난징대학살 기념관의 전시와 기억

김지훈 ( Kim Jihoon ) 수선사학회 2020 史林 Vol.0 No.71

China did not actively research and study the incident of Nanjing Massacre considering its relationship with Japan in the 1950s and 60s. In the late 1950s, research on the Nanjing Massacre began in Nanjing University's history department, but the results could not be published publicly. However, in 1982, when the narrative of Japanese history textbooks was right-turned, China, in protest, established the Museum of the War of Chinese People's Resistance Against Japanese Aggression and the Memorial Hall of the Victims in Nanjing Massacre by Japanese Invaders (“Nanjing Massacre Memorial Hall”). In the 1980s and 1990s, the Nanjing Massacre Memorial Hall accused the brutal violence of Japanese soldiers, emphasizing “life and death” and and “pain and resentment.” Accordingly, the exhibition of the Nanjing Massacre Memorial Hall also emphasized Mukai and Noda's cutting of the heads of 100 people, display of the collective burial site of the Nanjing Massacre victims, and attention to 300,000 victims. Through the second expansion in 2007, the Nanjing Massacre Memorial Hall changed its symbol and exhibition to emphasize “war, slaughter and peace”. After the third expansion, the Nanjing Massacre Memorial Hall emphasizes the relief activities of Chinese people and foreigners who rescued Chinese refugees in Nanjing. The Nanjing Massacre Memorial Hall, which underwent a third expansion in 2015, emphasizes the victory and revival of the “the Anti-Japanese War” led by the Chinese Communist Party, beyond “War, slaughter and peace.” Almost every exhibition emphasizes individuals' suffering and sacrifice, but ultimately suggests that their suffering and sacrifice are related to the state. Emphasizing that the state pain, sacrifice, and disgrace because of its weakness, the exhibition implies the need for a strong state, for great power, and for the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party leader. This attests to the structure in which personal memory is placed under the narrative of national memory. As such, personal memory functions as a tool to verify the legitimacy and accuracy of national memory.

20세기 초 南京 한인교회와 한인사회-『基督申報』를 중심으로-

윤은자 고려대학교 역사연구소 2024 사총 Vol.111 No.-

This study examines articles published in "The Christian Messenger (基督申報)" that chronicle the Korean Church in Nanjing, providing a rich tapestry of reports and news from China to Korea during the 1920s. These writings are invaluable for researching the history of Korean students in Nanjing, the development of the Korean Church, and the dynamics of the independence movement. The study delineates the summaries, contexts, and authorship of the articles concerning the Korean Church in Nanjing as featured in "The Christian Messenger," and delves into the transformation of the Korean Church and the broader Korean community in Nanjing, with a particular emphasis on the narratives presented in these articles. From 1922 to 1927, "The Christian Messenger" published a series of 15 articles on the Korean Church in Nanjing. These pieces encompassed the historical trajectory of the Church, petitions dispatched to the Korean religious diaspora, the circumstances of Korean students, and accounts of the Church and Korean populace in Nanjing amidst wartime. The predominant contributor was Pastor Jang Deokro (張德櫓) of the Korean Church in Nanjing. Originating from Pyeonganbuk-do, he sought refuge in Shanghai post the March 1st Movement, engaging with the provisional government and ecclesiastical activities, before relocating to Nanjing to spearhead the Korean Church and nurture the local Korean community. The impetus for these publications was the surge in Korean students attending Christian educational institutions in Nanjing in the early 1920s, which subsequently catalyzed a petition movement by the Korean Church in Nanjing directed at the Korean religious community. This increase in student numbers, fueled by an educational zeal in Korea, mirrored trends in other major Chinese urban centers like Beijing and Shanghai. Predominantly, the Korean inhabitants of Nanjing were students from these Christian institutions. Many Korean youths, navigating the constraints of colonial rule, transited through China on their educational journey to the United States. The narrative of the Korean Church in Nanjing is intertwined with this epoch of Korean student history in the city. Commencing in the spring of 1915 with a handful of students from Jinling University (金陵大學), the Church functioned for 13 years until 1927. With the escalation in the Korean student population, the initially student-centric Church confronted various challenges. Jang Deokro, through "The Christian Messenger," disseminated news and fervently petitioned for support from the Korean religious community, thereby laying a foundation for sustained development. The dispatches to the Korean religious community regarding the local Church and the Korean situation were serialized in "The Christian Messenger." Prominent members and deacons of the Korean Church in Nanjing, including students from esteemed institutions like Nanjing Theological Seminary (金陵神學), were instrumental in establishing and leading organizations such as the Young Korea Academy (興士團), Dongmyeong Academy, and the Korean Student Association. Post-autumn 1924, Nanjing found itself in the vortex of conflict among regional warlords and the national revolutionary movement against imperialism and warlordism. "The Christian Messenger" vividly relayed historical episodes not accessible in other sources, including accounts of Korean survival during the Northern Expedition's takeover of Nanjing in 1927 and interactions with Korean officers who had joined the revolutionary forces. Nevertheless, following the Northern Expedition's occupation, the Korean Church and the predominantly student-based Korean community in Nanjing embarked on a path of dissolution amidst ongoing unrest.

《儒林外史》와 南京

崔亨燮 한국중국소설학회 2017 中國小說論叢 Vol.52 No.-

본 논문은 남경이라는 도시에 초점을 맞추어 18세기 중국 소설인 吳敬梓(1701-1754)의 《儒林外史》를 분석해 보려는 목적에서 쓰여졌다. 오경재는 안휘성 全椒縣 출신으로 雍正11년(1733) 33살 때 남경으로 이사한 후, 줄곧 그곳에서 살다가 54세 때 揚州에서 病死한 후 남경에 묻혔다. 생애 중후반 20년 남짓 살았던 남경은 그에게 있어서 제2의 고향이자, 고향보다 더 사랑한 도시였다. 《유림외사》 속에는 고향에서의 경험과 세태, 가문과 繼父에 대한 기억 등 그의 일생이 곳곳에 녹아져 있지만, 특히 남경이라는 도시 공간, 그곳에서 교류하며 만났던 많은 사람들, 주변 도시에 대한 여행의 경험 등이 중요한 창작의 원천이 되었다. 먼저, 《유림외사》의 전체적인 공간적 배경을 분석해 보면, 대체로 ‘江南’ 지역에 집중되어 있으며, 江南 중에서 다시 ‘남경’이라는 도시에 초점에 맞추어져 있음을 발견할 수 있다. 이는 먼저 20년 넘게 남경에 살면서 경험한 것들을 작품 속에 반영한 결과이다. 다음으로 명청 시기 강남의 특별한 의미에 주목할 필요가 있는데, 당시 강남은 단순한 지리적 개념을 넘어서서 풍요로운 경제적 기반을 바탕으로 문화적 우월감을 내포하는 개념을 가지고 있었다. 《유림외사》에서 북경이 정치와 권력의 중심지로 그려져 있다면, 남경은 이와 대조적인 가치와 지향을 상징하는 재야 사인들의 중심도시로 그려져 있다. 《유림외사》는 오경재가 살았던 18세기 당시 청조 사회, 타자에 대한 비판을 담고 있을 뿐만 아니라, 자신을 포함한 강남 士人들에 대한 愛憎의 감정이 투영되어 있다. 다음으로, 《유림외사》 속 남경은 크게 자유롭고 개방적인 성격의 문화도시, 흥망성쇠의 역사를 표상하는 도시, 市隱들의 안식처로 그려져 있다. 남경에 대한 긍정적 묘사에도 불구하고 전체적인 이미지는 활력을 잃고 점차 세속화되어 쇠락해 가는 도시로 묘사되어 있다. 남경에 대한 이런 이미지는 우선 청조가 들어선 후 남경의 위상 변화와 관련이 있다. 永樂帝의 북경 천도 이후에도 兩京 제도 하에서 명대의 남경은 여전히 留都로서 방대한 지역을 관할 통제하는 정치적 중심지일 뿐만 아니라 경제, 문화의 중심도시였다. 청조를 세운 만주족은 남경을 점령한 후 留都로서의 지위를 박탈하고 江寧府로 격하시켰다. 또한 강희⋅건륭제 시기에 진행된 강남 士人에 대한 다양한 회유 포용 정책으로 그들의 응집력과 자부심도 점차 약화되어 갔다. 그와 함께 남경이라는 도시의 정치, 학술, 문화적 위상과 의미도 점차 희미해져 갔다. 《유림외사》에 묘사되어 있는 남경 이미지 속에는 상술한 것과 같은 복합적인 상황과 맥락, 의미가 투영되어 있다. In this paper I analyzed the 18th century Chinese novel, Wu jingzi(吳敬梓, 1701-1754)’s Rulinwaishi(儒林外史), especially focusing on relations with the city of Nanjing(南京). Wu jingzi was born in the country town known as Quanjiao(全椒), Anhui province and moved to Nanjing at the age of thirty-three(Yongzheng 雍正 11). After dying in Yangzhou(揚州), Jiangsu province, he buried in Nanjing at the age of 54. He lived in the so-called second hometown Nanjing, during over twenty years. It may be said that he loved Nanjing more than his hometown. Though hometown’s life and society, the memories of his father and family were reflected in Rulinwaish, it can be indicated that what influenced on his creating work were mainly as follows: the city space of Nanjing, interactions among Nanjing’s literati, and travel experiences of near cities etc. After analyzing spatial background of Rulinwaishi, I got the following result: this work generally focused on Jiangnan(江南) region, and especially focused on Nanjing as the central city of Jiangnan. First of all, it was result to reflect what writer Wujingzi lived and experienced in Nanjing during over twenty years. Second, We need to remember the peculiar concept and meaning of Jiangnan in the Ming-Qing dynasties. The concept of Jiangnan at that time had special meaning to involve cultural superiority based on abundant economic foundations beyond the pure geographic concept. In Rulinwaishi, the capital Beijing was described as the city to symbolize politics and power, in contrast, Nanjing was described as the central city of the literati to remain out of government. Rulinwaishi contain not only criticism to the other, the 18th century Qing society, but also ambivalent emotions of love and hatred for Jiangnan’s literati involving writer himself. I would also like to indicate the three images of Nanjing in Rulinwaishi: cultural city of the liberal atmosphere, city to represent the history of ups and downs, and refuge of city recluse. Despite positive aspects of Nanjing, it can be said that the general image was described as being secularized badly, and declining with loss of vitality. Though Yongle(永樂) emperor transferred the capital from Nanjing to Beijing in the early 15th century, old capital Nanjing under two capitals system still had strong influence on vast surrounding region. Nanjing was Jiangnan’s cental city in politics, economic and culture. Nanjing in the Ming dynasty was also Jiangnan literati’s mental capital until the early Qing dynasty. But it degraded an ordinary city, Jiangning fu(江寧府) under Manchu rule. The status and meaning of Nanjing grew weak among Jiangnan’s literati with Kangxi(康熙) and Qianlong(乾隆) emperor’s appeasement policies. Multiple context and meang as mentioned above, were reflected in images of Nanjing in Rulinwaishi.

한국 고소설에 그려진 남경과 북경의 심상지리

권혁래 한국고소설학회 2022 古小說 硏究 Vol.54 No.-

In this paper, I investigate and interpret imagined geographies of writers and readers of China 's Nanjing and Beijing drawn from Korean literary geography. The summary of the above discussion is as follows. Nanjing has long been a high-altitude image of the Han Chinese regime. Historically, the government of the Han Chinese nation came here when it was expelled or pushed out of the middle ground, and laid the foundations again and went to war. Unusually, the countries that made Nanjing as capital have long been destroyed. In Koren old novel, most of the capital is portrayed as Nanjing. In the novel, Nanjing is a city symbolizing Ming and Chinese civilization. Nanjing, depicted in the heroic novel, shows a city image of two periods, the capital city of Ming-Qing built in 1368 and the asylum space built by the government in 1644. Nanjing of the former is a symbol representing the optimistic outlook that overcame it while experiencing a great crisis by the outside, and the latter Nanjing is a representation of the sadness of the ending country. The writer of Im Gyeong-Up-jeon, Bak-Ssi-jeon and Pae Sihwang-jeon expressed the image geography notions of Nanjing and Gangnam center. Nanjing, depicted in Yueqing Liu, is regarded as the capital of the Empire, but the surname is abstractly depicted, and the relationship between the person and the place is hardly described. On the other hand, the southern provinces were depicted relatively specifically when the main characters were in crisis and were symbolized as 'place of salvation'. The writer of Im Gyeong-Up-jeon, Bak-Ssi-jeon and Pae Sihwang-jeon expressed the sympathy and sadness of the destroyed Nanjing government, putting the Nanjing government's exile Nanjing as the old prosperous city. Beijing has long been a part of China's history and has been recognized as a land of barbarians, but it has emerged as a capital and a global city for more than 900 years, from the beginning to the end of Qing Dynasty. The appearance of Beijing is not so much found in the Korean history, and it is hardly found in Beijing, which has actively exchanged internationally as the capital of the Ming and Qing Dynasties. Even the naming of 'Qing', Beijing, was rarely used. This is a testimony to the fact that the acceptance aspect of the current Korean reality is so weak. It is a peculiar fact that after the 17th century, when the novel literature began to be actively created, it is hard to find the capital of Beijing or the northern part of the country, nor the capital of the Qing Dynasty in the novel. Most of the novels did not accept the expansion of East Asian history and reality space as the stage of the novel, compared with the sadistic literature and the practical literature which accepted the changed world after the 17th century. This point may be the aspect that shows the unique conservativeness and ideality of Korean old novels. 이 논문에서 필자는 한국 고소설에 그려진 중국의 남경과 북경의 심상지리를 조사하고 해석하였다. 남경은 오랫동안 한족 강남 정권의 고도 이미지가 짙다. 한국의 고소설에서 명의 수도는 대부분 남경으로 그려진다. 북경이란 도시는 중국의 역사에서 오랫동안 변방이요 오랑캐의 땅으로 인식되었으며, 원대 이후 명․청조에 이르는 900여 년간 중국의 수도였다. 한국 고소설에서는 명나라, 청나라 수도로 발전하고 교류하던 모습은 거의 찾아볼 수 없다. 영웅소설, 군담소설 류인 <유충렬전>, <장풍운전>에서 명나라 수도 남경은 늘 가달 등의 이민족이 출현하여 공격 받을 위험에 처한다. 그리고 이 문제의 해결은 ‘신기한 영웅’들이 나타나 남경과 강남 지역에서 ‘힘을 회복하여’ 활약함으로써 가능하였다. 전쟁과 역사적 사건을 제재로 한 <임경업전>, <박씨전>, <배시황전>의 작가는 남명 정부의 망명지 남경을 중국의 중심 무대로 내세우면서, 멸망한 남명 정부에 대한 연민과 안타까움을 표현하였다. 군담소설 <유충렬전>에서 북경은 유배지이자 오랑캐가 거주하는 지역으로 그려지며, 허구적 내용의 <사씨남정기>, <방한림전>, <낙성비룡> 등에서는 명의 수도로서의 모습을 개괄적으로 보여주거나 이국적 분위기를 보여주는 정도에서 그려진다. 역사적 사건을 제재로 한 <김영철전>에 그려진 ‘북경’의 모습은 일정 부분 현실과 대비되는 성격이 있다. 소설문학이 활발하게 창작되기 시작하는 17세기 이후에도 소설에서 호국이나 청나라의 수도 북경은 발견하기 힘들다. 명나라가 망한 뒤에도 소설가들은 ‘청’이라는 국명, ‘북경’이라는 지명을 사용하지 않았고, 거의 금기어처럼 인식하였다. 이 점은 한국 고소설 작가들이 지닌 보수적 정치인식과 관념적 지리・공간인식의 단면을 보여준다,

南京을 재현한 明末淸初 山水版畵와 繪畫

박효은 명청사학회 2015 명청사연구 Vol.0 No.43

This study examines the appearance and meaning of landscape paintings and woodblock prints depicting scenic spots in Nanjing in the late Ming and early Qing dynasties. Numerous pictorial representations of various views of dynastic capitals were produced in East Asia from the seventeenth century onwards, such as Nanjing and Beijing in Ming-Qing China, Tokyo and Kyoto in Edo Japan, and Seoul in late-Joseon Korea. These include paintings and prints portraying not only rural landscapes around cities but also everyday city life and prosperous urban markets. Previous studies have suggested that the development of Chinese, Japanese, and Korean landscape paintings was merely the product of evolving art history in each country. But we know that all three states produced great local artists who transformed Chinese literati painting styles with their own unique idioms when depicting famous local scenic spots such as Mt. Huang in China, Mt. Fuji in Japan, and Mt. Geumgang in Korea. Similarly, the landscape paintings and prints depicting scenes from dynastic capital cities in the three countries at this time can be taken as evidence of a similar phenomenon. In this paper, I focus on two collections of printed illustrations of forty scenes from Nanjing and attempt to describe their characteristics, functions, viewers and so on. I also compare the relationship between landscape paintings and prints by Nanjing school painters and those of others. Through this approach, I attempt to explain the reasons for their prevalence and their uniqueness, and to highlight the significance of fact that they were produced for public consumption. One of the collections is Jinling tuyong (Illustrated Odes on Nanjing, 金陵圖詠), compiled by Zhu Zhifan (朱之蕃) of Nanjing in 1623. Jingling tuyong was accompanied by forty illustrations by Lu Shoubo (陸壽柏), who may have been a minor professional artist in Nanjing. The other is Jiangning fuzhi (Gazetteer of Jiangning Prefecture, 江寧府志), compiled by Chen Kaiyu (陳開虞) in 1668 and accompanied by an inscription by Zhou Lianggong (周亮工) and forty illustrations by Gao Cen (高岑). Chen and Zhou were influential Nanjing officials, while Gao was a professional artist from Hangzhou who became one of the Eight Masters of Nanjing (金陵八家). Though the two gazetteers were published at different times, and the titles of each of their forty scenes do not match literally, there is correspondence between all of the places they depict. They also share certain characteristics and functions: they portray Nanjing as a cultured city full of poetic images and traces of ancient history as well as notable beauty spots. The choices of sites and approaches taken to them marked the arrival of a native paradigm in the imaging of Nanjing. There are also several interesting points that extend beyond the works' regional significance, however. Firstly, it is proposed that these prints of Nanjing and their relationship to other paintings constitute a Chinese case that paralleled the trend for real scenery landscape painting during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries throughout East Asia. The painters of the Wu and Huangshan schools began to depict notable scenes from Nanjing. The styles and practices of both schools were based on literati tastes that originated with the Wu and Songjiang schools. They changed the Che School style that had prevailed in Nanjing since the fifteenth century into a new formative composition concerned with poetic feeling and concepts from ancient classics, as well as the actual world at the time. In addition, many Nanjing school painters were influenced by Western painting techniques introduced by visiting Jesuit missionaries and in Western publications. Gao Cen’s notion of framed space reveals Western influence, even though this was diminished in the process of publication. Most importantly, in terms of public exposure to visual media, the forty illustrations in each ga...

南京得勝圖와 太平天國

이평수 동양사학회 2023 東洋史學硏究 Vol.165 No.-

Nanjing-desheng-tu introduced in Korea was not introduced in papers or research papers specializing in Chinese history, and it was introduced to the public through a translation that interestingly described world history through illustrations, pictures, and photographs. It is welcome and natural that the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom Movement is described on one of the pillars of world history, but in fact, the explanation of Nanjing-desheng-tu introduced in the translation is very brief, the title is all about “The Qing Emperor’s Army Surrounding Nanjing during the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom Movement: Woodblock Prints of 1864.” Therefore, as pointed out in this translation, since the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom collapsed in 1864, according to this translation, it can be read that Nanjing-desheng-tu reproduces the image just before the collapse of the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom with a unique illustration, so the biggest trap was right here. Ironically, Nanjing-desheng-tu was not created in 1864 when the the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom collapse, but it was made in 1853 when the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom occupied Namjing City. Because Nanjing-desheng-tu is published on pages 8-9 of September 17, 1853 in L’illustration, journal universel. In addition, three to four months ago, Nanjing-desheng-tu was widespread around Shanghai, and it was easy to purchase if you gave a few coins. Therefore, Nanjing-desheng-tu was able to appreciate the true historical meaning of this illustration only by reading the unique appearance of the illustration reproduced by the artist’s hand in 1853, not at the time of 1864. In short, Nanjing-desheng-tu is a woodblock print made in 1853, reflecting the situation in which the Taiping Army entered Namjing City for the first time through Yifeng-men, and the expectation of the Qing government to restore Nanjing city Fortress which was occupied by such a situation. The situation that has already happened and the expectations that will happen in the future have been properly reproduced in Nanjing-desheng-tu, and this situation was properly reproduced by the artist’s hand in the shape of the figures, the appearance of the battle scene, and the shape of the text.

여말선초 對明 남경사행로의 분석과 영향

김보정 부경역사연구소 2010 지역과 역사 Vol.- No.27

In the late of 14th century, it was happened the change of Dynasty from Goryeo to Chosun, and from Yuan Dynasty to Ming Dynasty in China. Generally, the change of capital is accompanied by the change of culture. Therefore, Goryeo and Chosun, which had a direct relationship, were influenced by the change of capital in China. Especially, the Ming’ capital was changed from Nanjing to Beijing in the 53th year of the Ming’ establishment. Therefore, Goryeo’s Sahaeng was changed from Beijing to Nanjing, inversely, Chosun’s Sahaeng was from Nanjing to Beijing. Geographically, Nanjing was the hub in Kangnam’ culture to the south of Yangtze River, and Beijing was the hub in Kangbuk’ culture to the north of Hwang River. Nanjing was known as Han Chinese culture, and Beijing was known as Han Chinese-Mongolian culture. There were the great cultural differences between Nanjing and Beijing, besides geographically. Since Ming’s establishment, Jeong Mog-Ju, Gwon Guen, and Lee Chum went to China (Nanjing) by sea usually in the Hongmu Emperor’ period. It was caused by the unstable Liaodong region in those days. The advantage in the sea route was a saving the time, however, it was caused tremendous personal and material damage by the storm in Balhae Bay. To solve this problem, Goryeo required Ming to change into the overland transportation, however, Ming didn’t allow the overland transportation because of Northern Yuan. Exceptionally, Gwon Guen was used by the overland to Nanjing and by the sea to our country. However, Yongrak Emperor allowed passing through Liaodong region, and then allowed the overland transportation passing through Beijing, finally, Chosun’s Sahaengro was wholly opened by the overland since the capital change of Beijing. Before the capital change of Beijing, Sung Confucianism scholars as Jeong Mog-Ju, Gwon Guen, and Lee Chum met Sung Confucianism scholars in Nanjing in Ming period, after the incident, the understanding of Sung Confucianism was developed in the Begining of Chosun and End of Goryeo. It was an opportunity with an ideological and academic exchange with Sung Confucianism scholars in Ming country. Therefore, they could learn Kangnam’ new culture in Nanjing.

영화 <존 라베>와 <진링의 13소녀>에 나타난 난징의 도시공간에 대한 기억

송정화 중국어문학회 2023 中國語文學誌 Vol.- No.84

오랜 시간 동안 제국의 수도였던 난징은 이후 1937년 12월에 난징대학살이 일어나면서 비극적인 전쟁의 현장으로 역사에 기억되었다. 이미 지나간 과거는 역사가 되어 남게 되는데, 오늘날 역사가 보존되고 기억되는 방식은 기존의 문자 인쇄물의 형식을 넘어 사진, 동영상, 영화, TV 다큐멘터리나 드라마 등의 다양한 문화콘텐츠의 형태로 확장되었다. 본 고에서는 그중에서도 가장 대중적이고 사회적 파급력을 지닌 영화 콘텐츠를 대상으로 하여, 난징의 도시공간이 오늘날 어떻게 기억되고 재현되는지를 알아보았다. 본 고에서는 우선 영화 <존 라베>와 <진링의 13소녀>에서 난징을 각각 ‘서구인이 구원한 공간인 안전지대’와, ‘성스럽고 포용의 공간인 윈체스터 성당’으로 다르게 상상한 것을 주목했다. 영화 <존 라베>는 독일 감독의 작품이고, 독일과 프랑스가 주축이 되어 제작됐다. 따라서 작품에서는 독일인 존 라베를 영웅적으로 묘사했고, 서구인이 만든 ‘안전지대’라는 공간을 통해 난징의 도시공간을 관객에게 보여주었다. 영화에서 안전지대로 표상된 난징은 영웅적인 서구인에 의해 구원된 도시였다. 영화 <진링의 13소녀>는 영화 <존 라베>와는 다른 시선에서 난징을 바라보았다. 장이머우 감독의 작품 속에서 난징은 ‘윈체스터 성당’으로 표현됐으며, 이 성스러운 공간에서 등장인물들은 본래의 속된 속성을 버리고 차츰 성스러운 존재로 변화되었다. 이질적인 존재여서 서로 갈등했던 미국인 장의사 존, 수녀 지망생 소녀들, 진회하의 기녀들은 차츰 서로를 이해하고 포용하게 되었다. 다음으로 본 고에서 살펴본 것은 난징대학살을 다룬 두 편의 영화가 어떻게 서로 다른 집단의 정체성과 정치적인 입장을 작품 속에서 표현했는가 하는 문제였다. 우선 영화 <존 라베>는 난징대학살을 중점적으로 다뤘지만, 나치 당원이었던 주인공 존 라베를 통해 나치 독일의 과오를 반성하고, 당시 나치즘을 정확히 알지 못했던 개인을 변호하는 메시지를 담고 있었다. 이런 메시지는 갈렌베르거 감독의 독일인으로서의 정체성, 독일 영화로서 고려해야 했던 특유의 정치적인 맥락 나아가 대중성과 관련되어 있었다. 또한 본 고에서는 <진링의 13소녀>의 경우 <존 라베>에 비해 중국적인 애국주의와 전통의 감성이 함축된 작품으로 분석하였다. <존 라베>에서는 무기력하고 존재감이 없던 중국인 그리고 중국적인 감성이 영화 <진링의 13소녀>에서는 스토리를 이끌어가는 중요한 요소로 작동하고 있었다. 물론 이런 중국적인 감성도 중국인 감독의 정체성이 반영된 것이고, 치밀한 정치, 상업적인 고려에서부터 나온 것이지만, 秦淮八艶의 전설을 스크린에 소환함으로써 중국적인 콘텐츠를 현대적이고 세련된 감성으로 재창조했다고 볼 수 있었다. 정신분석학자인 프로이드는 꿈에 대한 해석을 통해 심리분석을 했는데, 그에 따르면 꿈의 내용은 재구성되고 기억되며, 하나의 사건을 두고 어떻게 해석하느냐를 보면 그 집단의 트라우마와 현재의 생각을 알 수 있다고 했다. 이것이 프로이드의 ‘사후성(Nachträglichkeit)’의 개념이다. 필자는 이 개념이 역사에도 적용될 수 있어서, 마치 꿈처럼 과거의 역사도 현재에 의해 기억되고 다시 쓰여진다고 생각한다. 이런 맥락에서 영화 <존 라베>와 <진링의 13소녀>는 모두 난징의 도시공간과 난징대학살의 역사적 사건을 다뤘지만, 독일과 중국이라는 상이한 집단 ... This paper examined how Nanjing's urban space is remembered and represented today, targeting the most popular and socially influential film content. Due to the genre characteristics of the film, the history reproduced in the film was closely related to the identity of the director and the group to which the director belongs. First of all, this paper noted that Nanjing was imagined differently in the films <John Rabe> and <The Flowers of War> as "safe zones, spaces saved by Westerners," and "Winchester Cathedral, a sacred and inclusive space". The film <John Rabe> was made by German director and produced mainly by Germany and France. Therefore, in the film, German John Rabe was portrayed heroically, and the urban space of Nanjing was shown to the audience through "safe zone" created by Westerners. The movie <The Flowers of War(金陵十三釵)> looked at Nanjing from a different perspective than the movie <John Rabe>. In the director Zhang Yimou's work, Nanjing was expressed as "Winchester Cathedral," and in this sacred space, the characters abandoned their original vulgar attributes and gradually changed into holy beings. The next thing we looked at in this paper was how the two films dealing with the Nanjing Massacre expressed the identity and political position of different groups in the work. A film <John Rabe> focused on the Nanjing Massacre, but through the main character John Rabe, a Nazi party member, it contained a message reflecting on Germany's mistakes in the past and defending individuals who did not know Nazism at the time. This message was related to Gallenberger's identity as a German and the unique popularity that had to be considered as a German film. In addition, in the case of <The Flowers of War>, it was analyzed as a work that implies Chinese patriotism and traditional sensibility compared to <John Rabe>. Of course, this Chinese sensibility reflects the director's Chinese identity and comes from meticulous commercial considerations, but it can be seen that Chinese content was recreated with sensuous and sophisticated sensibilities by summoning the legend of Qinhuaibayan(秦淮八艶).

남경정부와 교육정책

김진경 ( Kim Jin Gyeong ) 대구사학회 2003 대구사학 Vol.72 No.-

This paper is to examine the efforts of the Nanjing government during 1928-1937, at establishing a national educational system that would meet the requirements of a unified modern state. The regime started with two contradicting goals in formulating its educational policies. One was to emphasize Danghua, the primacy of party ideology over education, which Sun Yat-sen had conceptualized. The other was to build a nationwide modern educational system after American model. Nanjing regime succeeded in achieving the both goals only to the extent the one’s success offset the other’s. Nationalism, the driving force of the 1920’s, played a role in formulating educational policies of the Nanjing regime. The ministry of Education translated ‘Recovery of Educational Authority Movement’ of the time into its policies, requiring missionary schools to abide by Nanjing’s regulations and bringing schools of foreign influence under the Ministry’s control. However, as nationalism turned against the regime after the Japanese Army encroached into Northern China, the regime became more authoritarian, strengthening the political indoctrination in schools only to disserve Nanjing’s educational goals. The modernization of the educational system progressed with vigor and effectiveness since Wang Shijie, a professional educator, assumed the post of Minister of Education in 1933, reaching its height of a Golden Age during 1933-1938. Progress in public education was certainly obvious. The number of schools and students in school increased, literacy spread, and education became more uniform, and organizationally more of a system. The central government was increasing its control over local educational authorities during the last years of the decade. The economic growth during the period, though slow, made all the changes feasible. The progress, however, was tainted with limitations. Inability to secure control over local power; financial limitations; regional contrast between progressing cities and unchanged rural area make it difficult to evaluate the success. The success came to a sudden end when the Japanese invaded China in 1937. Considering the three tier enemies Jiang Jieshi was facing, anti-Jiang forces within the Guomindang, the Communists, and the Japanese, the achievement in building a national education system was impressive, certainly compared to the progresses, if any, under the earlier regimes.

〈난징! 난징!〉을 둘러싼 중국의 탈민족주의 논쟁: 탈식민적 저항성은 어디로 갈 것인가

김희교 문화사학회 2011 역사와 문화 Vol.21 No.-

A Discussion about Prenationalism of China over 〈Nanjing! Nanjing!〉(Ruchun, 2009): Where is Nationalistic Resistance Heading? Heegyeo Kim(Kwangwoon University) The nantionalism of Korea has been theoretically continued to thrive under the strong wave of postmodernism. It was desirable that the nationalism of Korea became flexible as it possessed its lapidary. However, the flexible nationalism also emasculates the resistance to violence among East Asian countries to a certain extent. The current Open-nationalism reaches to the level of completed intellectual pursuit while the nationalism of Korea in the past was one of the most powerful methods to struggle for accomplishing the pre-colonialism since the colonization of Korean Peninsula. The author have interests in China’s characteristics and its potential power as a peacemaker that protects neighboring countries from war and violence. Especially, we spotlight on China’s propensity for pre-colonialistic nationalism and its role. The immediate objective of this research is to analyze the argument over historical re-interpretation for historicizing war and violence between nationalism and free-nationalism of China through a film,〈Nanjing! Nanjing!〉. Based on this, we intend to investigate 1) how China tries to historicize the Nanjing Massacre which victimized Chinese people by war and violence even after New China had been established by accomplishing free-colonialism and by obtaining the territory and sovereignty 2) how Chinese pre-nationalists and nationalists define Japan who has been a perpetrator without squaring themselves 3) whether China also settle the historical issues bind them to war and violence. Through these analyses, we could have a reflective opportunity to search for directions of our pre-colonialism.