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송규진 단국대학교 동양학연구원 2006 東洋學 Vol.39 No.-
Chosn's Trade with China since 1930's - 93 -일제는 수출진흥책으로 수출조합법의 제정, 중요수출품검사제도의 실시, 일본제품의 해외선전 및 무역통신원의 설치, 수출보상법의 제정 등을 통해 무역진흥정책을 강구했다. 또한 일본제품의 수입을 통제하는 것에 맞서 무역조절 및 통상옹호에 관한 법령을 반포하고 이를 조선에도 확대 적용시켰다.조선총독부는 1932년 조선무역협회를 설립할 것을 결의하고 1933년 4월부터 집무를 개시했다. 처음에는 대 만주국 무역의 촉진을 위해 주력했으나 중국의 각 주요도시에 지부를 설치하고 조선상품의 소개, 선전을 위해 노력했다. 또한 見本市를 여러 차례 개최하여 시장확대를 위해 노력하기도 했다. 또한 대 중국 무역의 발전을 촉진하기 위해 대 중국 항로를 증설하기도 했다.중일전쟁 이후에는 대륙경제와의 연결이 보다 심화되었다. 이런 상황에서 일제는 외화획득을 위해 대 엔블록 수출에 대한 제한정책을 펴기도 했는데 이는 중국과의 무역을 제약하는 요인으로 작용했다. 이에 대해 무역관계자들은 지속적으로 제한을 완화할 것을 요구했다. 또 개별적인 무역회사 만으로 무역을 통일적으로 관리할 수 없다고 판단하여 무역회사들을 통합하여 거대한 무역회사를 설립하고자 했다. 이를 위해 과도적으로 조선무역협회를 대행기관으로 삼았다가 1941년 4월 조선동아무역주식회사를 설립한 뒤 이를 무역조정기관으로 선정했다.1930년대 이후 대 중국 무역은 양적으로 보면 비약적으로 성장했다. 1932년을 기준연도로 하여 1944년에 수출은 37배 증가했고 수입은 7배 증가했으며 수출입 합계는 13배 증가했다. 또한 중일전쟁이 발발한 다음해인 1938년을 경계로 무역수지가 적자에서 흑자로 전환하게 되었다. 그런데 중국무역의 확대의 수혜자는 대부분 일본인들이었음을 유의해야한다. 견본시에 출품한 명단을 분석해보면 대부분 일본인들이었다. 이는 당시 무역을 총괄했던 조선무역협회의 집행부대부분이 일본인들이었다는 것과도 상관관계를 지닌다. 당시 조선경제를 연구했던 일본인학자나 무역관계자들은 조선경제가 질적으로 변화했으며 이것이 무역에서도 드러난다고 주장한 바 있다. 그러나 식료품·원료품과 식료품·원료품의 교환체계였다는 한계는 계속 유지되었다. 중요 수출상품은 쌀, 밀가루, 설탕, 청주, 인삼, 흑연, 광유, 목재, 면직물, 인조견, 차량과 同부속품 등 이었다. 중요 수입상품은 좁쌀, 콩류, 참깨, 고추, 소금, 繰綿, 綿子, 석탄, 철광, 중국마포 등이었다. 특히 쌀은 중일전쟁 이후 급증하여 1939년에는 39.4%를 차지함으로써 가장 중요한 상품이 되었다. 이는 중일전쟁이라는 상황과 관련이 있다. 중국인들의 기호변화로 조선쌀에 대한 관심이 높아졌다는 것만으로는 쌀수출이 1937년을 기준연도로 하여 1939년에 90배 이상 증가한 것을 설명할 수 없다. 중국에서 조선쌀 배급시에 육군특무기관에서 관여한 것을 보면 이는 전쟁에서의 군식량보급과 밀접한 관련이 있기 때문일 것이다. - 94 -1930년대 이후 조선무역이 질적으로 발전했다는 주장은 중국의 사례를 통해서도 근거가 약했음을 알 수 있다. 조선과 중국간의 무역은 기본적으로 농산물과 농산물의 교환체계였다. 그런데 중일전쟁 이후 쌀은 정치군사적인 목적으로 많은 양이 중국으로 수출되었던 반면 좁쌀은 중국의 좁쌀수출 금지정책로 1938년부터 수입되지 못하여 조선인들의 식량난이 가중되는데 일조했다.
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송규진 고려사학회 2019 한국사학보 Vol.- No.74
Under Japanese colonial rule, the government office of Chungcheongnam-do Province, Korea was relocated to Daejeon. Daejeon’s administrative status was also elevated to the ‘bu’ level, and the Daejeon-bu Council (Dae Jeon Bu Hoe) was created. As a result, Daejeon rose as the administrative center of Chungcheongnam-do Province. However, civil engineering projects, closely related to urban construction, were mostly awarded to Japanese companies, and Koreans were excluded from the development of Daejeon. Many Koreans felt discriminated in the process, compelling some of the Korean members of the bu Council to come forward to criticize the inequity. Ironically, the rise of Daejeon as the administrative hub left Koreans increasingly destitute as propaganda activities and events took place after the Sino-Japanese War. Rumors were rampant in Daejeon, and Koreans continued in their efforts to engage in covert resistance activities. The authorities sought to come up with counter measures, but only in vain. It was largely due to the limitations of the ‘development’ of Daejeon, the ‘colonial city’ where those who profited from the urban development were mostly Japanese and only a small number of them were Koreans. 일제강점기에 충남도청을 유치한 대전은 인구가 증가하고 읍에서 ‘부’로 승격하면서 각종 기관을 유치하여 명실상부한 충남의 행정중심지가 되었다. 그런데 시가지 건설과 밀접한 관련이 있는 토목사업이 대부분 일본인에 낙찰되었고 대다수 조선인들은 대전의 발전과정에서 소외되었다. 조선인들은 민족차별을 실감했으며 일부 조선인 부회의원들마저 이러한 상황을 비판했다. 중일전쟁 이후에 대전에서는 선전선동을 위한 각종 행사가 이어졌고 조선인의 삶은 피폐해졌다. 대전에서도 유언비어가 횡행하고 대규모 노동운동이 발생했을 뿐만 아니라 ‘경제범죄’가 늘자 일제당국은 대책마련에 고심했으나 크게 실효를 거두지 못했다. 이는 소수의 조선인을 제외하고는 대다수 일본인이 수익을 차지한 ‘식민도시’ 대전의 ‘발전’이 지닌 한계 때문이다.
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일제하 식민지자본주의와 조선무역―식민지적 미곡무역구조의 전개과정을 중심으로―
송규진 고려사학회 2002 한국사학보 Vol.- No.12
The process of Colonial Rice Trade Structure had passed through four stages. The rice during the formative period of Colonial Rice Trade Structure had occupied more than 50% of the whole export, and most of it was exported to Japan. But the rate of the rice export was just about 10% of gross rice production. It was not so much higher rate and more rapid increase in price index than that in quantity index. During establishment period of Colonial Rice Trade Structure Japanese Imperialists had tried to increase the agricultural productivity through the plan for multiplication of rice production. The plan turned out to be a failure but the export rate of rice had occupied almost 50% of gross production of rice. Rice trade still occupied more than 50% of the whole export and almost all of it was exported to Japan. Particular attention could be paid that the steep increase of quantity showed the characteristic of ‘hunger export'. As Colonial Rice Trade Structure faced transition period, Japan government exercised strict control over rice import from the colony. At last the multiplication plan for rice production stopped. But they still tried to make rice goods. The ratio of export rice per gross rice production was keeping an invariable ratio. Rice occupied over 40% of the whole export. But hulled millet became less imported that the situation of food supply was much worsened. Colonial Rice Trade Structure reached the period of collapsing The export rate of rice per gross rice production had decreased steeply. The quantity of rice export was reduced much more than the price index. That means the role of Korea as the rice supply base was shaken to its foundation. However rice offering became reinforced and the decrease of food consumption drove Korea into starvation.
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송규진 영남대학교 2003 민족문화논총 Vol.28 No.-
Since the opening of the door the trade between Chosun and the West had been carried out steadily, which had been developed to a certain level by the time of the Annexation of Chosun. By the time of opening the door, the West expressed their hope for the trade with Chosun. The US, Germany, France revealed their interests in trade with Chosun after signing trade treaty with Chosun. Though it was not until 1882 that Chosun and the West began to engage in direct trade with each other, indirect trade between the two sides via China and Japan had already been conducted before the time. It is impossible to pinpoint the exact amount of import and export with the US and european countries on the basis of the material of Chosun Customs. But, it is not difficult to infer that the amount of trade between Chosun and the West had sharply increased, based on the fact that the scale of trade after the opening of the door saw a dramatic increase. Chosun made consistent efforts to gain a loan from the West, but the efforts ended up in a failure due to persistent interferences of China and Japan that were exercising political influences over Chosun. It has been suggested that technology cooperation was the area in which Chosun gained the greatest benefit from economic exchange with the West. In principle direct investment of foreigners were allowed in the case of the opening ports. such a foreign investment was concentrated in In-chun port. Early capital investment of foreigners saw a certain level of success in the field of distribution. In contrast, the investment in manufacturing industry ended up in a failure. Westerners operated usually mines. Chosun granted foreigners mining concessions after Akwan-Pachun(俄館播遷). It was the US and the Great Britain that playedan important role during the time. Their investment in mining industry was not as successful as the initially expected. The existing framework, in which the economic exchange between Chosun and the West is defied as a history of invasion within the confines of concessions, should be changed. It was the general tendency of the world that each country had no choice but to open up to the world with the development of the world capitalism. It is beyond dispute that the rise and fall of a country is at the mercy of how well and quickly we understand the stream and swim with it.
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송규진 고려대학교 한국사연구소 2010 International Journal of Korean History Vol.15 No.2
The transition from a tribute system to a modern treaty system was by no means uniform and unilateral, but rather more complex and multilateral. Also, a certain period of transition was inevitable when a prolonged regional order came across a new one. Such aspects are typically evident in the East Asian international order surrounding Korea. Although Korea was incorporated into the modern treaty system after the Treaty of Kanghwa, the East Asian international order surrounding Korea did not change straight into a modern treaty system but shifted to a dualistic international order in practice. China institutionally maintained the tribute system by signing “the Korea-China Regulations for Maritime and Overland Trade”. The superpower of the time that led the dualistic international order surrounding Korea was China. Because of China who did not recognize Korea as an independent state then, Korea had many limitations in active participation in the international society. Therefore, breaking away from China’s external pressure appeared as an important objective. There had been some groups who attempted to promote internal reform and escape from China’s interference but they failed due to China’s intervention and Kojong’s pro-Chinese dependent policies. Although Kojong also did have the intentions to alleviate China’s tribute system in concert with the West, he prioritized stability of his power and repeated historical actions by requesting for Chinese troops when his regime was threatened. The dualistic international order came to an end with China’s complete denial of the tribute system in the Treaty of Shimonoseki following the Sino-Japanese War. Yet, China still tried to preserve the special relationship with Korea by only permitting the recovery of relationship up to signing “the Korea-China Regulations for Maritime and Overland Trade” and mutually sending the consular representatives. Therefore, the Korea-China relationship, not readily included in the modern treaty system, had a certain period of a transitional phase. However,China’s effort to reinforce its influence over Korea by preserving the special relationship was no longer viable. In consequence, China decided to sign the modern treaty following the establishment of the Greater Korea Empire, and the active involvement of Britain,Russia and Japan, as well as to deal with the practical issue of protection of Chinese people. The Greater Korea Empire and China officially established a modern treaty relation after founding “the Treaty of Commerce between Korea and China” in 1899. This incident marks the change of the international order of Northeastern Asia from a dualistic existence of a modern treaty system and a tribute system to a modern treaty system. The international community could only acquiesce in the Japanese colonization of the Greater Korea Empire after Japan – the nation that was rising as the dominant player in the East Asian international order around Korea – won Russo-Japanese Wars. However, superficially the modern treaty system was founded on the idea that individual countries have equal in international relations, even though in reality, this system had resort to military power to resolve international conflicts. This point leads me to guess that If Korea and China had adopted the modern treaty system before the Sino-Japanese War, and had jointly maneuvered against the Western and Japanese hegemony, the Korea and China relationships might have developed in a different direction.
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