongi serve to show that Silla was the nation ruled by a saint.

소득보장정책에 따른 노후소득 확충방안에 관한 연구

김남중 ( Nam-jung Kim ),최영수 ( Young-su Choi ) 산업진흥원 2020 산업진흥연구 Vol.5 No.3

본 연구는 노인의 삶을 풍요롭게 하기 위해서는 현재 실시되고 있는 소득보장정책을 보다 강화하여 노인들에게 적용 가능한 노후소득 확충방안을 제시하였다. 소득보장정책이란, 일정 생활수준을 유지할 수 있도록 소득을 보장하는 정책을 말한다. 실업·질병·재해에 의해 수입이 중단될 때, 또는 노령에 의한 퇴직이나 부양자의 사망 등에 의해 수입이 상실될 때, 출생·사망 등에 수반하는 지출이 발생할 때, 일정 생활수준을 유지할 수 있도록 소득을 보장해주는 정책이다. 연구 결과, 노후소득보장 확충 방안을 제시하면 다음과 같다. 첫째, 노후소득보장을 위한 기초연금의 단계적 인상이 필요하다. 둘째, 국민연금의 소득보장기능을 보다 더 강화해야 한다. 셋째, 다층노후소득보장체계를 구축해야 한다. 넷째, 노인일자리 확대를 지속적으로 추진해야 한다. 결론적으로 노인들에 대한 소득보장정책을 강화하기 위해서는 현재 실시되고 있는 노인소득보장제도에 대한 재점검이 우선적으로 필요하다. 그런 후 이에 대해 점진적으로 노후소득을 보장해주는 방안을 제시해야 할 것이다. In order to enrich the lives of senior citizens, this study suggested measures to increase income for the elderly by strengthening the current income security policies. Income security is a policy that guarantees income to maintain a certain standard of living. It is a policy that guarantees income to maintain a certain standard of living when income is suspended due to unemployment, disease, or disaster, or when income is lost due to retirement or death of a dependent due to old age, or when expenditure accompanying birth, death, etc. occurs. According to the study, measures to expand old-age income security are as follows. First, a phased increase in basic pension for the guarantee of old-age income is needed. Second, the income security function of the National Pension Service should be further strengthened. Third, a multi-layered old-age income security system should be established. Fourth, the government should continue to push for the expansion of works for the elderly. In conclusion, in order to strengthen the income security policy for the elderly, a reexamination of the current income guarantee system for the elderly is needed first. Then, it will be necessary to propose measures to gradually guarantee income for the elderly.

부분방전 PRPD 패턴에서 합성곱 신경망의 효과적인 활용

김남중(Nam-jung Kim),송민준(Min-jun Song),박준휘(Jun-hwi Park),김인기(In-ki Kim),곽정환(Jeong-hwan Gwak) 한국정보통신학회 2023 한국정보통신학회 종합학술대회 논문집 Vol.27 No.2

시멘트 경화체 중에서의 CI<SUP>-</SUP>의 확산과 세공용액의 pH에 미치는 혼화재의 영향

김남중(Kim, Nam Jung),최상흘(Choi, Sang Heul),정재동(Jaung, Jae Dong),한기성(Han, Ki Sung) 한국콘크리트학회 1992 콘크리트학회논문집 Vol.4 No.1

위만조선의 멸망 원인에 대한 새로운 접근 - 왕검성의 소멸과 조선현의 中心地化와 관련하여 -

김남중(Kim, Nam-jung) 고조선단군학회 2021 고조선단군학 Vol.46 No.-

이 글은 한이 위만조선을 침공한 이유, 위만조선이 멸망할 수밖에 없었던 이유 등을 검토한 것이다. 위만조선은 한에 의해 멸망했는데, 한은 건국 초인 文帝 시기부터 이미 이 지역을 失地로 보고 복속하고자 하는 의지를 지니고 있었다. 지리적 이점과 위만조선의 철저한 전쟁 대비로 왕검성 항전은 수개월간 지속되었다. 그러나 우월한 전력을 지닌 적이 이길 때까지 공격하는 것을 막아내는 것은 한계가 있었다. 더구나 한 무제가 무리한 공격보다는 투항을 이끌어내고자 하면서 위만조선 대신들의 항복이 이어졌고 결국 위만조선은 멸망에 이르게 되었다. 이러한 끈질긴 항쟁의 대가로 왕검성은 주민들이 다른 곳으로 이주되면서 기능을 상실하고 사람들의 기억 속에서 사라지게 되었다. 이에 한의 고조선 지역 통치 거점은 위만조선의 도읍이었던 왕검성이 아닌 낙랑군 조선현이 되었다. 조선군이 아닌 조선현이 설치되었다는 점, 응소의 주, 『사기』, 『한서』의 조선전과 『한서』 지리지의 차이, 『위략』, 『삼국지』 등에서 왕검성 기사 부재, 왕검성과 패수의 관계, 기원전 2세기대 평양 일대의 고고학적 낙후성 등을 통해 왕검성은 조선현이 설치된 평양 일대로 볼 수 없다. 흉노, 진번, 임둔, 원 고조선 세력(낙랑 조선) 등 주변 세력이 도움을 주지 않았던 점도 위만조선이 멸망하는 원인이었다. 원 고조선 세력은 산동 낭야 출신인 왕중의 후손과 결합하였는데, 왕중은 『상서』, 『역』에 밝았던 인물이었다. 이들의 활동으로 원 고조선 세력이 기자 동래설을 증명하였고, 한은 위만조선이 아닌 원 고조선 세력을 고조선의 정통으로 인식하게 되었다. 왕중 후손은 중원의 농법, 위세품 등을 통해 토착 세력과 관계를 형성하였고, 원 고조선 세력은 왕중 후손의 권유를 받아들여 한에 투항하는 쪽을 선택한 것이다. 이들의 투항으로 왕검성은 더욱 고립에 빠졌고 결국 위만조선은 멸망하였다. This paper examines the reason why han invaded wiman joseon and why wiman joseon fell. Wiman joseon was destroyed by han, and han had a willingness to subjugate the area as a lost land from the time of emperor wen, the early days of its founding. With geographical advantages and thorough preparation for the war in wiman joseon, the battle of wanggeom-castle lasted for months. However, there was a limit to preventing an enemy with superior power from attacking until they won. Moreover, as emperor wu of han tried to lead to surrender rather than unreasonable attacks, the wiman joseons ministers continued to surrender, and eventually wiman joseon was destroyed. In return for these persistent protests, wanggeom-castle lost its function and disappeared from peoples memories as residents moved to other places. Accordingly, the governing base for the ancient-joseon region of han became chaoxian-xian, lelang-jun, not wanggeom-castle, the capital of wiman joseon. Wanggeomcastle cannot be seen as pyongyang, where chaoxian-xian was installed, through the fact that chaoxian-xian, not chaoxian-gun, was established, yingshaos comment, the difference between chaoxian-zhuan of shiji & hanshu and hanshus dili-zhi, the absence of records of wanggeom-castle in weilüe & sanguozhi, the relationship between the wanggeom-castle and the pae-river, the archaeological backwardness of pyongyang in the 2nd century BC, etc. The fact that surrounding forces such as xiongnu, jinbeon, imdun and proto ancient joseon force(lelang joseon) did not help was also the cause of wiman joseons collapse. The proto ancient joseon forces were combined with the descendants of wangzhong, a native of langya, shandong province, who was bright in shangshu and yijing. Through their activities, proto ancient joseon forces proved the theory that jizi came to the east and han recognized proto ancient joseon forces, not wiman joseon, as the authenticity of ancient joseon. Wangzhongs descendents formed relationships with the native force through the agricultural technology and costly article of china, and ancient joseon forces chose to surrender to han, not to helf wiman joseon, at the recommendation of wangzhongs descendants. Their surrender made wanggeom-castle more isolated and eventually destroyed wiman joseon.