1913~1945년 경상남도 창원군 내서면의 농지소유분화 : 신감리ㆍ삼계리ㆍ용담리 사례 분석

이세영 ( Lee Se-young ) 인하대학교 한국학연구소 2011 한국학연구 Vol.0 No.24

토지대장에 의하면, 土地所有權査定이 완료되었던 1915년부터 농지 거래(‘소유권 이전’)가 본격적으로 이루어지기 시작했다. 해방이전에는 전체적으로 1920~30년대에 매우 활발했다. 이러한 농지 거래 추세 속에서 농지소유면적의 변동을 통해서 본 7개 그룹의 지주층의 분화는 한마디로 ‘下降分化’였는데, 0.5~3정보의 지주층, 즉 자작ㆍ자소작농의 감소와 0.5정보미만을 소유하는 영세지주층, 즉 소작ㆍ소자작농의 증가와 적체였다. 신감리, 삼계리, 용담리 어느 마을에서도 0.5정보 미만의 영세지주층의 농지 규모는 사정 당시부터 정체적이지만 줄어들고 있었다. 그들은 1920년대 이후에 대지주층의 소작료 增收로 인한 고율소작료와 고리대의 부채 등 때문에 그들의 영세소유지마저 매각하지 않을 수 없었던 것이다. 그들은 대체로 1920년대~1930년대 전반기의 底米價ㆍ底地價期에 증가, 적체되고 있었다. 반면에 0.5~3정보의 지주층의 농지 규모는 사정 직후부터 큰 폭으로 줄어들고 있었다. 1910년대 말엽부터의 비료 구입비와 1920년대 이후에 토지개량에 투입되었던 다액의 자금은 주로 지주층이 부담하게 되었다. 소작인을 둔 지주층은 이러한 종자, 비료 등 생산수단과 영농자금을 소작인에게 전가시켰지만, 소작을 주지 않고 주로 자작했을 0.5~3정보의 지주층은 이러한 과중한 영농비용 때문에 그들의 농지를 줄여나갈 수밖에 없었던 것이다. 1930년대에 들어서면서 총독부는 ‘자작농창정사업’과 ‘농가갱생계획’ 등을 실시하여 농가ㆍ농촌을 안정시키고자 했지만 그러한 자작ㆍ자소작농의 감소 추세를 막을 수는 없었다. A landownership register attests that from 1915 when the land ownership inspection was finished, land transaction(ownership transfer) started taking place in full-scale. It was very much in vogue during 1920~30, before the Liberation. In this trend of land transaction, the 7 groups of the landed classes showed a downward division. In other words, the landed class who owned 0.5~3 jeongbos of land(1 jeongbo is about 9,900㎡), namely, both farm owners and the farmers who did more independent farming than tenant farming decreased in numbers, while the minor landed class who owned less than 0.5 jeongbo, that is, both tenant farmers and farmers who did more tenant farming than independent farming increased in numbers. In the cases of Shingam-ri, Samgye-ri, and Yongdam-ri, the land size of the minor landed class who owned less than 0.5 jeongbo was being diminished when the inspection got started. From 1920s on, the minor landed class were forced to sell their lands, due to the high farm rent imposed by the major landed class and the debts from high-interest loan. In the era of 1920s and the first half of 1930s when the prices of rice and land were low, the number of the minor class increased. On the contrary, the land size of the landed class who owned 0.5~3 jeongbos was being diminished in a big scale right after the inspection. The big amounts of money for the fertilizers purchased in the late 1910s and money for the land improvement invested after 1920s were on the landed class. The landed class who hired tenant farmers had the latter pay for seeds, fertilizers, and farming fund. When they did not hire the latter, however, the huge amounts of farming expenses forced the former to downsize their lands. Entering 1930s, the government-general tried to stabilize the farming houses and farming villages through such plans as farmhouse rehabilitation, the diminishing trends could not be checked.

인삼 재배 적지 기준 설정 연구

현근수(Geun-Soo Hyeon),김성민(Seong-Min Kim),송관철(Kwan-Cheol Song),연병열(Byeong-Yeol Yeon),현동윤(Dong-Yun Hyun) 한국토양비료학회 2009 한국토양비료학회지 Vol.42 No.6

논토양에서 토양의 형태적 및 물리적 특성이 인삼수량에 미치는 영향을 보면 배수인자의 영향이 가장 컸고, 다음으로 표토의 토성과 유효토심의 영향이 컸다. 반면에 지형, 경사, 석력함량 등이 인삼수량에 미치는 영향은 미미하였다. 밭토양에서는 토양의 형태 및 물리적 특성 중 표토의 토성이 인삼수량에 미치는 영향이 가장 컸으며, 다음으로 유효토심, 석력함량, 배수 순으로 영향이 컸으나 지형, 경사, 경반층 출현깊이 등은 영향이 작았다. 토양의 형태 및 물리적 특성 중 인삼수량에 미치는 영향이 큰 지형, 표토의 토성, 배수등급, 경사, 유효토심, 석력함량 및 경반층 출현 깊이를 재배 적지 기준인자로 선정하였다. 다중회귀 확장기법을 이용하여 논과 밭토양에서 각각의 재배 적지 기준 인자가 인삼 수량에 미치는 기여도를 산출하였다. 인삼 재배 적지기준 인자가 수량에 미치는 기여도와 적지 기준 인자별 수량지수를 이용하여 재배 적지 기준 인자별로 점수를 부여하고, 적지 기준 인자별 점수를 합산하여 최종 점수에 따라 최적지, 적지, 가능지, 저위생산지로 구분하였다. 최종적으로 토양특성과 기상조건을 중첩하여 논과 밭토양에서의 인삼 재배 적지 기준을 각각 설정하였다. 인삼 재배 적지 기준을 기반으로 하고, 토양도, 기후도 및 지리정보 시스템을 이용하여 주요 인삼 재배단지인 충청북도 음성군에 대하여 인삼 재배 적지 분포도를 작성하였다. 그 결과 필지별 인삼 재배 적지에 대한 정보를 인터넷을 통하여 경작자에게 실시간으로 제공할 수 있는 기반을 조성하였다. 인삼 재배지 조사지역에 대하여 인삼 적지 분포를 분석한 결과 최적지와 적지의 합계가 논토양에서 74.0%, 밭토양에서 88.3.%로 높아 인삼 경작자들이 비교적 적지에 인삼을 재배하고 있음을 확인할 수 있었다. An attempt was made to establish the suitability classes of lands for the cultivation of ginseng(Panax ginseng C. A. Meyer). For this study, the relationships between various soil characteristics and ginseng yields were investigated on altogether 450 ginseng fields (150 sites in paddy and 300 sites in upland), across Kangwon, Kyunggi, Chungbug, Chungnam, Jonbug and Kyungbug Provinces, where ginseng is widely cultivated. In the paddy fields, most influential properties of soil on the ginseng yields was found to be the drainage class. Texture of surface soil and available soil depths affected the ginseng yields to some extents. However, the topography, slope, and the gravel content were found not to affect the ginseng yields. In the uplands, the texture of surface soil was most influential and the topography, slope, and occurrence depth of hard-pan were least influential on the performance of the crop. Making use of multiple regression, by SAS, the contribution of soil morphological and physical properties such as, topography, surface soil texture, drainage class, slope, available soil depth, gravel content, and appearance depth of hard-pan, for the suitability of land for ginseng cultivation was analyzed. Based on the results of above analysis, adding up all of the suitability indices, land suitability classes for ginseng cultivation were proposed. On top of this, taking the weather conditions into consideration, suitability of land for ginseng cultivation was established in paddy field and in uplands. As an example, maps showing the distribution of suitable land for ginseng cultivation were drawn, adopting the land suitability classes obtained through current study, soil map, climate map, and GIS information, for Eumsung County, Chungbug Province. Making use of the information on the land suitability for ginseng cultivation obtained from current study, the suitability of lands currently under cultivation of ginseng was investigated. The results indicate that 74.0% of them in paddy field and 88.3% in upland are “highly suitable” and “suitable”.

중국 농촌토지 사용권의 시장화 추진방향에 관한 연구: 광둥성 선쩐시를 중심으로

김경환 ( Kyung Hwan Kim ) 조선대학교 동북아연구소(구 통일문제연구소) 2015 동북아연구 Vol.30 No.2

2008년 이후 중국정부는 농촌토지 사용권의 가치를 증가시키고 농민소득을 향상시키기 위해 “신토지개혁”을 시행하였다. 그 가운데 선쩐시는 토지개혁의 선도자로서 농촌토지 사용권의 시장화 개혁을 이끌고 있는 핵심지역이다. 선쩐시는 국유화를 거치지 않고 농촌토지 사용권을 직접 1급 토지시장에서 매각했다는 점에서 매우 중요한 시사점이 있을 뿐만 아니라 중국정부가 농촌택지에 건설된 소산권 주택의 불법적인 거래를 금지하고 있음에도 이를 시장화하기 위한 다양한 정책을 시도하고 있다는 점에서 신토지개혁의 모델이 되고 있다. 본 연구의 결과는 첫째, 2013년 12월 전국에서 처음으로 1급 토지시장에서 매각되었던 선쩐시의 농촌토지 사용권은 농민과 집체정부의 자산가치를 증가시켰다. 그러나 양도된 토지가 2015년 상반기 현재까지 개발되지 못하고 있다. 둘째, 총 건축면적의 절반을 차지하는 소산권 주택에 대해 선쩐시 정부는 원 선쩐시 주민의 경우 일정한 기준에 부합되면 시장화 유통이 가능한 대산권 주택으로 전환하고 있다. 선쩐시의 신토지개혁은 아직 성공적이라 판단하기 이르지만 농촌토지 사용권의 1급시장 거래, 토지공급체계의 다원화, 소산권 주택의 합법화 등은 중국 농촌토지 사용권의 시장화와 가치증가에 매우 중요한 의의가 있다. Shenzhen City is the core area to lead the reform of rural land , as a pioneer of land reform. The reasons why Shenzhen City`s new land reform is important, are as follows. First, the city sold the rural lands in the first-class land market without nationalizing them. So far, the first-class land market has been monopolized by urban lands. Second, Shenzhen City is attempting various policies to legalize Small Property Rooms(SPRs), even though Chinese government is banning their legalization. Based on this significance, the study findings are as below. First, the rural lands that were sold in the first-class market for the first time in the country in December 2013 increased the profits of farmers and local government. However, the sold land has not yet been developed by the first half of 2015 due to the inadequacy of various regulations, so there is a need to find a resolution for this. Second, the Shenzhen city government allows original Shenzhen city residents to change SPRs, which classifies half of the city`s gross building area as residential, once they pay a specific sum of money and some houses have been changed into national housing or care facilities for the elderly. However there is no measure for SPRs that were already transferred to and inhabited by people from other regions.

대한제국기 충주 안동김씨 김갑규의 가계와 경제기반

남금자(Nam Keum Ja) 한국사연구회 2011 한국사연구 Vol.154 No.-

Kim Gap-gyu was the large landowner owning the land of over 40 gyeols in Chungju. In particular, he was the landowner with the most lands in Chungju-eup. Chungju-eup was the center of waterway traffic and overland traffic in Namhan river basin and the place with the advanced market economy. His land was mainly located on fertile areas along hew river. He directly managed 3 gyeols, 85 bus and 8 soks, 10% of his land, and made 92 tenant farmers cultivate 36 gyeols. 61 bus and 7 soks, 90% of his land. His tenant farmers comprised the low ratio of poor farmers and relatively high ratio of rich and middle-class farmers. In particular, the ratio of rich farmers with over 1 gyeol was almost 3 times as high as that in the whole region of Chungju-gun. His tenant farmers were engaged in farming in relatively stable condition in Chungju-gun. Such management by a landowner was took over by his descendants. His land was changed to the industrial capital in accordance with the change of the times. His son, Kim No-jin, invested some of assets to business. Kim No-jin left Chungju and set up his base in Cheongju where the provincial government office was located later. He owned 108 ,Jeongbos living in Bongjeong, Cheongju-eup in 1930s. The economic base of Kim Gap-gyu was related to the land which he inherited as the descendant of decent family. Munjeonggong branch of Andong Kim Clan was famous as the decent family since the generation of Kim Sang-heon and became the family in power exerting the power around the Office of Border Defense in the 19th century. The properties inherited from the ancestors in power would be the economic base of Kim Gap-gyu. A woman in Kim Gap-gyu family became the wife of King Hyeongjong, Queen Hyohyeon, vhile Andong Kim Clan was in power. While Queen Hyohyeon passed away only 2 years after being the queen without children and couldn't deliver great power to her clan, the honor as the clan which had the queen would be enormous. His family moved to Chungju between late 18th century and early 19th century while his family expanded the houses to the areas with farmland. It is estimated that the public service of Kim Gap-gyu might had great influence on the expansion of land. In that period, the public service was the only means to accumulate properties. Even after Andong Kim Clan lost its power, his public service was not ceased. It might be because he was related to Yeoheung Min Clan, the new family in power, by marriage. He married the second daughter of Min Du-ho. Thus, his wife was the sister of Min Yeong-jun, the man in power at that time, and his daughter married Min Hong-gi, the son of Min Byeong-seok. Such marital relationship with men in power at that time might had significant impact on the public service of Kim Gap-gyu and his expansion of economic base. Kim Gap-gyu started the public service from when Joseon society was rapidly changing since the opening of the port until Korcan Empire period. His period was when the national fortune gradually declined. Thus, it might not be easy for him to deploy his capability. He went to Chungju after stopping his public service during .Japanese colonial period. His behiavor was in contrast with the fact that Min Yeong-jun and Min Byeong-seok received noble titles, who were related to him by marriage. The base of Kim Gap-gyu was very stable in Chungju. He was included in the large landowners as the landowner who worked as the public officer in the central government. In other words, he had the most land in Chungju downtown and lived in the tile-roofed house with 20 kans(kan is the unit for the space enclosed by four pillars.) on the big land in Dongnyang-myeon. He had no difficulty in communication because he was the large landowner and most his relatives in Min clan who were related to him by marriage were in the highest class.

18세기 초 잉글랜드 지주층의 경제 인식

한지원(Jiwon Han) 한국서양사연구회 2015 서양사연구 Vol.0 No.52

This thesis is to examine the economic awareness of the English landed class in the beginning of the eighteenth century. Roger North(1651-1734)’s Gentleman Accomptant(1714), a double-entry bookkeeping manual for nobilities and gentries, is mainly used to investigate the change in the landlords’ economic mentality. The landed have been described rather consistently, although difference in degree, as had accepted the market philosophy but only limitedly so due to their old genteel value which disdained extensive pursue of profit and involvement in the world of everyday labor. However, North’s Gentleman Accomptant suggests a possible adjustment to this widely accepted description of the English landed class. Its contents and context reveal that pecuniary interest was highly regarded in estate management that even some modification of the landlords’ genteel life style could be positively perceived. Double-entry bookkeeping is recommended although it demands the bookkeeper to spend considerable time and effort daily and interfere with trivial operations of his estate. Then double-entry would become an useful skill for landlords to maximize profit and to cope with the fatal threat of financial fraud. Stock-jobbing is particularly criticized because its innate conditions scrutinized are unfavorable to landlords’ economic interests. With the keen understanding of contemporary economic development, application of double-entry bookkeeping to estate management is an example of the landed class’ learning from commercial world for their own economic advantage. The landlords like such clearly displays developed capitalistic mentality in the age of early capitalism.

기획논문 : 근대 장편소설에 반영된 향촌 지배층 변동 -1930년대 농촌 배경 장편소설을 중심으로-

남상권 ( Sang Kwon Nam ),김병우 ( Byung Uoo Kim ) 근역한문학회 2011 한문학논집(漢文學論集) Vol.32 No.-

이 글은 일제강점기 장편소설에 반영된 향촌사회의 지배층 교체 현상에 대해 논의한다. 식민지 지배층이란 식민체제에 협조하는 집단을 뜻한다. 본고에서는 이를 ``지방유지``라고 명명했다. 지방유지는 일제가 1917년부터 조선의 행정조직을 읍·면단위로 분할하여 직접 통치하는 과정에서 생성된 것이다. 일제는 식민통치에 비협조적인 재지 사족의 권위와 지위를 약화시키면서 읍·면 소재지를 거점으로 한 신흥 경제세력으로서 유지층을 포섭한 것이다. 일제는 지방 통치를 위해 ``행정-유지 지배체제``를 향촌 사회에 정착시켜 식민지 전체에 대한 긴밀한 통제가 가능하도록 하였다. 향촌사회에서 유지들의 득세는 구시대 사족 지배층의 퇴장을 뜻한다. 일제의 비호를 받는 유지들이 주도하는 향촌사회는 건강한 생산 활동과 재분배가 이루어지지 않은 착취 구조로 고착되어 식민경제의 모순이 극대화 되는 경향을 보였다. 유지들은 식민 권력과의 결탁하여 이권을 재창출하고, 향촌 사회의 지배력을 확보하는 과정에서 계급갈등을 유발하기도 하였다. 근대 소설에서 지주 및 자본가들을 부정적으로 묘사하는 경우는 대개가 이들이 점유하는 경제적 독점과 일제 식민권력과의 결탁에 대한 반감에서 비롯된다. 프로문학계열의 작가뿐 아니라 식민지 지배 현실에 대한 모순을 꿰뚫고 있던 비계급주의 작가에게도 매판 자본에 대한 비판적 시각은 공통적으로 나타난다. 작중 현실에 대한 작가의 인식이 일제의 검열이라는 장치 때문에 충분한 폭로 되지 못했다 하더라도 식민 상황과 구시대를 넘어선 근대에 대한 희망은 지속적으로 표현되고 있었다. 이 시대 작가들은 성장기로부터 자신의 근대적 이상과 첨예하게 부딪힌 문제가 가부장 사회의 억압과 경제적 빈곤이었다. 근대 작가들 대개가 자신의 출신 배경에 대한 자부심을 가지지 않았기 때문에 전통과 구질서에 대한 향수가 상대적으로 약하였고, 나아가 식민 지배에 대한 반감과 서구적 근대 문명(카프작가의 경우는 사회주의)에 대한 강렬한 열망을 문학을 통해 표현해왔던 것이다. This study is to inquire into the shift of the ruling class reflected in the novels whose background is the colonized Hyangchon society. The colony ruling class means a group of cooperating for the colonial system, who is called as local worthies in this study. This group was made excluding the influential landed Sajok who was critical of colonial system when Japan tried to tighten the control of Chosun by dividing Chosun`s administrative structure into the unit of Eup, Myun. In doing so, Japan made ``the ruling system of the administration-local worthies`` rooted in Hyangchon society. The organized system made the intense control over from the upper part to the lower part possible. The growing influence of this local worthies meant the former ruling class`s exit. And also, the Hyangchon society led by this local worthies did not have sound product activity and redistribution, if any, worse than before, so that the contradiction of the colonial economy tended to maximize. This group often caused class conflicts in the course of economic ties, recreation of right and interests, sharing of the Hyangchon society`s power of their own. The negative descriptions of the landowner and the capitalist in modern novels result in the animosity towards their economic monopoly and collusion with the colonial power. This quality is shown commonly in not only the writer on pro-literature side but also the non-classist writers such as Hyun, Jin Geon, Yeom, Sang Seop, Chae, Man Sik, Lee, Tae Jun, Park, Tae Won who saw right through the contradiction of the reality of the colonial ruling situation. Even if the writers` thoughts or the reality in their works did not disclosed enoughly by the device of the Japanese censorship, their works meant that the corrupted lives of the local worthies born by the Japanese colonial system were supposed to come to the end with the Japanese ruling. Additionally, modern writer`s orientation, that is, modern, which these modern writers tackled commonly targeted the family consciousness and patriarchal hierarchy in old times. This critical quality resulted in a belief that situation beyond the colonial situation should be a modern, not because mostly they are of Jungin class.

연구논문(硏究論文) : 일제 말기 조선 농촌의 경제동향, 1935-1944 -경북 예천군 용문면 소토지소유자 추세를 중심으로-

이영훈 ( Young Hoon Rhee ),홍제환 ( Jea Whan Hong ) 경제사학회 2008 經濟史學 Vol.45 No.-

본 연구에서는 일제 말기 조선 농촌경제 상황에 대해 검토하고자 경북 예천군 용문면 토지대장을 활용하여 토지소유 및 소유권 이전 양상에 대해 분석하였다. 토지소유 계층별 분석결과, 1町步 미만의 소토지소유자는 급증한 반면 중상층농은 감소하고 있다. 이러한 양상은 1940년대 들어서 더욱 뚜렷해지고 있으며, 그 결과 1942년부터 토지소유 불평등도가 감소하고 있다. 토지소유권 이전 추이에 대한 분석에서는 각종 통제정책이 강화되면서 주춤하던 소유권 이전 규모가 1942년 이후 다시 크게 증가하고 있는 것으로 나타나는데, 이는 상층농의 토지처분 증가 및 토지 미소유자의 토지취득 증가에 기인하고 있다. 또한 1935년부터 1944년까지 개개인의 토지소유규모변화를 추적해 본 결과, 계층하강 인원이 계층상승 인원보다 훨씬 많다는 점에서 일제 말기 농민들의 경제상황이 악화되고 있었던 것으로 보인다. 하지만 하층농을 중심으로 계층하강 인원은 크게 감소하고 있어, 1940년대 들어서 농촌경제의 불안정성이 다소 완화되고 있었던 것으로 판단된다. 그리고 이러한 토지소유구조의 변화양상은 자작농지 설정사업으로 대표되는 일제의 자작농지 확대정책이 실효를 나타냈을 가능성과 전시기 조선인 노동자 동원과 소비통제 속에 농가의 현금수지가 개선되었을 가능성 등에 대해 시사해 주고 있다 This paper analyzed the pattern of landholding and transfer of ownership, to study the rural economic situation of Chosun during 1935-1944, using the land register of Yongmun myun. Analysis of the structure of landholding shows that small landholders were increased rapidly, on the other hand, middle and top landholders were decreased. This pattern was strengthened in the 1940s, so Gini's coefficient of landholding started to be reduced in 1942. The scale of transfer of land ownership has grown since 1942, which is resulted from increasing of land disposition of middle and top holders and land acquisition of peasants. Also analysis on the change of personal landholding size between 1935 and 1944 shows that the number of decline of class was much more than that of rise of class. It means that farmer's economic situation had became worse. But the number of decline of class had been reduced. In this regard, unstability of rural economy may be eased in 1940s. such change infers the possibility of operating of Japanese policy to increase landed farmers and improving of farmhouse's cash holding under controlled economy during wartime.

대한제국기 민영휘의 충주 일대 토지 소유와 경영 사례

남금자 한국근현대사학회 2013 한국 근현대사 연구 Vol.65 No.-

Chungju was one of Korea’s five largest eups (towns) until the Great Han Empire Period. In terms of the size of yangan (landownership registers), it was five times greater than county or prefecture. At that time, Chungju had 38 myeons(townships), and was known as a large city with a great population and broad farmland area. Because ships and transportation came to this city from all directions, a large city was formed in Chungju a long time ago. Since it is close to Seoul as well, leading political parties and influential clans established themselves here. According to the gwangmu yangan in Chungju-gun, most great landowners who owned more than 40 jeongbo had a governor’s position in the central government. In fact, the great landowners from Chungju were mostly very influential compared to the landowners from other regions. Powerful landlords included Min Yeong-hui and several of the Yeoheung Min clan factions. According to the yangan, the Min clan factions were leading political figures of the time. Their land in Chungju-gun reveals the actual conditions of nepotism during the reign of King Gojong. Min Yeong-hui (1852~1935) worked in various major government positions from a young age and had a significant impact on King Gojong. In addition, he held all key posts in the Ministry of Home Affairs (chamui, hyeoppan and dokpan), which had been established since the gapsinjeongbyeon (a rebellion for interaction with foreign nations and political reform). He was appointed as dokpan in 1891. Following this, he was the leading figure of the Min clan faction until the Ministry of Home Affairs was dissolved. For him, the government post was a means to accumulate a fortune. He amassed a great deal wealth after entering government service. He owned land across the nation. He was even called the ‘Land King’ or ‘the Richest Man in Joseon.’ It was said that he bought all fertile land by traveling around the country (13 provinces). His huge fortune was partially revealed through the gwangmu yangan. According to a statistical analysis of land registers, Min’s land ownership was confirmed in Jincheon, Eumseong, Hoein, Cheongan and Munui. Among them, he had the greatest amount of land in Chungju. He ranked 12th in terms of land ownership in Chungju. He owned 36 gyeol, 88 bu and 8 sok. His land was found in 8 myeons among a total of 38 myeons in Chungju. The 8 myeons all belong to the current Eumseong-gun. In particular, 56.3% of the land was found in Geumwang-eup, and the remaining land was also discovered around the town. Geumwang-eup has the lowest and most level ground in Eumseong-gun. It is a hub of transportation with Yeongnamdae-ro. It appears that his land was highly valued. The productivity of his land was highly dependent upon a rice field. When his land is estimated using the gyeol-bu system, 87.1% was rice fields. If converted into today’s figure, a garden is 10.1 jeongbo while a rice field is 53.7 jeongbo (a rice field was five times greater than a garden). In terms of soil fertility, 3rd-grade soil accounted for 55.62%. If 4th-grade soil is added, the percentage increases up to 84.81%. In other words, his land was mostly 3rd and 4th grades in terms of the quality of soil, which is not particularly fertile. Considering the fact that his land was graded as ‘oktoyangjeon (fertile land),’ it appears that he misused his power to have his land overvalued. Min Yeong-hui leased all his land to 159 tenant farmers. Among them, 41 farmers cultivated 71.4% of his land. A great portion of his land was farmed by a small number of farmers but most of them were poor farmers who own less than 50 bu of land. In addition, Min Yeong-hui’s tenant farmers did not lease the land much. Among them, 118 farmers (74.2%) owned less than 25 bu of land. According to an analysis of the tenant farmers’ land, ‘1 gyeol or more’ accounted for 20%. Even though the percentage of poor farmers (less than 25 bu) was the highest, the perc...

중산층용 영구임대주택 REITs에 관한 소고

김영곤(Kim, Young Ghon) 한국부동산학회 2012 不動産學報 Vol.49 No.-

1. CONTENTS (1) RESEARCH OBJECTIVES The purpose of this study is to expand permanent rental house market in Korea using real market simulation. (2) RESEARCH METHOD This study was focused on feasibility analysis. The data for this analysis were collect from companies in Korea. Land value is metropolitan area price which can be located a rental apartments. (3) RESEARCH FINDINGS In the results of this analysis, the most problem is the shortage of long term fund for rental house construction and management. 2. RESULTS This study offers two conditions to expand the rental house market for middle class in Korea. 1) It is strongly suggested using private sector fund through RElTs. 2) To expand the permanent rental apartments, It needs one another clasification in land-use.

1970년대 저항의 두 지점 - 황석영의 〈객지〉와 조세희의 〈뫼비우스의 띠〉비교 연구

이호규 ( Ho Gyu Lee ) 한국문학연구학회 2006 현대문학의 연구 Vol.0 No.28