박정희 정권기 국가-노동관계의 이론적 분석틀

신치호(Shin, Chi-Ho) 경북대학교 사회과학연구원 2008 사회과학 담론과 정책 Vol.1 No.-

이 글은 박정희 정권기 노동정책과 노동운동을 둘러싼 국가와 노동의 관계를 검토하는 데 연구의 목적을 두었다. 국가-노동관계는 노동정치의 주요 측면으로서, 국가와 노동 사이의 갈등?협조?타협의 정치적 역학을 파악하는 것이다. 이런 의미에서 노동정치는 국가가 노동계급의 이익 표출과 그 패턴을 구조화하는 방식, 그리고 이에 대한 노동부문의 조직활동을 지칭한다. 이 글에서는 국가와 노동 간의 상호작용을 분석하는 정치과정론적 접근법을 취하였다. 기존의 고정적이고 배제적인 분석시각이었던 국가 중심적인 국가코포라티즘이나 시장기제적 노동통제방식과는 대조적으로, 정치과정론에 따른 국가-노동관계는 국가와 노동이 공생?갈등의 상호작용관계에 있음을 밝히고 있다. 정치과정론에 따른 국가-노동관계는 정치체제와 계급연합정치 및 위기상황이라는 세 가지 독립변수를 통해 구명된다는 점에서 박정희 정권기를 분석하는 이론 틀로서 적실하다 할 수 있다. 향후 이 이론적 틀은 박정희 정권을 포함한 한국 노동정치의 통역사적 비교 분석을 위해서도 유용하다. The purpose of this study is to reexamine the state and labor relations which surround the labor policy and labor movements in the period of the Park Chung Hee regime. The state and labor relations are an important part of labor politics. It is necessary to grasp the political dynamics which caused discord, coordination and compromise between the state and labor. At this line, labor politics is the interest representation of working class and its pattern structured by state. And it calls the organized activities of labor toward the former. This study was adapted by the political process perspective which analyzes the interaction between state and labor. The state and labor relations written by ‘the political process is opposite to * state corporatism’ and ‘the labor control by market mechanism’ of which the perspectives were only fixed and exclusive. The political process perspective delved the interaction between the state"s inclusive, neutral, and exclusive labor policies and the activities of labor unions toward the state. The state and labor relations under Park Chung Hee regime can be reexamined by three independent variables like political regime’, ‘politics of class coalitions’, and crisis of circumstantial setting’ of the political process perspective. This theoretical framework must be worthwhile for the longitudinal comparison of Korean labor politics including Park Chung Hee regime.

정보사회와 노동통제: 사회,기술적 변화를 중심으로

오진욱 ( Jin Uk Oh ),정대용 ( Dae Yong Jeong ),최명원 ( Myung Weon Choi ) 한국산업노동학회 2014 산업노동연구 Vol.20 No.3

노동통제는 오랫동안 자본주의 노동과정과 함께 해온 역사적인 기제이다. 노동자들로부터 원하는 만큼의 노동력을 이끌어내어 최대 생산성을 달성하고, 이들의 저항을 최소화하기 위해 사용자들이 추구해온 노동통제는 정보사회에서도 마찬가지로 나타나고 있다. 사용자들이 전통적으로 행하던 노동통제의 형태들은 쇠약해지거나 특정 영역에서만 행해지고 있으며, 사용자는 변화하는 조직ㆍ사회 환경과 노동자의 저항에 대응하기 위해 정보화 통제라는 새로운 형태의 노동통제를 추구하고 있다. 정보화 통제는 비단 직장에만 국한되지 않고 노동자들에 대한 일상생활의 감시에 이르기까지 광범위하게 나타나고 있다. 따라서 본 연구는 산업사회 이후 전개된 사회ㆍ기술적 변화에 초점을 맞추어 노동통제의 변화과정과 정보기술을 활용한 노동통제의 특징을 고찰한다. 이를 위해 노동통제 연구의 고전인 Edwards(1979)의 논의와 정보감옥 논의(Zuboff, 1988)를 되짚어본다. 또한 기존의 고전적인 연구들을 재고하는 데 그치지 않고, 기존 노동통제의 한계점과 정보화 통제의 도래를 노동통제의 이론적인 관점에서 관계 짓는다. 구조적 노동통제의 형태는 사업 영역의 확대, 유연적 생산체계의 등장, 노동자의 구성의 변화로 인해 한계에 부딪히게 되었고, 정보기술은 생산의 효율성과 통제의 정도를 높이고자하는 사용자의 의도와 결합하여 조직의 중요한 통제 도구로써 활용되고 있다. 정보화 통제는 정보기술을 활용하여 기업의 안팎에서 노동자들의 업무ㆍ일상ㆍ태도를 지속적으로 감시하며 신속하게 데이터화하여 지시ㆍ감독ㆍ평가의 동시화를 가능하게 한다. 이는 전통적인 노동통제가 직장의 경계 내에서 행해진 것에 반해 노동자들의 일상적인 감성, 가치관 등 비업무적인 것들도 통제하는 더욱 강력한 형태의 노동통제이다. Labor control has long been a central managerial concern in the capitalist production process. Management wishes to exploit as much labor power as possible to maximize profits, whereas workers wish to use as little labor power as possible for the same compensation. The fundamental conflicts of interest in the usage of labor power between management and labor are the seeds of labor-management problems, and thus management is induced to utilize different methods of labor control that best suit for the given organizational conditions to achieve its goals. Management has been utilizing a new method of labor control (IT-based control) along with the arrival of the information society. The uniqueness of IT-based control is that, unlike the previous methods of labor control, it goes beyond the boundary of the production process at work so that it can have significant control effects on workers even after work. This article analyzes the historical evolution of labor control and distinctive features of IT-based control which has been newly utilized in the information society. In doing so, this article reviews the classic works on labor control -- especially Edwards (1979) and Zuboff (1988) -- in order to analyze why the previous methods of labor control could not function effectively anymore in the information society and how workers are being controlled through the new method of IT-based control today. This article argues that the previous method of structural control no longer functions effectively because of the socio-technical changes that have recently occurred: globalization of business and organizations; utilization of flexible manufacturing systems; and dramatic changes in the composition of labor force. Information technology has now become the main control instrument to minimize resistance from workers and to promote efficiency. IT-based control enables management to control workers systematically and cont nuously beyond time and space since information technology can connect the world and obscure the boundary between work and life. IT-based control is a new and more powerful method of labor control that pursues intense management of instruction, supervision and evaluation simultaneously through prompt and continuous computerization of information on workers’ behavior and attitudes both on and off the job.

세기를 건넌 한국 노동소설 : 주체와 노동과정에 대한 서사론

천정환 ( Cheon Jung-hwan ) 반교어문학회 2017 泮橋語文硏究 Vol.0 No.46

한국 노동소설은 `역사적` 양식으로서, 1920-30년대의 식민지 자본주의화, 해방기 노동자계급의 정치행동, 1960~90년대의 산업화·민주화를 맥락으로 삼고 각각 그 시대 `노동`과 노동하는 인간을 표현하고, 사회를 변혁하는 과제에 투여된 글쓰기다. 그래서 노동소설은 제한된 역사성을 넘는 보편성(?)을 가질 수 있다. 이는 `노동`과 문학(글쓰기)이 갖는 긴한 관계 때문이기도 하다. 이 논문의 주된 관심은 1980년대에서 21세시로 이어진 한국 노동소설들의 역사적 단속(斷續)이다. 1980-90년대 노동소설은 한국 민주화 과정의 급진주의 운동 그 중에서도 특히 진보적 휴머니즘이나 전투적 노동조합주의의 경험·윤리·세계관·이상을 표현하는 문예적 구성물이었다. 이제 `노동소설`이라는 개념(호명)조차 마치 화석처럼 겨우 발굴해내야 하는 단층과 깊은 절리(節理)로 돼 있지만, 한국에서의 `노동`과 `노동하는 인간`의 역사가 새겨진 사회적 물체다. 부침과 환각의 과정을 겪어내고 2010년대 한국 소설도 새롭게 `노동`을 재현하고 `노동`에 접속하고 있다. 그러나 이 소설들을 `근대문학 종언` 이전의 정치적 계몽주의 문학과 등치하거나, 반대로 그 서사적 주체의 계기가 `투쟁하고 연대하는 20세기적 노동자_주체`에서 `고립되고 무능력해진 21세기적 노동자_비주체`로 단순히 이행한 것으로 대비하여 인식할 수는 없다. 새로운 정세에서 `노동`은 `사회적인 것`의 새로운 배치 속에서 다시 주요한 의제가 돼 가고 있다. Korean labor novels are `historical` forms. These novels have a context of colonial capitalism in the 1920~30s, political behavior in the liberation period, and industrialization and democratization in the 1960~90s. These writings intended to transform society, express `labor` and laboring people at that time. Thus, a labor novel can have a universality(?) that goes beyond the limited historicity. This is also due to the close relationship between `labor` and literature(writing). The main focus of this paper is the historical continuity and discontinuity of Korean labor novels from the 1980s to the 21st century. Labor novels of the 1980~ 90s were literary compositions expressing the experiences, ethics, world views, ideals of progressive humanism and militant labor unionism among the radicalism movement of Korean democratization process. Now, even the concept of a `labor novel` is almost like a fossil which needs to be excavated and consists fault and a deep joint, but it is a social object engraved with the history of `labor` and `laboring human` in Korea. After going through the process of rise and fall and hallucinating, Korean novels in 2010 also renewedly represent `labor` and connect to `labor`. However, these novels are not equivalent to the political enlightenment literature before `the end of modern literature`, or on the contrary, it also can not be recognized as the narrative subject`s simple transition of `20th-century worker-subject in the struggle and solidarity` to `isolated and incompetent 21st century workers-non-subject`. In the new situation, `labor` is becoming the main agenda again in the new arrangement of `the social`.

제정 노동법의 한국적 특성

류호연 서울대학교노동법연구회 2024 노동법연구 Vol.0 No.56

제정 노동법에서 한국적 특성이 발견되는 부분으로 먼저 근로자가 아닌 자의 가입을 허용하지 않는 노동조합의 소극적 요건 규정이 있다. 이는 비교법적으로 유사사례를 찾기 어려운 한국적 특성으로, 노동조합법 제정 당시 국회의원들은 외부정치세력의 노동조합 침투와 이에 따른 노동조합의 정치화를 경계하여 이러한 입법을 하였다. 이는 현행 ‘노동조합 및 노동관계조정법’ 제2조 제4호 라목으로 이어지고 있는데, 라목의 해석 방향에 따라 입법 의도와 무관하게 노무제공자들의 단결권이 침해되는 결과가 발생할 수 있다. 따라서 입법론적으로 노동조합의 자주성을 침해하지 않는다면 근로자 아닌 자의 가입 여부는 노동조합 내부에서 결정할 문제이므로, 그간 입법 취지와 다르게 근로자의 단결권을 제한하여 온 이 조항은 삭제되어야 한다. 제정 노동조합법의 부당노동행위와 성실교섭의무 조항에서도 한국적 독자성을 발견할 수 있다. 당시 국회의 입법자들은 태프트-하틀리법 중 노동조합의 부당노동행위는 배격하였고 사용자의 부당노동행위 제도와 별개로, 노동법의 입법 정신으로 국회에서 공감대를 형성하고 있었던 노자협조주의에 근거하여 성실교섭의무 조항을 설계하였다. 따라서 현행 ‘노동조합 및 노동관계조정법’ 제30조 제2항은 부당노동행위의 한 유형이라기보다, 근로3권을 강화하고 단체교섭을 촉진하는 별도의 의무체계로 이해할 수 있다. 한편, 제정 근로기준법의 해고제한법제는 행위자(Actor)에 의해 우리 사회에 준비 없이 받아들여졌다. 하지만 그 결과 당시 비교법적으로 흔하지 않았던 해고 부자유의 법제가 제정 노동법에 발현할 수 있었다. 또한 제정 근로기준법에서 개별 근로관계 분쟁에 대해 노동위원회가 심판할 수 있도록 한 것은 현재 우리나라 노동위원회에서 부당해고 심판사건 수가 노동쟁의 조정사건 수보다 압도적으로 많이 나타나는 현상과 관련이 있다. 그 밖에 제정 근로기준법의 취업규칙은 산업화 초기 근로자를 보호하기 위한 성격이 있었다고 보이고, 휴일 규정에 평균 문구를 두면서 그 기준이 되는 기간을 두지 않은 것은 입법의 실수로 추정되기 때문에 입법론적 개선이 필요한 부분이라 할 수 있다. 한국 노동법은 미군정기 남북분단과 좌우대립, 정부수립 후 한국전쟁과 부산 조선방직쟁의 등 어수선한 상황에서 Blain/Gennard 방정식의 사회(Society) 및 이데올로기(Ideology) 요소가 입법에 영향을 주는 모습을 보였다. 그리고 당시는 건국 초기로 국가를 작동하는 시스템이 미비하여 개별 인물에 의해 입법이 좌우되는 경향을 보였으므로 행위자 요소가 노동법 제정에 큰 비중을 차지하였다. 이러한 요소들은 제정 노동법이 한국적 특성을 갖추는 데 관여하였고, 현행법으로 이어져 현재에도 영향을 미치고 있다. In the enacted labor law, there is a provision that reflects Korean characteristics, which is the passive requirement of labor unions not allowing membership of non-workers first. This is a uniquely Korean characteristic that makes it difficult to find comparable cases in comparative law, reflecting legislative concerns about external political interference and the potential politicization of labor unions. This provision is now continued in Article 2, (4) (d) of the current ‘Labor Union and Labor Relations Adjustment Act’, and depending on the interpretation direction of this, the result of infringing on the collective bargaining rights of labor providers may occur regardless of legislative intent. Legislatively, if it does not infringe upon the autonomy of labor unions, the question of whether non-workers can join should be decided internally within the labor union. Therefore, this provision, which has restricted workers' collective bargaining rights contrary to legislative intent, should be deleted. Furthermore, the provisions addressing unfair labor practices and the duty to bargain in good faith within the enacted labor union law reveal a distinctly Korean approach. At that time, legislators in the National Assembly rejected unfair labor practices by labor unions stipulated in the Taft-Hartley Act and, separately from the system of unfair labor practices by employers, designed the duty to bargain in good faith based on the principle of labor-management cooperation. Consequently, Article 30, (2) of the current ‘Labor Union and Labor Relations Adjustment Act’ can be understood not as a type of unfair labor practice but as a separate obligation system that strengthens the rights of workers and promotes collective bargaining. On the one hand, the dismissal restriction provisions of the Labor Standards Act were adopted into our society without prior preparation by the actor involved. However, as a result, the legislation on dismissal restriction, which was not commonly found in comparative law at the time, could manifest in the enacted labor law. The provision allowing the Labor Relations Commission to adjudicate individual labor disputes in the enacted Labor Standards Act is related to the overwhelming prevalence of unfair dismissal cases compared to cases of labor dispute resolution in the current Labor Relations Commission in our country. Additionally, the employment regulations of the Labor Standards Act appear to have had a protective nature for early industrial workers, and the absence of a defined period for the criteria when inserting the standard clauses in holiday regulations is presumed to be a legislative oversight, necessitating legislative improvements to rectify this aspect. Korean labor law has shown that the social and ideological factors of the Blain/Gennard equation influenced legislation during the turbulent times of the US military government period, division between North and South Korea, left-right confrontation, the Korean War, and the Busan textile dispute. At that time, due to the inadequate system operating the country in its early days, legislation was influenced by individual personalities, so the actor factor played a significant role in enacting labor law. These factors contributed to the Korean characteristics of the enacted labor law, which continue to have an impact today through current legislation.

박정희 정권하의 국가와 노동관계

신치호(Shin Chi-Ho) 고려대학교 노동문제연구소 2008 노동연구 Vol.16 No.-

이 글은 박정희 정권의 권위주의체제하에서의 노동정책과 노동운동을 둘러싼 국가와 노동의 관계를 검토하였다. 제3공화국하의 국가와 노동관계는 군사정부에서 개정한 노동관계법과 신설된 국가기구를 중심으로 국가가 노동통제를 제도화하였다. 박정희 정권은 유사민간정부 구성 이후에는 노동의 탈정치화를 기반으로 행정적 중립주의와 부분적 국가코포라티즘(국가조합주의)의 노동통제방식을 구사하였다. 노조 활동은 어용화된 한국노총의 지도하에 정치적ㆍ조직적 공간 모두 약간 보장되거나 취약한 상태에 처하였다. 유신체제하의 국가와 노동관계는 국가가 법적ㆍ행정적ㆍ이념적 통제에 긴급조치와 국가보안법 등의 초법적 기제를 결합시켜 노조 활동을 전면 중단하거나 억압하였다. 국가는 노동에 대해 노조 활동을 고립시키는 전면적 억압이라는 배제적인 시장기제적 노동통제방식을 구사하였고, 노동은 이에 맞서 파업과 단체행동, 나아가 반체제 민주화운동을 전개하는 정치적ㆍ조직적 공간을 스스로 확대시켰다. 종합하면, 박정희 정권하의 국가와 노동관계는 정치과정론의 분석시각인 정치체제와 계급연합정치 및 위기상황이란 독립변수에 의해, 국가의 노동정책이 중립적→포섭적→억압적으로 변모하였으며, 노동의 정치적ㆍ조직적 공간도 약간 보장→축소 내지 약화→(자발적) 확대되었다. 특히 유신체제의 말기에, 노동부문은 반체제 민주화운동에 집중하면서 정치적ㆍ조직적 공간을 대폭 확대시켰다. The purpose of this study is to examine the state and labor relations which surround the labor policy and labor movements under the authoritarian system of Park Chung Hee regime. The state and labor relations under the Third Republic systematized state labor control by the labor act amendment and new-established state apparatuses from the military government. Park Chung Hee regime of the Third Republic used the labor control style of ‘administrative neutralism’ and ‘partial state corporatism’ with depoliticization of labor. And the activities of labor unions under the lead of Hankook Nochong(Federation of Korean Trade Unions) guided by state were weak in both side of the political and organizational spaces. Under the Yushin system, the activities of labor unions were wholly discontinued and repressed. While Korean state combined the Special Measures for Safeguarding National Security and the National Security Act with legal, administrative, and ideological controls. Korean state controled the activities of labor unions within the wholesale and exclusive repression by market mechanism. On the contrary, labor organizations enlarged the political and organizational spaces through the strikes, collective actions, and anti-regime democratization movements. Synthesized, the state and labor relations under Park Chung Hee regime were reexamined by three independent variables like ‘political regime,’ ‘politics of class coalitions,’ and ‘crisis of circumstantial setting’ of the political process perspective. The state’s labor policy transfigured “neutral → inclusive → repressive,” and also the labor’s political and organizational spaces were “some guaranteed → abridged or weakened → (voluntarily) magnified.” Specially, in the end of Yushin system, the labor organizations enlarged the political and organizational spaces through anti-regime democratization movements.

비공식노동의 플랫폼노동으로의 전환과정 : 플랫폼화의 명과 암

이찬우(Lee, ChanWoo),김진두(Kim, Jindu),이상아(Lee, SangA) 한국노동연구원 2022 노동정책연구 Vol.22 No.2

기존의 플랫폼노동 연구들은 횡단적인 관점에서 플랫폼노동의 문제를 다루면서 플랫폼화가 직접적으로 초래한 노동시장의 변화를 포착하지 못한 한계가 있었다. 본 연구는 “제도적 공식화”와 “노동과정 공식화” 개념을 활용하여 플랫폼화가 어떻게 공식성을 추동하며, 그 과정에서 나타난 다면적 결과들을 종단적으로 분석하는 시도이다. 이를 위해 택시․대리운전․퀵서비스․가사서비스 등 지역기반 플랫폼노동 사례를 심층면접과 문헌조사 자료를 활용해 비교했다. 본 연구의 결과는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 노동과정 공식화를 통해 거래관계를 투명화하고 노동과정을 표준화하며 대인적 통제의 비합리성을 완화하였지만, 플랫폼노동자의 별점 평가에 대한 종속, 일감 경쟁 속에서 노동시간 증대와 노동강도 강화 등의 문제를 낳았다. 둘째, 제도적 공식화가 진행되면서 과거에 비해 제도적 보호의 수준이 높아졌으나, 업종 간의 속도 차이가 존재하며, 노동자들이 체감하는 제도화의 수준과는 온도 차이가 존재했다. 결론적으로 본 연구는 플랫폼화가 비공식노동의 공식화를 초래했고, 그 결과에서 명과 암이 공존하는 것을 발견했다. 본 연구는 기존 연구가 플랫폼노동의 특징을 정태적으로 이해해 온 것을 넘어서, 종단적인 관점에서 플랫폼화에 따른 변화 과정에 주목한 의의가 있다. Because existing platform labor studies have dealt with the problem of platform labor from a cross-sectional perspective, there was a limitation in being unable to capture the changes in the labor market directly caused by platformization. This study is an attempt to longitudinally analyze how platformization drives formality using the concepts of “institutional formalization” and “labor process formalization” and longitudinally analyze the multifaceted results that emerged in the process. To this end, we compared labor cases on local-based platforms, using in-depth interviews and literature research data. The results of this study are as follows. First, the formalization of the labor process through platformization has positive results in making transactional relationships transparent, standardizing work processes, and alleviating the irrationality of interpersonal control. However, in contrast, it had negative results, such as dependence on platform workers rating evaluation, increase in working hours in competition for work, and strengthening of labor intensity. Second, as institutional formalization proceeded after platformization, the degree of institutional protection for the existing informal workers was strengthened compared to the past, but the level of informality experienced by workers was still high. In conclusion, this study found that platformization caused various types of lightness and darkness for informal labor. In that respect, this study is meaningful in that it goes beyond the static understanding of the problem of platform labor in existing studies and discovers the change pattern driven by platformization from a temporal perspective.

노사정위원회 합의사항의 입법과정 고찰 -1기 위원회의 노동법률 입법과정을 중심으로-

류호연(Ryu, Hoyeon) 한국노동법학회 2021 노동법학 Vol.- No.77

In a critical situation where failure to receive a bailout from the IMF would result in a state bankruptcy, the Tripartite Commission, which was launched on 15 January 1998, made a dramatic agreement to share the pain through a breathtaking dialogue over a short period of 20 days. On February 6, labor, management and government reached the agreement to allow basic labor rights of government employees and teachers, guarantee the union’s political activities, and legislate the employment adjustment and dispatch system. On February 9, labor, management and government signed social agreement to overcome the economic crisis. The legislation on the contents of the social agreement was realized through the revision of the Union and Labor Relations Adjustment Act, the Labor Standards Act, the Act on Protection of Dispatched Workers, and the Special Act on the Establishment and Operation of the Council of Government Employees. Looking at the legislative process, four characteristics and implications can be derived. ① The contents of the bill may vary depending on the capacities of individual lawmakers. ② Like the capacities of individual lawmakers, the capacities of the government, such as the minister, have a great influence on the legislative process. ③ If compromise is needed, it is more effective to agree on a new bill than a side comment. ④ The legislation and judiciary committee review process needs to be closely examined. In addition, comparing the legislative process of the 1st Tripartite Commission agreement in 1998 with the legislative process of the flexible worktime system in 2020: ①The time interval between the agreement and legislation is different, ② the proposers of the legislation are different, ③ The members of the National Assembly are competing for legislation, ④ the role of expert committee members was reinforced, and ⑤ the legislative party bonds were strengthened. Among the changes in the legislative environment, a prominent phenomenon in the legislation of the labor law is the reinforcement of party binding. It can be understood that the characteristics of the labor law, in which the interests between labor and management are sharply opposed, appeared in the National Assembly in the form of reinforcing party bonds. Therefore, it is necessary to establish a practice of respecting the consensus in the National Assembly and seek a model in which party members also participate in the consensus process. In addition, it is hoped that the government, the consensus subject, will take responsibility for legislation, submit the bill and actively persuade the lawmakers, thereby enabling faster legislative action.

수산물 가공업을 지탱한 여성의 노동 : 한창훈의 『홍합』을 중심으로

신민희 인천대학교 인문학연구소 2023 인문학연구 Vol.40 No.-

This study analyzes Han Chang-hoon's novel Mussel to study the meaning of the seafood processing industry and women’s role in labor. This novel, set in a mussel factory in Yeosu in the 1990s, is the only text that captures the seafood processing industry and women’s role in labor. The study analyzes why the seafood processing industry and labor are structured to be unseen within the labor value system. This problem is not only a problem within the fishing industry but also condenses the structural contradiction that has devalued women’s role in labor in modern industrial society. The novel shows the history of women’s role in labor being undervalued, and that despite that structure, it was women who supported the seafood processing industry. Women have supported the industry by working in the seafood processing industry and have overturned previously devalued attitudes and values with new authority.

1970~88년의 청계천 봉제공의 자기 숙련(Self-Competence) 과정

홍유희 ( Hong You Hee ) 한국사회사학회 2023 사회와 역사 Vol.- No.138

This study aims to explore the meaning of the clothing industry in Chaeonggyecheon and explain how vendor-centered industrial capitalism, a form of industrial capitalism unique to Chaeonggyecheon, developed through the working class’s independent acquisition of sewing skills, a process known as self-competence. Chaeonggyecheon, a clothing market based in Seoul, Korea, grew to be the largest domestic clothing market in the 1970’s and 1980’s, during a period when the city legalized unauthorized markets. The study is based on market authorization documents produced by the Seoul Metropolitan Government, articles from a major daily newspaper, a sewing magazine, an on-site survey conducted by the Korean Confederation of Labor Union Cheonggye Clothing Branch, and oral interview data about the experience of a sewing worker. Vendor-centered industrial capitalism was the method, unique to Chaeonggyecheon, by which clothing vendors sought to maximizes their profit through combining production and sale; they adopted an intensive single item production structure. Also, with a small amount of a capital, they combined the labor of skilled sewing machinists with that of unskilled workers, thereby increasing production. They also adopted a performance-based pay system to promote competition and further increased production output. In this study, the interviewee who worked as both an unskilled worker and later as a sewing machinist, acquired various sewing and working skills to add their labor to the production process and controlled them. She worked at different factories to acquire skills for high-paying clothing. This was a self-competence process where they responded to the demands of the production structure by developing the sewing methods and skills to organize their labor and control the production structure and process. This shows a series of learning processes in the workplace at Chaeonggyecheon. In the self-competence process, sewing workers not only acquire different skills, but provide the conditions necessary for skill acquisition, which shows the conditions for accumulation of skills. These conditions are necessary for accumulation of specialized sewing skills which is required for vendor-centered industrial capitalism to work, and they are self provided by the sewing workers themselves. Overall, this study shows Chaeonggyecheon as a manufacturing area where the conditions for the accumulation of specialized sewing skills were born, and how these conditions were formed by a group of sewing workers who went through the learning process of acquiring specific skills at within the particular production structure in place at Chaeonggyecheon.

통합 뉴스룸 도입 이후 뉴스생산 노동과정의 변화

윤익한(Ik-Han Yoon),김균(Kyun Kim) 한국언론정보학회 2011 한국언론정보학보 Vol.55 No.3

디지털 컨버전스의 기술 혁신은 언론 부문에서 핵심적인 노동이라고 할 수 있는 기자노동에도 막대한 영향을 주고 있다. 노동과정론에 따르면, 자본주의적 생산양식에서 기술혁신으로 인해 노동자들은 노동에 대한 통제력을 상실해가면서 탈숙련화의 과정을 겪어 왔고, 경영진들은 억압적인 노동조건을 은폐하고 노동자들을 더욱 효율적으로 통제하기 위해 이데올로기적, 정치적 장치들을 도입해 왔다. 이러한 문제의식 위에서 본 연구는 뉴스룸 통합의 기술혁신이 기자노동의 숙련도에 어떠한 영향을 주는지, 또 경영진들이 기자들을 통제하기 위해 사용하는 전략이 무엇인지를 CBS 통합뉴스룸의 사례를 통해 실증적으로 분석하였다. 분석 결과, 통합뉴스룸 도입으로 인해 기자들은 숙련노동에 대한 통제력을 상실해가면서 탈숙련화되고 있었다. 또한, 경영진들은 새로운 뉴스생산관행, 가족주의 노사문화에 대한 노동자들의 동의를 획득해 나갔으며, 내부노동시장 분절화를 통해 기업권력의 강화와 노동사회의 고립화 전략을 취하고 있었다. Technology innovation of digital convergence in recent years of the media sector has produced a series of significant changes in journalist labor. This study analyzes how recent introduction of convergent newsroom changed the nature of journalist labor and what strategy the management used to control journalists within the technologically innovated working condition with case of CBS. As the labor process theory tells us, the analysis found that technological innovation in the newsroom has encouraged a couple of aspects regarding labor process. First, losing control over their own labor journalists have undergone the process of significant deskilling. Second, the management have made a constant effort to introduce ideological and political apparatuses with twofold purposes, effective control over workers on one hand and concealing oppressive labor conditions on the other. The effort generated journalists’ acceptance of new news-making routine and their consent on labor-management culture founded upon naive familism, which at last resulted in reinforcement of corporate power and isolation of labor society by separating internal labor market.