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The Syntax and Semantics of It-clefts
문귀선 한국생성문법학회 2013 생성문법연구 Vol.23 No.3
The main purpose of the article lies in proposing a novel structure for English it-clefts. I argue that Reeve's(2010) ambiguity problem with respect to the antecedent of the cleft-clause does not arise, since according to the proposed structure the cleft-clause is originally generated in the adjunct position of the cleft-pronoun it, and then undergoes rightward movement at PF. With the proposed structure where no functional head Eq is postulated and the copula be is analyzed as an equative verb requiring two arguments I show that the semantics of it-clefts can be computed compositionally.
Scrambling and PIC: against Cyclic Linearization
문귀선 한국생성문법학회 2007 생성문법연구 Vol.17 No.2
I argue that Linearization Preservation (LP) based on the cyclic linearization can be replaced by PIC, which means that there is no need appealing to LP to account for the apparent asymmetry observed in the Korean data. I claim that PIC can provide a correct account for the free scrambling, a well known characteristic of the Korean language. I show that either the subject or the object can scramble freely without violation of PIC, and claim that no asymmetry exists between the subject and the object scrambling under the assumption that the examples containing NQs (the so-called floating numeral quantifier constructions) in question can be analyzed in the same way as multiple subject or object constructions, falsifying the idea that a NQ forms a constituent with a subject or object DP preceding it.
The Availability of Island Evasion Strategies in Fragments
문귀선,김선웅,신정아 한국생성문법학회 2016 생성문법연구 Vol.26 No.3
In this paper We argue against the repair-by-ellipsis approach to the contrast between non-contrastive fragments and contrastive fragments in terms of syntactic island constraints and rather argue for the non-isomorphic approaches for island evasion strategies. It is presented that non-isomorphic sources for island evasion strategies can be supplied satisfying the felicitous condition for the discourse if the correlates of remnants stays within the scope of [-definite] feature, but cannot if the correlates of fragments are not located within the scope of [-definite] feature. We propose the generalization that island evasion strategies can be available when the correlate of a fragment is [-definite] or within the [-definite] scope. It will be proved that this generalization provides a successful account for some problematic data. Finally, We conclude that the fragments for which island evasion strategies are available can be derived by PF-movement and ellipsis out of appropriate non-isomorphic sources.
문귀선 한국생성문법학회 2005 생성문법연구 Vol.15 No.2
The purpose of the paper is to explain why universal quantified nominals cannot be qualified as associate of the expletive there. The argument begins with the explication of why the indefinite nominal associate cannot take a wide scope reading in the expletive there-constructions. It will be first shown that the formula with the wide scope of the existential quantifier operator yields a definite interpretation just as the definite nominal associate does in an expletive there-sentence. Therefore, the wide scope reading of the indefinite nominal associate cannot be acceptable due to the definiteness effect. Likewise the unavailability of universal quantified nominals as associate can be accounted for by the same reason, namely, the definiteness effect on the basis of the semantic interpretation. It will be concluded that the definiteness effect is the only constraint working on various types of unacceptable associates in the expletive there-constructions.
On the Validity of the Skolemized Choice Function Approach to Small pro Anaphora in Korean
문귀선 한국생성문법학회 2019 생성문법연구 Vol.29 No.2
In this article I first introduce how the Skolemized choice function applies to small pros, and then point out the serious problems raised by the Skolemized choice function approach to pro analyses. Next I argue that the Skolemized choice function approach cannot be taken as a blind strategy to overcome the weakness of the pro-analyses although a choice function may be regarded as a useful tool to derive sloppy readings even in the cases where there exist neither overt linguistic antecedents nor extra-linguistic information. Finally, I propose an alternative pro-analysis in which a small pro is polysemous with closely related multiple anaphoric functions essentially listed in the lexicon where there are four anaphoric functions such as (i) a pronominal pro (ii) a reflexive pro (iii) an N’-substitute pro like one (iv) a deictic pro with a demonstrative use.