기획주제 소개 역사 속의 쿠테타

한국서양사연구회(구서울대학교서양사연구회) 한국서양사연구회 2011 서양사연구 Vol.0 No.45

사회변화와 교육개혁

한국서양사연구회(구서울대학교서양사연구회) 한국서양사연구회 2012 서양사연구 Vol.0 No.46

기획주제 소개 복지정책의 역사

한국서양사연구회(구서울대학교서양사연구회) 한국서양사연구회 2012 서양사연구 Vol.0 No.47

흑사병과 성인 공경: 성 로쿠스 현상을 중심으로

박흥식 ( Heungsik Park ) 한국서양사연구회(구 서울대학교 서양사연구회) 2019 서양사연구 Vol.0 No.61

This thesis observed aspects of the veneration of saints during the period of the Black Death centered on St. Roch. The veneration of saints stood out most in the Roman Catholic culture of the 15th and 16th centuries because the plague caused unprecedented disaster. Believers appealed to saints to appease the anger of God as they had no other way to overcome the epidemic. When the Black Death first occurred, Europeans depended greatly on St. Sebastian and St. Maria. St. Sebastian survived even after being shot by arrows so they expected him to help them avoid sudden death. Also, Mary of Mercy was believed to be the most effective saint in persuading the Son of flesh, Jesus. However, as they could not receive enough protection even so, Roch was also added to the group of patron saints against the plague in the late 15th century. Even though Roch did not receive an official canonization from the Vatican, he became very popular in a short amount of time because of legends stating that he overcame the Black Death physically. The Roch syndrome was an exceptional phenomenon created by feelings of threat due to the plague. St. Roch, who was a pilgrim, not only treated patients of the Black Death during his lifetime but also had experience being cured of the Black Death himself so he was held in high esteem as “a true acting saint” who can share emotional communion with the people who were in pain. St. Roch is the case of a saint discovered voluntarily and autonomously by the people in their need. Like this, the life force of the veneration of saints was not made possible due to pressure from church agencies or donations from men of power. It displayed the characteristics of self-salvation measures for the people who tried to solve problems of faith and life by depending on the power of saints.

Richard Fletcher, The Cross and The Crescent, 박 흥식·구자섭 역, 『십자가와 초승달, 천년의 공존: 그리스도교와 이슬람의 극적인 초기 천년의 교류 사』 (21세기북스, 2020), 296pp.

고재백 한국서양사연구회(구 서울대학교 서양사연구회) 2020 서양사연구 Vol.0 No.63

이언 맥닐과 아일랜드 민족주의 운동

장진경 ( Jinkyung Jang ) 한국서양사연구회(구 서울대학교 서양사연구회) 2016 서양사연구 Vol.0 No.54

This research is an effort to examine Eoin MacNeill’s nationalistic creed by focusing on his role and influence in the Irish Nationalist Movement in fin-de-siecle Ireland. MacNeill was a leading nationalist of the day who actively took part in both cultural and militaristic movements. His contribution in constructing and developing the Gaelic League and the Irish Volunteers, both essential organizations of the movement, was part of his effort to deal with the division of Ireland and indifference of Irish public to nationalist movement. However, despite such leading role in promoting Irish Nationalism, his importance has been underestimated by many Irish historians. In most cases he has been portrayed as an ‘indecisive leader’ or ‘one who was responsible for the failure of the Easter Rising’. Even when historical re-evaluation with the introduction of revisionism in the history of the Irish nationalistic movement has become available, MacNeill was not saved from biased and slanted views. As a result, his share in changing the direction of Irish nationalistic movements has not been fully identified, leaving the analysis of his nationalistic creed still at a superficial level. Contrary to previous accounts, MacNeill endeavored to unify Irish people into ‘one Ireland’ and restore public dominance in the Home Rule movement. Such attitude of MacNeill was based on the social context of Ireland of the day. Ireland in the 1890s was under serious national division. The death of Charles Parnell, the national leader who embraced both Catholics and Protestants, intensified religious conflict. Religious and regional feud also upsurged as the people of Ulster strongly objected to the implementation of the Home Rule Bill. In addition, unlike Parnell who mobilized the Irish public for the nationalistic movement, Redmond, the following leader of the Irish Parliamentary Party, never trusted the common people. His stubborn trust on the legislation of the Home Rule Bill alienated the Irish public from the nationalistic movement under his leadership. This research analyzes MacNeill’s nationalistic movement in both cultural and militaristic facets and argues that his position and attitude towards the movement was consistent. First, in terms of his cultural contribution, his activity in the Gaelic League will be reviewed. This approach will reveal that he used Irish language to consolidate Irish national identity and attract the common people to participate in the nationalistic movement. Second, his activity in the Irish Volunteers will be examined to explain his militaristic contribution. This will demonstrate his leadership among the Irish public and his role in promoting their active participation in nationalistic movements against England. Despite his ardent effort, MacNeill’s activities were not always successful. The Gaelic League which started as a non-party, nonreligious association developed into a political association in 1913, excluding the moderate nationalists. In addition, the Irish Volunteers changed its position from defensive militarism to offensive militarism when the Easter Rising broke out in spite of MacNeill’s opposition. As a result of the Rising, Ulster was separated from the rest of Ireland forever and the reconciliation of Catholics and Protestants became an impossible dream. Nevertheless, MacNeill did succeed in placing the Irish public back into the center of the nationalistic movements. The Irish public who devolved the nationalistic initiative upon Irish Parliamentary Party after the death of Parnell decided to reclaim their role as the leader of the nationalistic movement. This change became an impetus which led the nationalistic movements of Ireland in the 1920s. MacNeill’s contribution to the Irish nationalist movement bore fruit when young nationalists such as Michael Collins and Eamon de Valera actively participated in the Anglo-Irish War. They were the ones who established Irish identity in the Gaelic League and learned military drills from the Irish Volunteers. They won the war and the heritage of MacNeill remained. (Seoul National University / jkjang@snu.ac.kr)

프랑스혁명사의 “전지구적 전환”: 혁명사 연구의 새로운 방향에 대한 사학사적 고찰

권윤경 ( Yunkyoung Kwon ) 한국서양사연구회(구 서울대학교 서양사연구회) 2016 서양사연구 Vol.0 No.54

Recently, we have observed a new “turn” in the historiography of the French Revolution, interconnected with the rise of global perspectives in general. In the studies of the French Revolution, the ‘global turn’ has challenged the traditional frameworks of analysis predicated on ‘French Hexagon’ or ‘European France.’ Born from the confluence of diverse fields and theories, the global turn demands redefining the French Revolution in terms of the global context which both created the Revolution and was changed by the revolutionary vortex: the emergence of the “primitive globalization,” imperial competition and the circulation of peoples, commodities and ideas in transnational networks. It not only illuminates the importance of hitherto unacknowledged colonial actors in the revolutionary dynamics but also re-situates the Revolution itself in the global-national-local nexus in which different levels of spatiality interacted with one another. This research is an endeavor to understand in historiographic terms this very recent attempt to renew the studies of the French Revolution, so as to appropriate it from our own ‘local’ perspectives. Can we call it simply “French” Revolution, when it was constituted by the global influences, both in its origin and the course of events? When we grasp the multidirectional networks of revolutionary chain reactions and the kaleidoscope of the revolutionary changes in a fuller range, how could it affect our understanding of the French Revolution as the presumed origin of our modernity? Will it amount to a true paradigm shift in the studies of the French Revolution, providing a new breakthrough for rebooting the field? Grappling with those fundamental questions, this article examines the complex genealogy of the global turn(second chapter), exemplifies the main academic achievements derived from the turn(third chapter), and finally addresses both possibilities and limits that those attempts have revealed(conclusion). (Changwon National University / yunkwon1794@gmail.com)

대표 개념에 따른 프랑스 사회주의의 갈등 구도 재검토: 제3공화정, 1893~1903

노서경 ( Seokyung Roe ) 한국서양사연구회(구 서울대학교 서양사연구회) 2019 서양사연구 Vol.0 No.61

Everybody in this area are well aware that French socialism had been divided and in antagonistic conflict in the last decade of the nineteenth century. when the long pursued but defeated revolutionary ideal was contested by the emergence of the socalled reformists. One of their heated confrontations resulted in no agreement for their shared aspiration for unification was the Congress of Paris in December 1899. The debate was centered in particular to the thorny question of whether socialists' participation in the bourgeois government could be allowed or not. The idea of the article was inspired by the discourse of the Congress. It made sense that there might be some other components beyond the already formulated revolution and reformism; a phenomenon which could support and urge further questions was the nearly simultaneous publication of work like Mosei Ostrogorsky, Robert Michels and Andre Siegfried. Those distinguished observations reflected some thing unprecedented rising in the field of politics. Then which concept would give to our subject fair limitations affording realistic research questions? The concept of representation with many arguments and critical elaboration seems to us as suitable as attractive. There was somewhat paradoxical reasoning to be inclined to “representation”. It was not an idea positively recognized for French workers who had lived under historical oppression. However, socialists had enough reason to demonstrate the capacities for socialist representation. Because political force could not grow up in a day, they could not but struggle with the workers' ethics and tactics for the representation. Municipal socialism was offered as the fine place for that political space. It is true that the Nord department conducted more important roles with the disciplined working class by dint of Guesdists Mayors and municipal councils. But as the Saint-Mandet banquet in 1896 manifested, many cities and communes of France accepted socialist municipality in the narrow competitions with other republican forces. Neither did Paris municipality did not refrain the entrance of worker socialists after the latter part of 1880. At last how they esteemed and conducted parliamentary political activity in the Chamber of Deputies, especially during the ten years before the unification of socialism became important. Dissentions among the revolutionaries and reformists was not all dissipated as for the participation in the bourgeois government, but any side took care of reform acts for the betterment of workers' conditions. Even so, the ideological and practical differences between the two confronting parties under the consolidated capitalist regime was the concern of our investigations. It is evident that one consistently declared their opposition to bourgeois society, while the other accepted parliamentary virtue as an essential value, liberty. But as a conclusion we might say that French socialists on either side assumed their historical task. Representation means in that case coming and going incessantly between political tactics, metaphysical effort and the everyday life of deprived proletariat.

원전 사고와 원전 체제의 변화: TMI와 체르노빌 사고를 중심으로

김덕호 ( Deok-ho Kim ),박진희 ( Jinhee Park ),이내주 ( Nae-joo Lee ),이정희 ( Jeonghee Lee ) 한국서양사연구회(구 서울대학교 서양사연구회) 2016 서양사연구 Vol.0 No.55

This article will try to show the major nuclear plant accidents such as the Three Mile Island[TMI] accident in the US, and the Chernobyl accident in the Soviet Union. It will focus not on their causes and processes but on the effects on the public opinion and the nuclear power regimes among the UK, France, West Germany, and the US. It will investigate on how the public opinion had formulated, and how the nuclear power regimes had responded to these accidents among these 4 countries in a comparative history. It will show the diverse responses of each state`s nuclear power regime from the post-nuclear plant policy to the reinforcement of the existing nuclear plant policy, even though these nuclear plant accidents had affected enormously on their societies. The TMI accident in 1979 was perceived as a great shock to most Americans. Despite its scale was so disastrous that the anti-nuclear movement had risen nationwide, the American nuclear power regime did not give up the pro-nuclear plant policy. Furthermore, its impacts on the European countries including the UK, France, and West Germany were relatively not so strong, although these countries took steps in enforcing the safety problems of the nuclear plants. However, the Chernobyl accident case in 1986 was different to the European states because it was the worst nuclear plant accident and they were interconnected as a whole, no countries escaped from the radioactive fallout. Despite of this fact, the responses of each states were so different. As a result, while the UK had to accept to the people`s voices asking for the reexamination of safety on the nuclear plants, the US had still continued the nuclear power regime in the federal level, while some state governments - New York, New Hampshire, and Massachusetts - raised doubts about the operations of nuclear plants. More dramatic contrast happened between West Germany and France. While West Germany finally decided to build no more nuclear plant for a post-nuclear society, France opened most information on the nuclear plants and had got a support from the majority of French people. Through implementing a policy of “embrace and extend” against the anti-nuclear power, the French government had succeeded in making its nuclear power regime more positively. (Koreatech/dhkim@koreatech.ac.kr, Dongguk University-Seoul, Korea Military Academy, Sogang University)

20세기 초 영국 상선업계 ‘유색인’ 노동자에 대한 젠더화된 인종 담론

박은재 ( Eunjae Park ) 한국서양사연구회(구 서울대학교 서양사연구회) 2020 서양사연구 Vol.0 No.62

This article seeks to illustrate gendered racial images laid on the ‘coloured’ seamen of the British merchant industry in the early twentieth century. Roughly one third of the whole workforce in the British merchant marine, non-white colonials, or immigrant labourers, were given lower pays and poorer working conditions than those for white British sailors. The racial ideology that justified their marginalization in the mercantile industry, and the British society as a whole, was expressed through and strengthened by genderspecific attributions of the colonials. On board, the idea of maritime masculinity has related skill-levels required for various jobs with manly quality of the sailor who performed the jobs. So it was natural that the roles deemed feminine - for instance catering, stewarding, and stoking - were attributed to the non-white who were despised as feminine and docile. These racial images, in turn, justified shipowners’ claims that they only paid the ‘coloured’ workers lower wages because they did women’s, i.e., menial, tasks. Off the ships, however, the existence of the ‘coloured’ seamen were rejected by the British society because their alleged sexuality and aggressiveness were deemed threats to the white men and the British civilizations. The ‘race riots’ that happened in nine port towns over the year 1919 revealed British society’s fear for black masculinity - which meant superior sexual power and almost animal-like aggressiveness. (Hallym University / eunjae.park@hallym.ac.kr)