Remarks on Right Dislocation Construction in Korean : Challenges to bi-clausal analyses

Heejeong Ko 서울대학교 언어교육원 2014 語學硏究 Vol.50 No.2

This paper investigates the syntax and semantics of postverbal elements in so-called Right Dislocation Constructions (RDCs) in Korean. Recently, a growing number of researchers have argued that RDCs in Korean must be analyzed under the assumption that RDCs contain a bi-clausal structure. This paper aims to closely re-examine and evaluate the validity of current bi-clausal analyses. In particular, I discuss three representative approaches couched under bi-clausal analyses: (i) the scram-bling-based analysis, (ii) the pro-predicate based analysis, and (iii) the fragment-based analysis. I show that each of these approaches faces non-trivial challenges. Specifically, I show that the syntax of postverbal elements cannot be equated to either scrambling or a regular fragment answer. An array of intriguing contrasts between RDCs and scrambling, and between RDCs and fragments are presented in this paper. I also present a new set of challenges to the claim that postverbal elements are licensed by a pro-predicate.

Remarks on Right Dislocation Construction in Korean: Challenges to bi-clausal analyses

고희정 서울대학교 언어교육원 2014 語學硏究 Vol.50 No.2

This paper investigates the syntax and semantics of postverbal elementsin so-called Right Dislocation Constructions (RDCs) in Korean. Recently,a growing number of researchers have argued that RDCs in Koreanmust be analyzed under the assumption that RDCs contain a bi-clausalstructure. This paper aims to closely re-examine and evaluate the validityof current bi-clausal analyses. In particular, I discuss three representativeapproaches couched under bi-clausal analyses: (i) the scrambling-based analysis, (ii) the pro-predicate based analysis, and (iii) thefragment-based analysis. I show that each of these approaches facesnon-trivial challenges. Specifically, I show that the syntax of postverbalelements cannot be equated to either scrambling or a regular fragmentanswer. An array of intriguing contrasts between RDCs and scrambling,and between RDCs and fragments are presented in this paper. Ialso present a new set of challenges to the claim that postverbal elementsare licensed by a pro-predicate.

우전위 요소의 영역

이정식 한국생성문법학회 2018 생성문법연구 Vol.28 No.2

This squib is a reply to Park s (2017) advocation for the ellipsis approach to the right dislocated construction (RDC), i.e., the bi-clausal analysis accompanied by Move & Delete under the head-final structure. Park intends to maintain his ellipsis approach against Shimoyama, Drummond, Schwarz and Wagner s (2015) claim that the ellipsis approach produces wrong scope facts (in Japanese). This squib examines Park s arguments in detail and shows that they are not viable. It is pointed out that one of his proposals, i.e., argument ellipsis of the moved object in the elliptic clause, is suspicious in that this object carries focus with it, and that disallowing pro movement in gapped RDCs is just arbitrary and is in exclusion of his argument ellipsis, which is contradictory. Particularly, Park s analysis applies the Parallelism condition in a way that is inconsistent with Fox (2000) system about scope interpretation. The resulting problems rather indicate that the head-final bi-clausal approach to RDCs is on the wrong track. By contrast, adopting the head-first mono-clausal analysis to RDCs (Lee 2009, 2010, 2011a), I show that it can straightforwardly account for the scope facts in RDCs at issue without facing the problematic situations in Park s system.

Remarks on –yo Attachment in Right Dislocation in Korean

Jong Un Park 현대문법학회 2016 현대문법연구 Vol.91 No.-

This paper has two goals. First, it aims to carefully examine whether a bi-clausal (movement) approach to -yo attachment in Korean Right Dislocation (RD) constructions is tenable. Yim (2013) argues that -yo marking on an RD-ed element lends support to what is called the bi-clausal approach to RD in Korean. We present an issue and data that solicit reconsideration of Yim s view on the syntax of -yo attachment. In particular, the bi-clausal approach endorsed by Yim is shown to have difficulty capturing two types of coordinate structure, namely interwoven dependency and additive coordination. Second, we demonstrate that the availability of these two types of otherwise puzzling coordination in the RD construction involving -yo marking can be captured under a mono-clausal approach, in conjunction with M-K Park s (2009) midway conjunction analysis, where External Remerge, originally suggested by de Vries (2009), is assumed to play a crucial role in building coordinate structure at issue.

Some Remarks on the VP-Dislocation Analysis of English VP-Fronting

문귀선 한국생성문법학회 2018 생성문법연구 Vol.28 No.1

The paper begins with introduction of the properties of VPF such as connectivity, reconstruction, strong island effects, etc. Then Ott’s dislocation analysis of VPF analogous to the DP-Left-Dislocation construction is reviewed employing three striking strategies: (i) postulation of pro-VP null that in the host clause (ii) bi-clausal structure parallel to each other (iii) ellipsis approach to the external clause. I investigate the pros and cons of the VP-dislocation analysis, and address strong points in comparison with the traditional movement analysis, arguing that the VP-dislocation analysis is superior to the movement analysis in explaining the auxiliary doubling phenomenon. I point out shortcomings with the dislocation analysis: It is demonstrated that the VP-dislocation approach to VPF cannot explain the tense-doubling effect, allows to elide non-constituents in the external clause, and also suffers somewhat from examples exhibiting strong island sensitivity due to the nominal-gap requirement which can cause inconsistency in the analysis. I claim that the semantic type mismatch arises in the VPF construction according to the VP-dislocation analysis. I thus suggest the necessity of a more refined formulation in order to obtain mutual entailment relationship between propositions of the two clauses in the VPF construction.

Some Remarks on the VP-Dislocation Analysis of English VP-Fronting

Gui-Sun Moon 한국생성문법학회 2018 생성문법연구 Vol.28 No.1

The paper begins with introduction of the properties of VPF such as connectivity, reconstruction, strong island effects, etc. Then Ott’s dislocation analysis of VPF analogous to the DP-Left-Dislocation construction is reviewed employing three striking strategies: (i) postulation of pro-VP null that in the host clause (ii) bi-clausal structure parallel to each other (iii) ellipsis approach to the external clause. I investigate the pros and cons of the VP-dislocation analysis, and address strong points in comparison with the traditional movement analysis, arguing that the VP-dislocation analysis is superior to the movement analysis in explaining the auxiliary doubling phenomenon. I point out shortcomings with the dislocation analysis: It is demonstrated that the VP-dislocation approach to VPF cannot explain the tense-doubling effect, allows to elide non-constituents in the external clause, and also suffers somewhat from examples exhibiting strong island sensitivity due to the nominal-gap requirement which can cause inconsistency in the analysis. I claim that the semantic type mismatch arises in the VPF construction according to the VP-dislocation analysis. I thus suggest the necessity of a more refined formulation in order to obtain mutual entailment relationship between propositions of the two clauses in the VPF construction.

국어 우전위 요소와 조각구

이정식(Lee JeongShik) 한국생성문법학회 2016 생성문법연구 Vol.26 No.2

This paper provides some remarks on the analysis of right dislocation and fragment phenomena in Korean, proposed by Ahn and Cho (2015) as a reply to Ko (2014a). Ahn and Cho proposed a unified analysis for right dislocation and fragmentation by extending the Move & Delete analysis of fragments to right dislocation under the bi-clausal analysis. This paper argues against Ahn and Cho to the effect that right dislocation and fragmentation must be analysed in different structural terms; that is, while fragments are derived by the usual Move & Delete, right dislocation must be analysed as involving Move in a single sentence. It is shown that their alleged parallelism between the two elements does not really hold, as pointed out in Ko (2014a). This paper also points to one viable analysis of right dislocation different from Ko (2015).

A reconsideration of the (non-)uniform syntax of Korean right-dislocation

Kaori Furuya 경희대학교 언어정보연구소 2018 언어연구 Vol.35 No.2

This paper investigates the clausal natureof Korean Right-Dislocation Constructions (RDCs) and reconsiders recent extant (non-)uniform analyses of RDCs. Since Korean is a pro-drop language, most of the literature on Korean RDCs assumes the preverbal empty category as pro or a trace out of movement in the constructions. However, recent literature has shown that null arguments can also be derived via argument ellipsis (e.g. Sakamoto 2016). The paper identifies the categorial statuses of preverbal empty categories and demonstrates similarities and differences between gapped and gapless RDCs that Ko (2016) and Ahn and Cho (2016, 2017) do not observe. It argues that a non-uniform analysis is most compatible to account for the distribution of empty categories of RDCs. The proposed analysis receives support form novel evidence based on (non-)parallelisms between RDCs and fragment answers.

Deriving Tags in Split Questions: Deletion and pro

손근원 ( Keun Won Sohn ) 한국현대언어학회 2011 언어연구 Vol.26 No.4

This paper aims at defending. a PF deletion account for split question (SQ) constructions. SQ constructions are composed of a wh-part and a tag, which are taken to be two separate question clauses. Arregi (2010) analyzes Spanish, Basque, and English SQ constructions and proposes a PF deletion account for these constructions. Ha (2010), on the other hand, proposes a cyclic copying account for Korean SQ constructions, based on the discussion of predicate containing tags. After examining Korean SQ constructions, with special emphasis on the predicate containing tags, this paper first shows that there are serious problems for the cyclic copying account for the predicate containing cases. As a next step, it is shown that the predicate containing tags are not genuine SQ constructions and hence cannot be used as evidence against the PF deletion account of the SQ constructions. This paper provides a pro-based alternative account for the predicate containing cases and consequently, shows that the PF deletion account for the SQ constructions can be maintained.

우전위구문 재고

이정식 한국생성문법학회 2017 생성문법연구 Vol.27 No.1