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The term 'MaxElide' is used to refer to the phenomenon that deletion of the smaller constituent leads to ungrammaticality when the larger constituent can be deleted. This article, however, argues that the so-called MaxElide effects bear no relation with ellipsis, but follow from the constraint 'MaxPronominalize'. In this article, I claim that pronominalization is subject to the pronominalization economy,according to which the maximal constituents must be pronominalized,with the result that the maximal constituents are not pronounced when the pronoun is realized as a zero form. A consequence of the MaxPronominalize approach is that it sheds light on the question of where the island constraints apply. In an attempt to explain the phenomenon that the elided part is not subject to the island constraints,many linguists, including Fox and Lasnik (2003), Lasnik (2007), Merchant (2001, 2003, 2008), propose that island violation can be repaired via ellipsis, while assuming that the island constraints apply at PF. However,the MaxPronominalize approach shows that the island constraints are not conditions on PF representation but on the syntactic derivation, as Chomsky (2001, 2008) proposes.
This paper aims to unify obligatory control constructions in Korean as A-movement. The so-called infinitival control and finite control are uniformly analyzed under A-movement. It is observed that finite control complements in Hebrew 3rd person subjunctives and Brazilian Portuguese are transparent with regard to A-movement since complement clauses are deficient in one of the two feature sets, [T±,phi±] (Boeckx, Hornstein and Nunes 2010). Likewise, it is claimed that not only infinitival but finite control complements in Korean are transparent to A-movement due to the deficiency of the feature sets. The unusual transparency of Korean raising complements with free alternation of tense markers is also claimed to be uniformly accounted for under A-movement based on the proposed feature combination. Consequently, this paper argues, following the movement theory of control, that (i) the control module disappears, simplifying the grammar,(ii) the empty category in control complement is identified as a copy left after movement, and (iii) the interpretation of the empty category is naturally obtained as a result of movement.
Although the standard assumption about in-situ wh-phrases in Korean is that they show wh-island effects, there also exist cases where they are known to show no or weaker wh-island effects such as various kinds of questions involving D-linked wh-phrases or questions with an additional wh-phrase. In this paper, I identify two novel environments where in-situ wh-phrases show no wh-island effects in Korean, i.e., the declarative intervention context and the embedded context. I show not only that they cannot be explained by any of the explanations previously proposed to explain the absence of wh-island effects but also that the nature of the factor responsible for the absence of wh-island effects in each case is not easily amenable to a principled syntactic explanation.
Chomsky (2008) has claimed that according to the phase theory a phase head should be the locus of all the relevant syntactic features so that the feature inheritance has to apply to every phase head. Hence, features that should be checked on a non-phase head should be inherited from a phase head to the non-phase head for syntactic operations like movement. Recently it is further claimed that not only Agree feature but also all the relevant features including even discourse features like Topic/Focus should be posited in C and then have to be inherited to T (Miyagawa 2010). In this paper, however, it is shown that the operation of canonical feature inheritance should be highly restricted: it may not apply to unmarked IMs or optional movements, it may apply only to “checkable” features, it may apply only to non-phase heads selected by the phase head, etc. Furthermore, it is shown that the notion of feature inheritance entails many problems including some technical problems like counter-cyclic operation, so that the alternative theory of movement without the notion of feature inheritance or even feature checking itself,i.e., the merge theory of movement, is proposed and discussed.
In this squib, we will examine some aspects of fragment answers (FAs)and indicate three properties of the construction: (i) various clause types (or forces) are expressible in FAs; (ii) FAs are not allowed in embedded clauses; (iii) FAs are always interpreted on the non-polite, casual speech level. We will claim that properties (i) and (ii) can essentially be attributed to the properties associated with a null clause type morpheme,which we argue can occupy the root position only. We will also put forward that property (iii) may be due to a presence of a null speech level morpheme which is associated with the non-polite level as a default value.
This paper deals with an exceptional morphosyntactic phenomenon occurring in prenominal relative clauses in Korean and consequences caused by it. Korean relative clauses exhibit several morphosyntactic peculiarities; they cannot be an independent clause due to a missing sentence ending, and a tense affix and the adnominalizer, which is an outside element of IP, are collapsed and become an inseparable morphosyntactic entity. The latter is a rare instance violating the typical one feature-one affix pattern in Korean inflection. This paper will show that such a violation occurs as a result of eliminating a sentence ending in relative clauses in order to optimize a modifier clause. It further shows that it brings about an obligatory or optional appearance of -ten in relative clauses depending on their predicates. It represents not only the past tense but adds an aspectual sense such as noncontinuity or imperfectivity. The aspectual marking by -ten is a unique consequence of the morphosyntactic exception occurring in the IP structure of relative clauses. Finally, it will show that the morphosyntactic pattern of a certain agglutinative language determines the 'perfect clause' versus the 'less than clausal form' by comparing Korean and Japanese prenominal relative clauses.
FNQ-constructions in Korean and Japanese exhibit an interesting correlation between prosodic phrasing and semantic processing, with correspondingly different syntactic judgments. I propose that this prosodic-semantics correspondence is a result of mapping of syntax onto prosody within a Minimalist framework of Chomsky (2000, 2001, 2008);that is, syntactic operations are computed cyclically and transferred to LF multiple times for their interpretations. This analysis nicely captures major difficulties that all former accounts suffered from in the area of FNQ-constructions, by simply paying a close attention to how the "prosodic phrases" are created, where the "phases" are formed and what counts as a Spell-Out domain.
There are a number of phenomena in languages that prohibit multiple elements of the 'same type' that are 'too close together'. To explain these phenomena, Richards (2010) proposes the general principle of Distinctness. Although this principle nicely captures the facts in English multiple sluicing, the multiple remnants in Japanese sluicing remain to be explained. Thus, Richards (2010) suggests to parameterize the functional features available before linearization to capture the variation between English and Japanese. However, despite his principle and parameter, the multiple Case constructions in Korean/Japanese still pose problems to Richards (2010). I have shown in this paper that Richards need to parameterize the functional category set for nominals to capture the whole data in Korean/ Japanese. Specifically, I have suggested that the variation between English and these languages can be captured under the hypothesis that nominals in these languages are NPs rather than DPs and that the variation between Korean and Japanese can be captured by assuming that Accusative nominals in Korean can choose not to project K(ase)P over NP, while they always project KP in Japanese, resulting in the Double-o constraint effect.