태권도시범단의 심상유형이 무대불안에 미치는 영향

김남중(Kim, Nam-Jung),김근국(Kim, Geun-Kook),김승철(Kim, Seung-Chul) 한국체육과학회 2013 한국체육과학회지 Vol.22 No.5

The purpose of this study was to understand how imagery types of the taekwondo demonstration teams are related with stage-anxiety. A national and a college taekwondo demonstration teams were selected as subjects of this research, and a total of 552 samples of a survey were processed for data collection by purposive sampling method and 536 copies in total were used for the final analysis. one-way ANOVA and multiple regression analysis were used for data assessment with SPSS 18.0, and the result was shown as follows. First, according to the findings from an investigation on how individual characteristics affect the imagery types, the gender did not present any particular differences from any of the factors except for motivational specific for the imagery types. An individual taekwondo demonstrator belongs to came up with differences from all the factors of the imagery types while how long an demonstrator has been performing so far presented differences from all the other factors but not for the motivational specific for the imagery types. In addition, the study looked into how the individual characteristics are related to the stage-anxiety and the results reported that even though the gender demonstrated some differences from the physical state anxiety, no difference was discovered from the cognitive state anxiety. An individual taekwondo demonstrator belongs to and how long an demonstrator has been performing so far presented differences from every factor of the stage-anxiety. Second, according to what has been found from how the imagery types affect the stage-anxiety, the motivational general-arousal of the imagery types was learned to have positive (+) influences on all the factors of the stage?anxiety. The motivational general-mastery and cognitive specific of the imagery types were observed negative (-) influence on the physical state anxiety of the stage-anxiety while the general cognitive of eh imagery types would have negative (-) influence on the cognitive sates anxiety of the stage-anxiety. Also, the motivational specific for the imagery types were shown positive (+) influence to the cognitive state anxiety of the stage-anxiety.

HIV 감염인에서의 기생충질환 발생빈도 낮으나 생명 위협

김남중,Kim, Nam-Jung 대한에이즈예방협회 2005 레드리본 Vol.67 No.-

인간면역결핍바이러스(Human Immunodeficiency Virus: 이하 HIV로 표기) 감염환자에서 발생하는 기회감염은 다양한 미생물에 의해 발생한다. 기생충이 일으키는 감염질환은 세균이나 곰팡이, 바이러스가 일으키는 감염질환에 비해 발생빈도가 낮아 중요성이 간과되는 경우가 흔하지만, HIV 감염환자에게는 여전히 중요한 감염질환이다.

『說文解字』의 고조선ㆍ낙랑 기록과 典據

김남중(Kim Nam Jung) 한국고대학회 2017 先史와 古代 Vol.- No.51

『설문해자』에는 요동ㆍ낙랑 일대의 토산물과 생활상, 낙랑설령 및 조선의 방언 등에 대한 내용을 살필 수 있다. 토산물에 대한 기록 태도를 통해 먼저 낙랑 지역은 하나의 국(낙랑반국)으로 인식하는 시각과 한의 군현(낙랑군)으로 인식하는 시각이 공존하였음을 알 수 있다. 또한 예 지역 토산물의 산지를 薉邪頭國과 樂浪東暆 두 가지 형태로 표시한 점에서는 한과 예 사이에 최소한 두 계통 이상의 교역 루트가 있었음을 알 수 있다. 예맥 지역에 대한 시각도 독특한데, 이러한 기록들은 한의 공식 문서에서 얻은 것으로 보인다. 『설문해자』에 소개된 조선의 방언은 양웅이 쓴 『방언』의 내용과 약간의 차이를 보인다. 이런 점에서 『설문해자』가 『방언』을 직접 참고했는지는 불분명하고 별도의 자료를 통해 얻었을 가능성도 있다. 또한 언어 구역을 논하면서 조선과 동이를 구별하여 서술하였다는 특징도 보인다. 『설문해자』에는 한의 법령이 실려 있는데, 형법 조항뿐만 아니라 행정에 필요한 여러 내용도 포함되어 있다. 허신이 본 낙랑설령도 형법뿐만 아니라 낙랑 통치에 필요한 여러 정보들이 담겨져 있었을 것이다. 『설문해자』에는 출전을 알기 어려운 낙랑 일대의 토산물이나 조선의 방언이 실려 있는데, 이중 일부는 낙랑설령에서 얻었을 수 있다. 고조선의 범금 역시 낙랑설령에 실렸을 것으로 보인다. There are the local products of Liaodong(遼東) & Lelang area, the life cycle of the local residents, Lelang-Qieling(樂浪挈令) and Chosun dialect in Shuowenjiezi(說文解字). Through recording methods for the local products, we can see that Han(漢) people considered Lelang both an independent nation(namely Nakrangban state) and also a Gunhyeon(郡縣) of Han(namely Lelang county). Through two forms of recording methods, Ye-Sadu state(薉邪頭國) and Lelang Dongyi(樂浪東暆), for the local products of Ye(薉) area, we can see to be two trading routes between Han and Ye at least. Their perspective on Yemaek(薉貉) area is unique, these records may be obtained from the official documents of the Han. The records of Chosun dialect in Shuowenjiezi differ slightly from those records in Dialect written by Yangxiong(揚雄). In this regard, it seems that the dialects in Shuowenjiezi had quoted from not Dialect but Other resources. In addition, describing the area of tongues, the book distinguished between Chosun and Dongyi(東夷). Shuowenjiezi contains the law of Han, which include several provisions necessary for the administration as well as the provisions of the criminal code. Lelang-Qieling that Xushen(許愼) saw had seen contained not only criminal code but also various information required for Lelang regional governance. The some records of Lelang area which sources are unknown in Shuowenjiezi, would have been in Lelang-Qieling. Prohibitive legislations of Old-Chosun also would have been in Lelang-Qieling.

시멘트 경화체 중에서의 CI<SUP>-</SUP>의 확산과 세공용액의 pH에 미치는 혼화재의 영향

김남중(Kim, Nam Jung),최상흘(Choi, Sang Heul),정재동(Jaung, Jae Dong),한기성(Han, Ki Sung) 한국콘크리트학회 1992 콘크리트학회논문집 Vol.4 No.1

箕子전승의 형성과 단군 신화에의 편입 과정

김남중(Kim, Nam-Jung) 고려사학회 2016 한국사학보 Vol.- No.65

이 논문은 箕子전승이 언제 형성되었으며 『삼국유사』에 제시된 단군 신화 안에 기자 전승이 유입된 시기 및 배경을 고찰한 것이다. 먼저 고조선 지역에서 일어난 세력들의 자기 인식을 토대로 고조선인들이 천신이나 선인의 후예라는 인식을 지녔음을 살필 수 있었다. 반면 『고기』류 단군 신화상의 기자는 단순히 周王에 의해 봉건된 제후의 모습으로만 나와 토착 세력들이 지닌 王者의 조건을 지닌 인물로 묘사되어 있지 않다. 기자 전승은 고조선인들이 보편적으로 지니고 있던 시조 전승과는 거리가 멀다는 점에서 고조선 시기에 단군 신화에 편입되었다고 보기는 어렵다. 이러한 기자 전승은 漢代문헌에서 나오기 시작하는데, 고조선 시기에 존재했을 가능성을 배제하기는 어렵다. 『위략』에 기원전 4세기 말에 朝鮮侯가 稱王을 하고 燕과 군사적 충돌 직전까지 갔던 내용이 나온다. 이때 대부 禮가 연에 가서 燕王을 설득하여 전쟁을 막았는데, 기자전승은 이 과정에서 대부 예에 의해 각색되었을 가능성이 있다. 다만 기자동래설이 고조선 사회에 확산되어 있었던 것은 아니고 對燕외교를 이끌었던 대부 예로 언급된 세력 안에서만 언급된 정도로만 보인다. 『고기』류 단군 신화상에 나타난 기자의 모습에서 낙랑군 통치 시기나 고구려 시기에도 기자 전승이 단군 신화에 편입되었다고 보기 어렵다. 기자의 이주는 단군의 藏唐京이주와 연결되어 있다는 점과 황해도 信川[儒州] 지역에 거주하던 고조선 계승 세력의 전승이 반영되었을 가능성이 있다. 즉 고조선의 도읍으로 알려져 왔던 평양이 아닌 신천 일대가 단군의 도읍이 된 배경을 설명하기 위해서 기자 전승이 단군 신화에 편입된 것으로 보인다. 편입 시기는 고구려 멸망 이후 평양 일대는 황폐화되고 황해도 일대는 무정부 상태나 다를 바 없게 되었던 통일신라 시대로 보인다. This paper examined the Jizi(箕子) lore when was formed and how incorporated in Dangun myth of Samguk Yusa(三國遺事). First, studied the self-awareness of forces grew up in Old Joseon area, these led that Old Joseon people had been proud descendant of the heavenly gods(天神) or hsien(仙人). On the other hand, Jizi was depicted the feudal princes by king of zhou(周) in Dangun myth of Goki(古記), it was far from the image of king having had the Natives. It showed that the incorporation time of Jizi lore into Dangun Myth was not Old Joseon period. Jizi lore appeared for the first time in documents of Han(漢) dynasty, it could not rule out the possibility that the lore had existed in Old Joseon period. Weilue(魏略) had written the story that the head of Old Joseon was referred to the king himself, went until just cause military confrontation with Yan(燕) state in the late 4th century B.C. Then Daebu(大夫) Ye(禮) went to Yan and prevented a war to persuade the king of Yan, it is possible that Jizi lore was created by Daebu Ye at this time. However, it is estimated ‘the theory of Jizi’s migration to korea(箕子東來說)’ had not spread in Old Joseon, but only talked in the forces of Daebu Ye who led the Yan diplomacy. Seen from the image of Jizi in Dangun myth mentioned in Goki (古記), the incorporation time of Jizi lore into Dangun Myth was not Nakrang Gun(樂浪郡) or Goguryeo period also. Jizi’s migration to Old Joseon was connected with Dangun’s migration to Jangdanggyeong(藏唐京), it showed that the Jizi lore was related to a legend of Old Joseon descendants lived in Hwanghae-Do Shincheon(信川)[Yuju(儒州)] area. The record seems to be incorporated in order to explain why not Pyongyang but Shincheon area associated with Dangun. The incorporation time is estimated to be Unified Silla period when Pyongyang had been devastated and Hwanghae-Do area had been not different from the anarchy.

교합고경의 인위적인 증가에 따른 저작계의 반응에 관한 연구

김남중,이성복,최대균,박남수,Kim, Nam-Jung,Lee, Sung-Bok,Choi, Dae-Gyun,Park, Nam-Soo 대한치과보철학회 1995 대한치과보철학회지 Vol.33 No.4

This study was performed to research the changes of masticatory system subsequent to randomly increasing the vertical dimension. The subjects were twenty seven persons, twenty two men and five women, with a mean age of 24.3(age ranged from 22 to 26). The subjects had a complete or almost complete set of natural teeth and reported no subjected symptoms of pain or dysfunction in the masticatory system. The occlusal splint increased vertical dimension was made on semiadjustable articulator. The subjects were randomly divided to three groups according to the vertical dimension, at which the occlusal splint was made. Group I occlusal splints were made at 2mm form the occlusal vertical dimension, group II occlusal splints at 5mm, group III occlusal splints at 8mm. The occlusal splints were almost weared for 2 weeks except meal-time. Clinical examination, muscle activity, changes of free-way space, movement of mandible and articular condyle were recorded and analyzed by means of biopak system(Bioresearch Inc, Millwakee Wisconsin.) and radiograph. 1. In clinical examination, various symptoms were reported by all subjects immediately after the placement of occlusal splint. At the end of experiment, symptoms were lasted by 1 subject in Group I, 2 subjects in Group II, 6 subjects in Group III. At the other subjects, the most of symptoms were disappered within 2-4 days after the placement of occlusal splints. 2. The average free-way space before the startof experiment was 1.77mm in all twenty seven subjects. Immediately after the placement of occlusal splints, 0.67mm at Group I, 0.49mm at Group II, 0.41mm at Group III, At 2 weeks after the placement of occlusal splint 0.93mm, 0.79mm, 0.78mm each other, 1.94mm, 1.77mm, 2.3 mm at immediately after the removal of occlual splint. At 1 week after the removal of occlusal splint, free-way space was recovered to the pre-experimental state 3. In cephalometric radiograph, following either the placement or the removal of the occlusal splints, the movements of mandible in an antero-posterior direction were not statistically significant(p>0.05). 4. In transcranial radiograghs of TMJ, 1 week after the placement of occlusal splint the movement of most superior position on condyle in all group shoed antero-inferior position than before the experiment(p<0.001) and also showed antero-inferior position in mandibular postural rest position than in certric occlusion(p<0.001). Following either the placement or the removal of the splints, the amount of movement of most superior position on condyle was group III. group II and group I in order(p<0.001). 5. In anterior temporal and superficial masseter muscle, muscle activity at postural rest position decreased at 2 weeks after the placement of occlusal splint in group I and group II (p>0.05), but significantly increased in group III(p<0.001). At 1 week after the removal of the occdusal splint, muscle activity at postural rest position was recovered preconditional state 6. In anterior temporal and superficail masseter muscle, muscle activity at clenching in all group was significantly decreased after placement of the occlusal splint, slightly increased during experimental period and recovered to the original state at 1 week after removal of the occlusal splint. But was not statistically significat(p>0.05)s.

『삼국유사』 위만조선 관련 기록의 서술 의도

김남중(Kim Nam-jung) 한국사학회 2020 史學硏究 Vol.0 No.139

이 글은『삼국유사』에서 위만조선을 중시한 이유를 살펴보았다.『삼국유사』위만조선 조는 위만조선을 돋보이게 하는 방식으로『한서』를 축약하였다. 또한 일연은 준왕이 기자의 후손이라는 것과 기자의 고조선 사회 교화 내용을 다루지 않는 방식으로 위만조선을 우호적으로 서술하였다. 일연이 위만조선에 주목한 것은 위만조선이 단군왕검이 세운 고조선을 계승하였을 뿐만 아니라 신라, 고구려, 부여 등 고려를 이룬 여러 구성원과 긴밀한 관련이 있는 나라라고 인식하였기 때문이었다. 위만조선은 고조선과 마찬가지로 평양에 도읍하였으며 단군왕검의 이름을 도읍명으로 사용한 국가로, 『삼국유사』에 단군왕검은 고조선의 창립주, 위만은 고조선의 강역을 크게 넓힌 인물로 묘사되어 있다. 또한 일연이 위만을 연에 복속되었던 고조선계로 보았다는 것과 우리 동방과 관련 있음을 드러내고 싶어 했음을 살필 수 있다. 일연은 연이라는 공통점을 통해 신라가 혈연적으로 고조선계임을 말하고 싶어 했다. 그러면서 낙랑과 대방 주민의 신라 투항 기사에서 고조선 주민의 신라 이주를 제시하였다. 일연은 신라와 위만조선의 관계를 통해 신라는 중국계가 아닌 단군왕검이 세운 고조선을 계승한 국가임을 제시하고자 한 것이다.『삼국유사』에는 부여 · 고구려 모두 요동 일대에서 성립된 것으로 서술하였다. 요동은 전국시대에 연의 일부였다는 점에서 일연이 부여 · 고구려도 위만조선 · 신라와 동일한 지역에서 나왔다고 인식하였음을 볼 수 있다.『삼국유사』에서 위만조선은 고구려와 신라가 모두 고조선에서 나왔음을 설명해주는 연결고리 역할을 하고 있는 것이다. 일연은 위만조선을 통하여 단군왕검이 고려 구성원 전체의 시조임을 제시하고자 하였고, 이에 기자의 비중을 낮추고 위만조선에 주목하였다. This article looked at why wiman joseon was valued in samgukyusa. In wiman joseon section of samgukyusa, the contents of hanseo are abbreviated in a way that highlights wiman joseon. In addition, ilyeon described wiman joseon in a friendly way that did not address the fact that king jun was a descendant of jizi and that jizi had enlightened old joseon society. The reason why ilyeon paid attention to wiman joseon was not only because wiman joseon succeeded the old joseon founded by dangunwanggeom, but also because it was a country closely related to various members of golyeo such as silla, gogulyeo, and buyeo. Wiman joseon, like the old joseon, is a country that has been capitalized in pyungyang and used the name dangunwanggeom as the city name, within samgukyusa, dangunwanggeom is the founder of joseon, and wiman is described as a person who greatly expanded the territory of joseon. It can also be inferred that ilyeon regarded wiman as a person of old joseon who was enshrined in the yan dynasty and he wanted to reveal that wiman was a figure related to our east. Ilyeon wanted to say that through the common ground of yan, silla was a descendant of joseon in blood. An article in which residents of nakrang and daebang surrendered to silla suggested that the residents of joseon had moved to silla. Through the relationship between silla and wiman joseon, ilyeon wanted to suggest that silla was the successor to the old joseon founded by dangunwanggeom, not china. samgukyusa described both buyeo and gogulyeo as having been established in the liaodong area. It can be seen that ilyeon recognized that buyeo and gogulyeo also came from the same area as wiman joseon and silla, given that the liaodong area was part of yan at the zhanguo-shidai period. In samgukyusa, wiman joseon is acting as a link to explain that gogulyeo and silla are both from the old joseon. Through wiman joseon, ilyon wanted to present that dangunwanggeom was the founder of all members of golyeo, thereby lowering the weight of jizi and noting to wiman joseon.

팔라디움과 백금이 금합금의 특성에 미치는 영향

김남중(Nam-Jung Kim),우이형(Yi-Hung Woo),권긍록(Kung-Rok Kwon),최부병(Boo-Byung Choi) 대한턱관절교합학회 2004 구강회복응용과학지 Vol.20 No.4

인적용역 사업자의 소득세 과세제도에 관한 연구

김남중 ( Nam Jung Kim ),정래용 ( Rae Yong Jung ) 연세대학교 법학연구원 2014 法學硏究 Vol.24 No.2

Personal service income earners terminate a duty of tax payment by means of withholding tax like a day worker. In another way of a duty of tax payment, they fulfill the general income tax payment separately by self-assessment not to terminate a duty of tax payment as year-end tax adjustment like a regular employee, although in fact, they are non-regular worker, day worker or similar case. As excessive assessment of income amount, they also pay income tax much more than other types of income earners or workers earning fixed same amount. In comparison with other tax payers, they get disadvantaged in utility bill etc. besides of tax law by excessive assessment of income amount. Likewise, most of them are small income earners and they suffer from disadvantage and inequality in many ways including tax law on socially·economically poor status. Therefore, it is necessary to improve it as follows. First, 74.1 per cent of whole personal service income earners are small income earners whose annual income is below 10 million won. Therefore, as for the personal service income earners whose annual personal service business income without other incomes is below 10 million won, it is necessary to improve deduction of withholding tax for 1 per cent and termination of duty of tax payment by means of selective separated taxation and then they do not confirm and report the general income tax. Second, substantially most of personal service income earners are similar to non-regular workers or they are made a report to tax office as personal service business income earners although they are employed workers in order to evade responsibility for the four big Insurance premium payment and labor law. Thus, it is necessary to allow personal service income earners to deduct special deduction articles for all of them who are workers in fact and to offer personal service similar to work. Third, it is necessary to raise the reference amount of revenue by simple expense rate of personal service income earners from current 24,000,000 to 60,000,000 won by just before year. As far as 40,000,000 won which is excess amount of income amount by relevant year is concerned, it is necessary to abolish the application of excess rate of simple expense rate and to apply for the primary rate unification like other personal service income earners. Fourth, it is necessary to give earned income tax credit (EITC) which is due for payment in 2015 to other types of personal service income earners in its early stages like personal service income earners who calculate year-end adjustment of income amount.

위만조선의 멸망 원인에 대한 새로운 접근 - 왕검성의 소멸과 조선현의 中心地化와 관련하여 -

김남중(Kim, Nam-jung) 고조선단군학회 2021 고조선단군학 Vol.46 No.-

이 글은 한이 위만조선을 침공한 이유, 위만조선이 멸망할 수밖에 없었던 이유 등을 검토한 것이다. 위만조선은 한에 의해 멸망했는데, 한은 건국 초인 文帝 시기부터 이미 이 지역을 失地로 보고 복속하고자 하는 의지를 지니고 있었다. 지리적 이점과 위만조선의 철저한 전쟁 대비로 왕검성 항전은 수개월간 지속되었다. 그러나 우월한 전력을 지닌 적이 이길 때까지 공격하는 것을 막아내는 것은 한계가 있었다. 더구나 한 무제가 무리한 공격보다는 투항을 이끌어내고자 하면서 위만조선 대신들의 항복이 이어졌고 결국 위만조선은 멸망에 이르게 되었다. 이러한 끈질긴 항쟁의 대가로 왕검성은 주민들이 다른 곳으로 이주되면서 기능을 상실하고 사람들의 기억 속에서 사라지게 되었다. 이에 한의 고조선 지역 통치 거점은 위만조선의 도읍이었던 왕검성이 아닌 낙랑군 조선현이 되었다. 조선군이 아닌 조선현이 설치되었다는 점, 응소의 주, 『사기』, 『한서』의 조선전과 『한서』 지리지의 차이, 『위략』, 『삼국지』 등에서 왕검성 기사 부재, 왕검성과 패수의 관계, 기원전 2세기대 평양 일대의 고고학적 낙후성 등을 통해 왕검성은 조선현이 설치된 평양 일대로 볼 수 없다. 흉노, 진번, 임둔, 원 고조선 세력(낙랑 조선) 등 주변 세력이 도움을 주지 않았던 점도 위만조선이 멸망하는 원인이었다. 원 고조선 세력은 산동 낭야 출신인 왕중의 후손과 결합하였는데, 왕중은 『상서』, 『역』에 밝았던 인물이었다. 이들의 활동으로 원 고조선 세력이 기자 동래설을 증명하였고, 한은 위만조선이 아닌 원 고조선 세력을 고조선의 정통으로 인식하게 되었다. 왕중 후손은 중원의 농법, 위세품 등을 통해 토착 세력과 관계를 형성하였고, 원 고조선 세력은 왕중 후손의 권유를 받아들여 한에 투항하는 쪽을 선택한 것이다. 이들의 투항으로 왕검성은 더욱 고립에 빠졌고 결국 위만조선은 멸망하였다. This paper examines the reason why han invaded wiman joseon and why wiman joseon fell. Wiman joseon was destroyed by han, and han had a willingness to subjugate the area as a lost land from the time of emperor wen, the early days of its founding. With geographical advantages and thorough preparation for the war in wiman joseon, the battle of wanggeom-castle lasted for months. However, there was a limit to preventing an enemy with superior power from attacking until they won. Moreover, as emperor wu of han tried to lead to surrender rather than unreasonable attacks, the wiman joseons ministers continued to surrender, and eventually wiman joseon was destroyed. In return for these persistent protests, wanggeom-castle lost its function and disappeared from peoples memories as residents moved to other places. Accordingly, the governing base for the ancient-joseon region of han became chaoxian-xian, lelang-jun, not wanggeom-castle, the capital of wiman joseon. Wanggeomcastle cannot be seen as pyongyang, where chaoxian-xian was installed, through the fact that chaoxian-xian, not chaoxian-gun, was established, yingshaos comment, the difference between chaoxian-zhuan of shiji & hanshu and hanshus dili-zhi, the absence of records of wanggeom-castle in weilüe & sanguozhi, the relationship between the wanggeom-castle and the pae-river, the archaeological backwardness of pyongyang in the 2nd century BC, etc. The fact that surrounding forces such as xiongnu, jinbeon, imdun and proto ancient joseon force(lelang joseon) did not help was also the cause of wiman joseons collapse. The proto ancient joseon forces were combined with the descendants of wangzhong, a native of langya, shandong province, who was bright in shangshu and yijing. Through their activities, proto ancient joseon forces proved the theory that jizi came to the east and han recognized proto ancient joseon forces, not wiman joseon, as the authenticity of ancient joseon. Wangzhongs descendents formed relationships with the native force through the agricultural technology and costly article of china, and ancient joseon forces chose to surrender to han, not to helf wiman joseon, at the recommendation of wangzhongs descendants. Their surrender made wanggeom-castle more isolated and eventually destroyed wiman joseon.