冷战后中北关系的演变与中韩北三 角关系的发展趋势

王生 국민대학교 중국인문사회연구소 2014 중국지식네트워크 Vol.4 No.-

The close relationship among China, South Korea and North Korea is unique in the world. Both the friendly partnership between China and North Korea and the strategic cooperation partnership between China and South Korea play an important role in China’s diplomacy with neighboring countries. With the influence of the coldwar,the relationship between China and the North Korea has developed with particularity. After the war, China established diplomatic relationship with South Korea and developed it into the strategic cooperation partnership according to the international situation changes and the need of the state interests. Recently, as America’s global strategic focus has quickly moved to the Asia-Pacific region, the secure situation has changed a lot in the Korean Peninsula. This change abjectly require China adjust its policy to ward Korean Peninsula moderately on the base of the denuclearization in the Korean Peninsula. On one hand, the relationship between China and North Korea is developing toward a normal direction; On the other hand, the strategic partnership between China and South Korea is being replenished constantly, How to develop the relationship of the three sides of the triangle into a virtuous cycle relation ship that is beneficial to the peace and development of Korean Peninsula will be a major issue for China. 中国与北韩半岛国家之间的密切关系是世界上独一无二的。无论是中北传统友好伙伴关 系还是中韩战略合作伙伴关系都在中国周边外交中占有重要地位。受冷战因素的影响, 中北 关系一直笼罩着“特殊性”而延续发展。冷战结束以后, 中国根据国际局势的变化和国家利益的 需要, 同韩国建立了外交关系, 并迅速提升至战略合作伙伴关系。近年来, 随着美国全球战略 重心的快速东移, 北韩半岛安全环境发生了深刻的变化, 客观上要求中国在坚持北韩半岛无核 化这一前提下, 适度调整北韩半岛政策。一方面, 中北关系越来越朝着正常的国家关系发展; 同时, 不断充实中韩战略合作伙伴关系的内涵。如何使中北韩这一特殊的三角关系发展成一 种有利于北韩半岛和平稳定与繁荣发展的良性循环关系, 将是中国对北韩半岛政策所面临的 一项重大课题

冷戰後中北關系的演變與中韓北三角關系的發展趨勢

( Sheng Wang ) 국민대학교 중국지식네트워크 2014 중국지식네트워크 Vol.4 No.-

中國與北韓半島國家之間的密切關系是世界上獨壹無二的。無論是中北傳統友好과伴關系還是中韓戰略合作과伴關系都在中國周邊外交中占有重要地位。受冷戰因素的影響, 中北關系壹直籠조著“特殊性”而延續發展。冷戰結束以後, 中國根據國際局勢的變化和國家利益的需要, 同韓國建立了外交關系, 竝迅速提升至戰略合作과伴關系。近年來, 隨著美國全球戰略重心的快速東移, 北韓半島安全環境發生了深刻的變化, 客觀上要求中國在堅持北韓半島無核化這壹前提下, 適度調整北韓半島政策。壹方面, 中北關系越來越朝著正常的國家關系發展;同時, 不斷充實中韓戰略合作과伴關系的內涵。如何使中北韓這壹特殊的三角關系發展成壹種有利於北韓半島和平穩定與繁榮發展的良性循環關系, 將是中國對北韓半島政策所面臨的壹項重大課題。 The close relationship among China, South Korea and North Korea is unique in the world. Both the friendly partnership between China and North Korea and the strategic cooperation partnership between China and South Korea play an important role in China’s diplomacy with neighboring countries. With the influence of the coldwar,the relationship between China and the North Korea has developed with particularity. After the war, China established diplomatic relationship with South Korea and developed it into the strategic cooperation partnership according to the international situation changes and the need of the state interests. Recently, as America’s global strategic focus has quickly moved to the Asia-Pacific region, the secure situation has changed a lot in the Korean Peninsula. This change abjectly require China adjust its policy to ward Korean Peninsula moderately on the base of the denuclearization in the Korean Peninsula. On one hand, the relationship between China and North Korea is developing toward a normal direction; On the other hand, the strategic partnership between China and South Korea is being replenished constantly, How to develop the relationship of the three sides of the triangle into a virtuous cycle relation ship that is beneficial to the peace and development of Korean Peninsula will be a major issue for China.

Transformation of the Dualistic International Order into the Modern Treaty System in the Sino-Korean Relationship

Song Kue-jin(송규진) 고려대학교 한국사연구소 2010 International Journal of Korean History Vol.15 No.2

조공체제에서 근대조약체제로 전환되는 과정은 단일하고 일방적인 것이 아니라 복잡하고 다면적인 것이었다. 또한 일정시기 동안 진행되었던 지역질서가 새로운 질서와 만나게 되면 일정기간 과도기를 거칠 수밖에 없다. 이는 조선을 둘러싼 동아시아 국제 질서에서 전형적으로 드러난다. 강화도조약 이후 조선은 근대조약체제에 편입되지만 조선을 둘러싼 동아시아 국제질서가 단일하게 근대조약체제로 전환되지는 않았으며 이중적 국제질서가 작동하고 있었다. 중국은 1882년 조청상민수륙무역장정을 체결함으로써 조공체제를 제도적으로 유지했다. 중국은 일본과 러시아를 견제하기 위해 근대조약체제에 조선을 적극적으로 끌어들이려 했다. 당시 조선을 둘러싼 이중적 국제질서를 이끈 패권국가는 중국이었다. 중국은 당시 조선을 독립국으로 안정하지 않았기 때문에 조선이 국제사회에 적극적으로 참여하는 데에는 많은 제한이 있었다. 따라서 중국의 외압에서 벗어나는 것이 중요한 과제로 등장했다. 조선에는 중국의 간섭에서 벗어나고 내부개혁을 꾀했던 세력이 없지 않았으나 중국의 개입과 고중의 중국 의존적 정책으로 결국 실패했다. 고종도 서구와 협력하여 중국의 조공체제를 완화시키고자 하는 의도를 가지고 있긴 했지만 자신의 권력을 안정시키는 것을 우선적인 과제로 삼았고 정권이 위협받을 때에는 중국군의 파병을 요청하는 반역사적 행위를 거듭했다. 청일전쟁 이후 시모노세키조약에서 조공체제를 전면 부인함으로써 이중적 국제질서는 와해되었다. 그런데도 중국은 조선과 통상장정을 체결하고 영사를 상호파견 하는 수준까지만 관계를 회복하려고 했을 뿐 조선과의 특수한 관계를 유지하려고 노력했다. 그리하여 한중관계는 곧바로 근대조약체제에 편입되지 못하고 일정기간 과도체제를 갖게 되었다. 하지만 조선과의 특수한 관계를 유지하여 자국의 영향력을 강화하려고 한 중국의 노력은 더 이상 실현될 수 없는 것이었다. 결국 대한제국의 수립과 영국ㆍ러시아ㆍ일본의 적극적인 개입, 중국인 보호라는 현실적인 문제로 중국은 근대조약을 체결하기로 결정했다. 대한제국은 중국과 1899년 9월 한청통상조약을 체결하고 근대적 조약관계를 공식적으로 수립했다. 이는 전통적인 조공체제와 근대 조약체제가 이중적으로 작동했던 조선을 둘러싼 동북아국제질서가 근대조약체제로 완전하게 단일화되었음을 의미한다. 근대조약체제는 표면적으로는 각각의 국가를 대등한 존재로 대우하는 것을 표방하지만 실제로는 국가 간의 분쟁을 전쟁으로 해결하는 군사력 중심의 체제였기 때문에 조선을 둘러싼 동아시아 국제질서의 패권국가로 부상하던 일본이 청일전쟁과 러일전쟁에서 승리한 이후 대한제국을 식민지화하는 데에 국제사회는 동의할 수밖에 없는 현실이었다. 이점을 고려한다면 조선과 중국의 근대조약 체결은 때 늦은 감이 있다. The transition from a tribute system to a modern treaty system was by no means uniform and unilateral, but rather more complex and multilateral. Also, a certain period of transition was inevitable when a prolonged regional order came across a new one. Such aspects are typically evident in the East Asian international order surrounding Korea. Although Korea was incorporated into the modern treaty system after the Treaty of Kanghwa, the East Asian international order surrounding Korea did not change straight into a modern treaty system but shifted to a dualistic international order in practice. China institutionally maintained the tribute system by signing “the Korea-China Regulations for Maritime and Overland Trade”. The superpower of the time that led the dualistic international order surrounding Korea was China. Because of China who did not recognize Korea as an independent state then, Korea had many limitations in active participation in the international society. Therefore, breaking away from China’s external pressure appeared as an important objective. There had been some groups who attempted to promote internal reform and escape from China’s interference but they failed due to China’s intervention and Kojong’s pro-Chinese dependent policies. Although Kojong also did have the intentions to alleviate China’s tribute system in concert with the West, he prioritized stability of his power and repeated historical actions by requesting for Chinese troops when his regime was threatened. The dualistic international order came to an end with China’s complete denial of the tribute system in the Treaty of Shimonoseki following the Sino-Japanese War. Yet, China still tried to preserve the special relationship with Korea by only permitting the recovery of relationship up to signing “the Korea-China Regulations for Maritime and Overland Trade” and mutually sending the consular representatives. Therefore, the Korea-China relationship, not readily included in the modern treaty system, had a certain period of a transitional phase. However, China’s effort to reinforce its influence over Korea by preserving the special relationship was no longer viable. In consequence, China decided to sign the modern treaty following the establishment of the Greater Korea Empire, and the active involvement of Britain, Russia and Japan, as well as to deal with the practical issue of protection of Chinese people. The Greater Korea Empire and China officially established a modern treaty relation after founding “the Treaty of Commerce between Korea and China” in 1899. This incident marks the change of the international order of Northeastern Asia from a dualistic existence of a modern treaty system and a tribute system to a modern treaty system. The international community could only acquiesce in the Japanese colonization of the Greater Korea Empire after Japan ? the nation that was rising as the dominant player in the East Asian international order around Korea ? won Russo-Japanese Wars. However, superficially the modern treaty system was founded on the idea that individual countries have equal in international relations, even though in reality, this system had resort to military power to resolve international conflicts. This point leads me to guess that If Korea and China had adopted the modern treaty system before the Sino-Japanese War, and had jointly maneuvered against the Western and Japanese hegemony, the Korea and China relationships might have developed in a different direction.

[철회논문] 북중 경제협력관계 변화와 한반도 통일환경 분석(연구부정행위가 확인되어 게재가 철회된 논문임)

김주삼 ( Joo Sam Kim ) 조선대학교 동북아연구소 2011 동북아연구 Vol.26 No.1

This study speculates on the effects changes in the Economic Cooperation Relationship between North Korea and China will have on the future unification on the Korean Peninsula, and Korea`s responses. As China has risen to be one of the G2 nations, it has taken a new level in world order and this puts a focus on the safe management of local problems in East Asia. China and North Korea have developed a solid cooperative relationship in the political, economic, and military fields while maintaining special socialist systems in Northeast Asia. Reinforced economic cooperation between North Korea and China may bring general political change to the Korean peninsula and to Northeast Asia. This also has meaning in that the reinforced cooperative relationship is presented as another model for North Korean and Chinese relations. North Korea has reinforced economic cooperation between itself and China further by requesting economic support from China with the purpose to overcome the stagnation in the South and North Korean relationship since Lee Myeong-bak`s government took office in February 2008. The changed relationship between North Korea and China was caused by construction of North Korea`s powerful nation, cooperation for Chang-JI-Tu development plan and the stagnation in cooperation between North and South Korea, and strategic understanding of North Korea. These changes may affect the unification of the Korean Peninsula and the resulting ripple effects may accelerate changes in the political conditions on the Korean peninsula. The influences of an altered Chinese and North Korean cooperative economic relationship are presented as follows: First, it provides a chance for North Korea to open its gates. Second, it motivates North Korea to change from having a heavy industry-centered policy to a light industry-centered policy. Third, it will save resources in the future cost of unification. Korea`s possible responses to these conditions are as follows: First, it should have a cooperative attitude to North Korea opening up. Second, it should have an attitude to participate in the development plan of Chang-JI-Tu to overcome the stagnant relationship between North and South Korea and to develop conditions for the unification of the Korean peninsula.

김정은 집권기 북·중·러 삼각관계: 세 개 양자관계의 역동성

김연철 ( Yeon Chul Kim ) 경남대학교 극동문제연구소 2023 한국과 국제정치 Vol.39 No.4

과거 냉전 시기 북·중·러 삼각관계는 중소갈등으로 악순환했지만, 미·중 전략경쟁, 러시아-우크라이나 전쟁, 남북 관계 악화로 세 개의 양자관계는 선순환하고 있다. 북·중·러 삼각관계에서 북한의 외교적 자율성은 단기적으로는 중국과 러시아의 전환 속도 차이에서 발휘될 가능성이 크다. 유엔 차원의 국제외교 무대에서 북·중·러 삼국은 북한의 전략 도발에 대해 공동 대응을 할 것이며, 미국을 비롯한 서방 국가들이 제안하는 결의안이나 각종 성명조차도 거부할 것이다. 북핵 문제에 대한 유엔 차원의 대응은 더 이상 어렵고, 유엔 안전보장이사회의 역할과 기능 역시 마비될 가능성이 크다. 경제 분야에서는 단기적으로 인도적 지원분야와 제재의 회색지대를 중심으로 삼국의 협력이 증가할 가능성이 크다. 다만 중국과 러시아의 제재 준수 의지가 달라서, 북한은 이 차이를 활용해서 경제협력에 나설 것이다. 장기적으로 유엔 차원의 제재 효과는 줄어들고, ‘제한된 형태의 북방경제권’이 등장할 가능성이 높다. 앞으로 러시아가 역청탄과 석유 공급을 늘릴 경우, 북한은 제재 국면의 자립형 전략이 아니라, ‘제한된 북방경제권’에서 새로운 경제전략으로 전환할 가능성이 있다. In the past, during the Cold War, the triangle relationship between North Korea, China, and Russia was in a vicious cycle due to Sino-Soviet conflict, but the three bilateral relationships are in a virtuous cycle due to the U.S.-China strategic competition, the Russia-Ukraine war, and the deterioration of inter- Korean relations. In the triangular relationship between North Korea, China, and Russia, North Korea’s diplomatic autonomy is likely to be exercised in the short term due to the difference in the speed of transition between China and Russia. On the international diplomacy stage at the UN level, North Korea, China, and Russia will jointly respond to North Korea’s strategic provocations, and will even reject resolutions and various statements proposed by Western countries, including the United States. It is no longer difficult to respond to the North Korean nuclear issue at the UN level, and the role and function of the UN Security Council are also likely to be paralyzed. In the economic field, there is a high possibility that cooperation between the three countries will increase in the short term, focusing on the gray area of humanitarian aid and sanctions. However, since China and Russia’s willingness to comply with sanctions is different, North Korea will take advantage of this difference to engage in economic cooperation. In the long term, it is highly likely that the effectiveness of UN-level sanctions will be reduced and a ‘limited northern economic zone’ will emerge. If Russia increases the supply of bituminous coal and oil in the future, North Korea may switch to a new economic strategy in the ‘limited northern economic zone’ rather than a self-reliant strategy under sanctions.

북핵 문제와 북-미-중 관계, 그리고 한국의 대응

이기완 한국지방정치학회 2018 한국지방정치학회보 Vol.8 No.1

This research in the framework of North Korea-U.S.-China interests equation aims to answer why North Korean nuclear problem has shown no signs of solutions and to analyse diplomatic actions South Korea should choose under the given circumstances. South Korea and the U.S. have been counting on China’s role on the judgement that only China’s diplomatic policy can have significant impact on North Korea and can trigger a favorable turn to solve the nuclear crisis. Against the U.S. expectation for China’s active engagement, however, China has tended to take a negative stance on UN security council’s intensive sanctions to North Korea and advocated dealing with the crisis through dialogues rather than sanctions. North Korea did not fail to notice the subtle difference between the U.S. and China and has taken advantage of China’s equivocal approach on setting the date and intervals of its nuclear and missile tests. South Korea not having much space to maneuver between the U.S. and China needs nevertheless to prevent China’s exit and should play the role of a good balancer between the U.S. and China to prevent the conflicts between the two countries from coming to the surface. 본 연구는 북핵 문제가 해결 기미를 보이지 않는 요인을 북―미―중 3국의 이해관계의 방정식에 찾고, 우리정부가 취해야 할 외교적 대응이 무엇인지를 분석하는데 있다. 그 동안 한미 양국은 중국 역할론에 기대어 북핵 문제를 해결하려는 경향이 있었다. 이것은 북한에 대해 정치, 경제, 외교적으로 영향력을 행사할 수 있는 유일한 국가로 중국의 대북 정책 여하에 따라 북핵 문제 해결에 큰 전기를 마련할 수 있다는 판단에 따른 것이었다. 하지만 중국은 미국의 의도를 비웃듯 북핵 문제 해결에 적극 동참하기보다는 유엔 안보리의 고강도 대북제재에 소극적 입장을 취해 왔고, 동시에 제재를 통한 문제 해결보다는 북미 대화를 통한 해결을 우선시하였다. 북한은 이러한 미중 간 입장 차이와 함께 중국의 방관과 압박의 이중플레이를 정치적으로 활용하면서 핵·미사일 실험의 시기와 속도를 결정해 왔던 것이다. 이 때문에 우리정부는 대북공조체제로부터 중국의 이탈을 방지하는 동시에, 비록 미중 사이에서 선택지가 그다지 넓지 않다고 하더라도, 미중 간 갈등이 표면화되지 않도록 균형 잡힌 조정자의 역할을 수행해야 한다.

한중 어업문제에 대한 중국정부의 대응조치 및 개선방향

천용 ( Qian Yong ) 인하대학교 한국학연구소 2018 한국학연구 Vol.0 No.49

본 논문에서는 요즘 한중 관계에서 다시 이슈로 떠오르고 있는 한중 어업문제에 대해 주목하였다. 한중어업 충돌은 사드문제가 발생하기 전 비록 주기적으로 발생하기는 했지만 당시 한중 양국관계의 전체 우호적인 분위기 하에 그 파장은 상대적으로 제한되어 있었다. 하지만 최근 들어 사드문제로 한중관계가 악화되면서 어업분쟁은 양국이 국민이 민족주의적 대립 정서를 자극하는 촉매제로 작용하고 있다. 이런 상황을 감안하여 현재 시련을 겪고 있는 한중관계 회복을 위해서는 어업분쟁 해결을 위한 그동안 양국이 취한 노력들을 다시 살펴볼 필요가 있다고 본다. 이런 연구는 분쟁 쌍방에 상호이해를 촉진할 수 있으며 충돌이 발생 시양국 국민이 감정적인 대립을 완화하는데 도움이 될 것이다. 따라서 본 논문에서는 한중 어업관계발전, 한중어업협정체결에 인한 중국 어업에 대한 도전, 중국정부의 대응조치 및 문제점 등 분석을 기초로 국제 어업관계 발전추세와 결합하여 중국적 시각에서 한중 어업분쟁에 대한 대책을 건의하였다. This paper investigates the recent issue of the South Korea-China fishery, which has become a hot topic again in the relations between China and South Korea. Before the THAAD Issue, although the South Korea-China fishery conflicts occurred frequently, influenced by the overall harmony relationship between the two countries, the impacts are still limited. However, recently, the THAAD Issue has further lead to a rapid deterioration of the relationships between the South Korea and China fishery. Disputes have become the catalyst for the antagonism between the two nations. In this context, to restore the currently tested the relationships between the South Korea and China fishery relations, it is necessary to review the efforts made by the two countries on resolving fishery disputes. In this paper, the starting point the South Korea-China Fishery Agreement - as the center, it further set out to the development of fishery relations between South Korea and China, the South Korean fishery cooperation agreement have challenge for Chinese fisheries and the Chinese government's response. Based on this analysis, together with the development trend of international fishery relations, the countermeasures and suggestions for the fishery disputes between South Korea and China from the perspective of Chinese will be proposed.

Transformation of the Dualistic International Order into the Modern Treaty System in the Sino-Korean Relationship

송규진 고려대학교 한국사연구소 2010 International Journal of Korean History Vol.15 No.2

The transition from a tribute system to a modern treaty system was by no means uniform and unilateral, but rather more complex and multilateral. Also, a certain period of transition was inevitable when a prolonged regional order came across a new one. Such aspects are typically evident in the East Asian international order surrounding Korea. Although Korea was incorporated into the modern treaty system after the Treaty of Kanghwa, the East Asian international order surrounding Korea did not change straight into a modern treaty system but shifted to a dualistic international order in practice. China institutionally maintained the tribute system by signing “the Korea-China Regulations for Maritime and Overland Trade”. The superpower of the time that led the dualistic international order surrounding Korea was China. Because of China who did not recognize Korea as an independent state then, Korea had many limitations in active participation in the international society. Therefore, breaking away from China’s external pressure appeared as an important objective. There had been some groups who attempted to promote internal reform and escape from China’s interference but they failed due to China’s intervention and Kojong’s pro-Chinese dependent policies. Although Kojong also did have the intentions to alleviate China’s tribute system in concert with the West, he prioritized stability of his power and repeated historical actions by requesting for Chinese troops when his regime was threatened. The dualistic international order came to an end with China’s complete denial of the tribute system in the Treaty of Shimonoseki following the Sino-Japanese War. Yet, China still tried to preserve the special relationship with Korea by only permitting the recovery of relationship up to signing “the Korea-China Regulations for Maritime and Overland Trade” and mutually sending the consular representatives. Therefore, the Korea-China relationship, not readily included in the modern treaty system, had a certain period of a transitional phase. However,China’s effort to reinforce its influence over Korea by preserving the special relationship was no longer viable. In consequence, China decided to sign the modern treaty following the establishment of the Greater Korea Empire, and the active involvement of Britain,Russia and Japan, as well as to deal with the practical issue of protection of Chinese people. The Greater Korea Empire and China officially established a modern treaty relation after founding “the Treaty of Commerce between Korea and China” in 1899. This incident marks the change of the international order of Northeastern Asia from a dualistic existence of a modern treaty system and a tribute system to a modern treaty system. The international community could only acquiesce in the Japanese colonization of the Greater Korea Empire after Japan – the nation that was rising as the dominant player in the East Asian international order around Korea – won Russo-Japanese Wars. However, superficially the modern treaty system was founded on the idea that individual countries have equal in international relations, even though in reality, this system had resort to military power to resolve international conflicts. This point leads me to guess that If Korea and China had adopted the modern treaty system before the Sino-Japanese War, and had jointly maneuvered against the Western and Japanese hegemony, the Korea and China relationships might have developed in a different direction.

中韩建交后中国对朝鲜影响力变化之分析

이성일 한국시민윤리학회 2012 한국시민윤리학회보 Vol.25 No.2

These days the impact of North Korea on the Northeast Asian region is quite significant. The nuclear issue of North Korea has emerged as the most important diplomatic and security challenges in Northeast Asian countries, and becomes a more sensitive issue due to the instability of the North Korean situation. In order to settle these diplomatic challenges and to maintain peace and stability in the region, it is very important to comprehensively analyze the impact of China on North Korea, considering the increasing influence of China on the region over the past decades and close relationship between China and North Korea, known as the so-called “lips and teeth relations”. After being defeated in the 1895 Sino-Japanese War , China had been cut off from the Korean peninsula for more than half a century. The country was involved in Korea by sending hundreds of thousands of soldiers to the Korean War in October 1950 under East-West Cold War system which started after World War Ⅱ. In July 1961, China and North Korea signed the “Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation” and built an alliance between the two countries. Until the diplomatic ties between China and South Korea in August 1992, China and North Korea had maintained the fraternal relations in political, economic, military and social issues. Since the normalization of South Korea and China, however, the China-North Korea relationship has significantly changed, and China’s influence on North Korea was doubted. How did today’s North Korea-China relations change from the past alliance relations? And to what extent does China have influence on North Korea? This paper tries to analyze, based on the awareness of these issues, the impact of normalization of South Korea-China on the relationship between North Korea and China, especially the influence of China on North Korea in politics, the economy, military and other fields. At the same time, the potential impact China will have on North Korea in the future will be analyzed. 오늘 날 동북아지역의 평화와 안정에 대한 북한이 미치는 영향력은 상당히 중요하다고 할 수 있다. 북핵문제는 동북아시아지역 각국의 가장 중요한 외교 및 안보 과제로 부상하였으며, 특히 북한 정세의 불안정으로 인하여 더욱 민감한 사안으로 인식되고 있다. 이러한 외교 과제를 해결하고 지역의 평화와 안정을 유지하기 위해서는, 과거 수십년동안 북한과 ‘순치관계(脣齒關係)’, ‘혈맹관계(血盟關係)’ 등으로 표현되어 온 북중관계, 그리고 국제무대에서 ‘G2’로 불리우고 있는 중국의 위상을 고려할 때, 북한에 대한 중국의 영향력에 대하여 전면적으로 분석하는 작업이 매우 절실하고 중요하다. 1895년 청일전쟁 패전 이후 중국과 한반도의 공식적인 관계는 반세기 이상에 걸쳐 단절되어 있었다. 제2차 세계대전 이후 동서 냉전 하에서 1950년 10월에 중국은 한국전쟁에 수십만에 달하는 인민지원군을 파견하였으며, 이를 계기로 한반도문제에 다시 관여하게 되었다. 1953년 7월, 중국은 북한과 함께 “한국전쟁 휴전협정”을 체결하였으며, 이를 통하여 한반도에 대한 영향력을 회복하고, 북한과 는 ‘혈명관계’를 맺게 되었다. 1961년 7월, 중국은 북한과 “북중 우호협력 상호원조 조약” 을 체결하고 군사동맹관계를 구축하였다. 이 조약의 체결에 의하여 중국은 “휴전협정” 체결에 이어 조약이라고 하는 법적 형식으로 북한에 대한 영향력을 확보하게 되었다. 1992년 8월, 한중수교가 이루어지기 전까지 중국과 북한은 냉전체제 하에서 정치, 경제, 군사, 사회등 제반 영역에서 ‘형제적 동지관계’를 유지하였으며, 중국은 북한에 대하여 정치적 지지, 경제적 원조, 군사적 지원을 제공하여 왔다. 다시 말해 북한에게 있어서 중국은 경제상의 ‘후원자’, 군사상의 ‘동맹자’, 정치상의 ‘파트너’였었다고 할 수 있다. 1990년대에 들어와서 동서냉전의 결속, 중국의 개혁개방에 따른 시장경제의 도입, 그리고 북한과 중국의 제1세대지도자들의 사망 등을 계기로 북중관계는 구조적 변화를 보여 왔다. 특히 한중국교정상화 이후 북중관계의 냉각으로 인하여 양국관계는 질적으로 변화되었다. 그렇다면 오늘날의 북중관계는 과거의 동맹관계에서 어떠한 관계로 변화되었으며, 북한에 대한 중국의 영향력은 구체적으로 어떠한 것인가. 본고는 이러한 문제의식을 바탕으로 한중 국교정상화 이후의 북중관계의 변화에 대한 분석을 통하여 북한에 대한 중국의 영향력 변화에 대하여 정치, 경제,군사 등 분야로 나누어 구체적으로 고찰할 것이다. 이와 동시에 금후 중국의 대북정책 요인분석을 통하여 그 영향력의 행사가능성에 대하여 전망해보고자 한다.

한중수교 30주년: 한중관계 회고와 그 미래

구성철 한국아시아학회 2022 아시아연구 Vol.25 No.1

이 논문은 한중수교 30주년을 기념해 지난 한중관계 30년을 회고하고 앞으로의 미래에 대하여 분석하였다. 한국에서의 중국의 영향력은 ‘권력의 생성과 증진’이라는 차원에서는 점진적으로 제고됐다. 그러나 ‘권위의 부재’라는 차원에서 한국에서의 중국의 영향력은 여전히 제한적인 상황임을 증명하는 것이 이 논문의 첫 번째 목적이다. 이 논문에서 필자는 지난 30년간의 한중관계의 발전과 변화를 살펴보고, 마지막 결론 부분에서는 최근 몇 년간 사드 배치와 코로나19 팬데믹 등의 이유로 한국인의 대중국 인식 변화가 일어나 한중관계가 많이 훼손되었다고 단정한다. 또한 한중관계의 훼손이 상당 기간 유지될 수밖에 없는 이유를 간략하게 정리하고 이를 극복하기 위한 세 가지 방안을 제시하였다. This paper recollects the past 30 years of Korea-China relationship and analyzes the future of it, commemorating the 30th anniversary of the diplomatic relations between Korea and China. The first goal of this paper is verifying that the influence of China on Korea has gradually increased in respect of ‘the creation and increase of power’ but still, China has limited influence on Korea in respect of ‘absence of the authority.’ In this paper, the writer looks into the development and the change of the relation between Korea and China in the past 30 years, and in conclusion affirms that the relation between Korean and China has been harmed due to the change of Koreans’ perception of China caused by deployment of THAAD and Covid-19 pandemic in the past several years. In addition, the writer states the reasons why the damage to the relation between Korean and China is to be continued for some period of time and suggests three ways to overcome the damage.