화랑의 순유(巡遊)와 향가

신재홍 ( Shin Jae-hong ) 한국고전문학교육학회 2008 고전문학과 교육 Vol.15 No.-

In spite of a few numbers of Hyangga that is handed down today, Hyangga has diverse and abundant contents. So it is possible to survey Hyangga as a journey literature of the middle age. On this purpose we can inquire into the Hwarangs' group journey, because the Hwarang was one of the main enjoying group of Hyangga. Hwarangs' group journey shows many aspects. They made a journey for the public purpose like a tour of inspection of people's daily life and the fortresses of the country's peripheral areas. Also, they made a journey for personal purposes like enjoying the attractive view of the mountains and rivers or seeking pretty girls outside of the palace. On these journeys, Hwarang made and enjoyed Hyanggas. Among Hyanggas that remains today, Hyeseongga and Cheoyongga have a direct relation to Hwarang's journey. Hyeseongga was made to eliminate the calamities that occurred at the time of the start of a journey. It is expressed in this poem that Hwarang could take a peaceful trip with the condition that the celestial objects shed light on the earth path. As such, the trip becomes a sacred ceremony. Cheoyongga reflects the fact that the foreigner Cheoyong became Hwarang and toured the streets of Seorabeol, the capital of Shilla. The Cheoyong's bitterness of broken love is expressed in this poem. SongSadahamga and MoJukjirangga come under a broad category of Hwarang's journey literature. SongSadahamga is a farewell poem for Hwarang who leaves to fight on the battlefield. It was universal to make a journey for the fighting of a battle in Shilla period, so many Hyanggas would be made under those situations. MoJukjirangga has the content of Hwarang's trip for saving his follower who was taken by another senior. It expresses the intimate relationship between Hwarang and the follower. Though the words of the song have not been remained, Hyeongeumpogok, Daedogok, and Mungungok were created on the way of Hwarang's journey. These seem to be a series poems which have the proper characteristic features of the Hwarang's journey literature. In these poems, the king's open mind and liberal political views are reflected. In short, Hwarang created and enjoyed Hyanggas on the way of their journey, so Hyangga has the features of journey literature in Korean middle ages.

日帝 下 新羅 花郞 硏究와 南堂 朴昌和의 ≪花郞世紀≫ -花郞制의 起源・成立 問題를 中心으로-

정운용 신라사학회 2017 新羅史學報 Vol.0 No.41

In the period of Anti-Japanese Independence Movement, the premise of Japanese’s study of Hwarang was an inconsistency. Imamura Tomo(今村鞆), who approached to Hwarang in the field of folklore such as history of social customs, denied the part of inscription about Hwarang in ≪Samkooksagi(三國史記)≫ recognizing them as shamans. It substantially seems that modified perception of Hwarang in Joseon Dynasty caused an error in viewing Silla Hwarang. Subsequently, Ikeuchi Hiroshi(池內宏) emphasized the ‘warrior spirit’ of Silla people, taking note of the development of Silla Dynasty in 5~6C. On his angle, studying the ‘History of Manchurian and Joseon(滿鮮史)’, the process of thinking might came from the need of courageous soldiers and prominent leaders for Japan’s invasion of China. ‘The warrior spirit of Silla people’, which Ikeuchi deduced, varied to ‘Hwarang’s Sesok-Ohgye’・‘Hwarang’s warrior spirit’ in the stage of Ayukai Husanoshin(鮎貝房之進)’s study. Ayukai’s study has ‘Imlailbonbusul(任那日本府說)’ on the premise. He preposterously claims that Hwarang and Silla Dynasty, who had the warrior spirit, were descendants of Japanese(大和民族). Furthermore, he refers to Wonhwa(源花) as a nationally revered Hwarang but actually was a prostitute. His study, which covers substantial historical records of Hwarang, appears to had come from an idea based on the ‘same ancestors of Japan and Joseon(日鮮同祖論)’. Contemporarily, Mishina shoei(三品彰英) who mobilized anthropological knowledge figured Wonhwa, the origin of Hwarang, and Hwarang themselves as an assembly or southern coming-of-age ceremony. Also, while contending the combating function of Hwarang, he comprehends the state was not a national affair. This is an entirely unacceptable interpretion and signification. On the other hand, Park Chang Hwa shows an unconventional view of Hwarang(花郞觀) based on his historical knowledge of Silla through ≪Hwarangsegi(花郎世紀)≫. It begins with referring to the origin of Wonhwa who was in the maze. In other words, it is saying that chief priest Yoenbuin(燕夫人)’s Kookhwa(國花) propagated to the east, leading to a priest of shrine(神宮), Wonhwa, in Silla. Besides, designating ‘Hwarang’ came from Weehwarang(魏花郞) who gained favor of King Bubheung. It seems that Yoen-buin has a feature of goddess of furtility and fecundity. Or she might had been mentioned from the idea that Weeman(衛滿) from Weeman-Joseon were Yeon-in(燕人). Moreover, Hwarang Moonlo(文努) appears as a Hokooksun(護國仙), equivalent to Seolwonrang(薛原郎) who is brought up at numerous documents of history as a Kooksun(國仙). Park Chang Hwa would have been able to fully understand the achievements of Japanese historians. Nonetheless, he set up Wonhwa, who was either a fictitious character or just a prostitute in Japanese’s study, not only as a priest equivalent to the priest of TaeSan Bongsunje(泰山 封禪祭) in China but also as the origin of Hwarang. While Japanese historians emphasized the warrior spirit of the Hwarang, ≪Hwarangsegi≫ has no such reference. It simply suggests the outstanding martial skills of Hwarang through Moonlo. It explains the biography of Silla Hwarang on the contrary of Japanese historians’ view, which could be much more approximate description to the history of Silla and Silla people. This is the reason we should pay attention to ≪Hwarangsegi≫ written by Park Chang Hwa. 항일독립운동기 일본인 중 화랑을 연구한 몇몇 연구자로는 今村鞆, 池內宏, 鮎貝房之進, 三品彰英 등을 들 수 있다. 이들의 원화・화랑 연구는 대부분 ≪삼국사기≫의 내용을 부인한 채, 원화・화랑을 무당으로 파악하고, 화랑의 ‘武士的 정신’을 강조하였다. 아울러 원화를 娼女라 주장하면서도, 任那日本府說이나 日鮮同祖論에 입각한 논리로 신라 화랑을 바라보았다. 반면에 박창화의 ≪花郎世紀≫는 자신의 신라사 인식에 입각하여 색다른 花郞觀을 드러내고 있다. 그의 ≪화랑세기≫는 미궁에 빠져있던 원화의 유래를 언급하는 것에서 시작하고 있다. 즉, 중국(燕 나라)에서 제사를 관장하던 燕夫人의 國花 풍습이 東漸하여 신라의 神宮 제사를 주관하는 원화가 생겨났다고 서술한 것이다. 아울러 ‘화랑’이라는 명칭은 법흥왕의 총애를 받던 魏花郞의 이름에서 비롯한 것이라 하고 있다. 추측컨대 연부인은 풍요와 다산을 의미하는 神母로서의 성격을 갖고 있어 보인다. 아울러 위만조선의 위만이 ‘燕人’이었다는 것에서 착안하여 燕夫人을 언급한 것일는지도 모른다. 또 여타 史書에서 國仙으로 거명되는 薛原郎과 대등하게 화랑 文努를 ‘護國仙’으로 등장시키고 있다. 당시 박창화는 일본인 화랑 연구자들이 업적을 충분히 접할 수 있었을 것이다. 그럼에도 불구하고, 그들이 가공의 존재 또는 창녀로 취급한 원화를 중국 泰山 封禪祭와 대등한 祭儀 주관자로 설정하면서 화랑의 시원으로 그려 놓고 있다. 일본인 연구자들이 화랑의 무사적 정신의 강조한 반면, 朴昌和의 ≪화랑세기≫는 호국선 文努를 언급하면서 화랑의 출중한 무예 수준을 드러내고 있을 뿐이다. 박창화는 일본인 화랑 연구자들과는 정 반대의 논리로 신라 화랑의 傳記를 그려놓았는데, 이것이 신라사・신라인의 실상에 근접한 서술이라 여겨진다.

고대 화랑의 원형적 모습에 대한 탐구 — 영성과 감성의 화랑 문화를 중심으로 —

이난수 한국철학사연구회 2023 한국 철학논집 Vol.- No.78

The concept of 'Hwarang (disciplined adolescents)' is closely related to the origin of Korean thought. In the history of modern Korean thought, 'Hwarang' was talked about as a concept derived from the discourse of 'Pungryu' and 'Dangun'. Especially from the Imperial Japan's colonial period, Hwarang discourse emphasized the military aspect, and after liberation, it was used as an ideology and tool of nationalism. This study seeks to reproduce the archetypal appearance of Hwarang along with criticism on the discourse of 'Hwarang' in the early-modern and modern times. To this end, Hwarang's spirit was categorized into rationality (理性)-spirituality (靈性)-sensibility (感性). Rationality is the moral spirit (道義) of Hwarang, and spirituality refers to Hwarang's ritual role and religiosity. And sensibility is an artistic activity that Hwarangs enjoyed together. Among them, centering on sensibility and spirituality, the Hwarang culture was discussed. In Hwarang's pilgrimage, the activities of music, song, and dance do not mean play, but communication with the mystical power, that is, spirituality. Spirituality is expressed in the form of art and internalized through Hwarang's sensibility. As such, spirituality and sensibility reflect the archetypal appearance of Hwarang at the time, and this study explored it focusing on Hyangga created by Hwarang. The spirituality of Hwarang was examined through Hyangga, which is shamanistic and contains the content of origin, and the sensibility was examined centering on Hyangga, the subject of death. Death is the material of human's primal and fundamental fear and sorrow. Hyangga, which sublimated this sadness by quenching it, contained the limits Hwarang felt as a human being and his will to overcome them. In this way, the spirituality and sensibility of Hwarang appearing in the works show the life and thoughts of the Silla people. Furthermore, their spirituality and sensibility can be separated or become one. In this way, the archetypal appearance of Hwarang can be explored at the point where sensibility and spirituality are harmonized. ‘화랑’ 개념은 한국 사상의 연원과 관련이 깊다. 근현대 사상사에서 ‘화랑’은 ‘풍류’와 ‘단군’ 담론에서 파생된 개념으로 회자되었던 것이다. 특히 식민 시기부터 화랑 담론은 군사적 측면이 강조되었고, 광복 이후에는 국가주의의 이념과 도구로 활용되었다. 본고는 근현대 ‘화랑’담론에 대한 비판과 더불어 화랑의 원형적 모습을 재현하고자 한다. 이를 위해 화랑의 정신을 이성(理性)⋅영성(靈性)⋅감성(感性)으로 범주화하였다. 이성은 화랑의 도의(道義)정신이며, 영성은 화랑들의 제의적 역할 및 종교성을 의미한다. 그리고 감성은 화랑들이 함께 즐거워하며 펼치는 예술 활동이다. 이 가운데 감성과 영성을 중심으로 화랑 문화를 논의하였다. 화랑의 순례에서 악(樂)⋅가(歌)⋅무(舞)의 활동은 놀이가 아니라 신비로운 힘 즉 영성과의 소통을 의미한다. 영성은 제의 속 예술로 표현되고, 예술을 통해 화랑의 감성이 내재화된다. 이처럼 영성과 감성에는 화랑의 원형적 모습이 반영되어있다. 본고에서는 화랑이 창작한 향가를 중심으로 살펴보았다. 화랑의 영성은 주술적이며 기원의 내용이 담긴 향가를 통해 살펴보았고, 감성은 죽음을 소재로 한 향가를 중심으로 하였다. 죽음은 인간의 원초적이며 근원적인 두려움과 슬픔의 소재이다. 이 슬픔을 삭이고, 묵혀서 승화된 향가에는 화랑이 인간으로서 느끼는 한계와 이를 극복하려는 의지가 담겨있었다. 이처럼 작품에 나타난 화랑의 영성과 감성에는 신라인의 삶과 사유가 나타나있다. 나아가 그들의 영성과 감성은 분리되기도 하고 하나가 되기도 한다. 이렇게 감성과 영성이 어울린 지점에서 화랑의 원형적 모습을 탐색할 수 있다.

新羅時代의 花郞 認識

김상현(Kim, Sang-Hyun) 한국고대사학회 2013 韓國古代史硏究 Vol.0 No.71

이 글은 신라시대에 살았던 사람들의 눈에 비친 화랑의 모습을 살펴보려는 목적으로부터 출발했는데, 특히 국왕의 화랑 인식과 그 처우에 주목했다. 신라 사회에서 화랑은 매우 중시되었다. 화랑 관련 저술과 향가가 지어지고, 화랑의 비가 세워진 것도 이 때문이었다. 풍류도는 나라를 흥하게 하려는 목적으로 국왕의 명에 의해 설립되었다. 나라 사람들은 모두 화랑을 존경하여 섬겼다고 한다. 국왕도 화랑을 받들었다는 기록이 여러 차례 나타나고 있다. 국왕과 국인이 모두 화랑을 받들었던 것은 화랑을 미륵의 화신으로 관념화 하였기 때문이었을 것이다. 진흥왕은 왕자를 金輪과 銅輪으로 부르면서까지 전륜성왕을 동경했다. 상카라는 전륜성왕이 출현한다는 龍華世界는 일심으로 불교를 받들던 진흥왕의 이상세계일 수 있었다. 국왕은 화랑의 여행에 관심을 보이기도 했고, 화랑 관련 소식이나 소문에 관심을 갖고 있었다. 화랑과 관련된 상벌을 국왕이 직접 결정한 경우도 있다. 화랑의 행적을 기리는 비는 국왕의 승인을 받아서 건립할 수 있었거나 국가적 사업으로 세워졌을 것이다. 화랑들 중에 從軍할 것을 청하여 국왕의 허락을 받아 공을 세운 경우가 있다. 이처럼 화랑의 여러 활동에 국왕이 직접 관계했다. 따라서 풍류도는 朝廷의 花主를 통해 국가가 직접 조직하고 운영했을 것이다. 花郞과 郞徒는 風流道를 수행하던 집단이었다. 화랑과 낭도들이 추구하던 道는 風流道였고, 풍류도는 단순한 놀이가 아니라 수행해야 할 道로 인식했다. 화랑들에게는 타인과 구별되는 동류의식도 있었다. 화랑의 행적을 새긴 비를 세우기도 했는데, 薛原郞碑와 四仙碑, 그리고 鸞郞碑가 그 경우다. 또한 화랑들의 전기도 편찬되었으니, 金大問의 『花郞世紀』가 그것이고, 풍류도의 연원을 밝힌 『仙史』라는 저술도 전하고 있었다. 진평왕 때의 승려 融天은 彗星歌에서 세 화랑이 금강산으로 가는 길을 쓸어 주기 위해서 혜성이 나타난 것이라고 노래했다. 眞智王 때의 승려 眞慈는 한 걸음에 한 번 절하는 정성으로 未尸郞을 찾아 彌勒佛의 化身으로 받들었다. 경덕왕 때의 忠談은 기파랑을 싱싱한 잣나무에 비견하여 찬송했고, 이 향가는 궁궐의 경덕왕에게까지 알려져 있었다. 화랑 죽지랑은 낭도들의 그리움의 대상이 되었기에 慕竹旨郞歌로 찬송되었다. The purpose of this paper to depict the image of hwarangs held by the people from the period of Silla. It, in particular, focuses on the kings’ perceptions of them and the treatments hwarangs received. In Sillan society, hwarangs were considered to occupy an important place. This is why many works and hyanggas about hwarangs were written, headstones erected. P’ungnyudo was created under the order of the king for the purpose of making the nation prosper. Everyone in Silla is said to have admired and respected hwarangs. There are several records indicating that the kings accepted hwarangs. The reason that both the kings and people accepted hwarangs was because of the idea that hwarangs were the incarnation of Mir?k. King Jinheung admired Ch?llyun s?ngwang so much that he called his princes G?mnyun and Dongyun. Sangkara is the Yongwha world where Ch?llyun s?ngwang appears and this might have been the ideal world of King Jinheung, who was a sincere Buddhist. The kings seem to have taken an interest in the travels of hwarangs and the news and rumors about them. There are occasions on which the kings themselves determine the rewards and punishments concerning hwarangs. The headstones dedicated to hwarangs were probably erected either under the order of the kings or as part of a national project. Some hwarangs volunteered for military service and, with the approval of the king, rendered distinguished services. These examples suggest that the kings were directly involved in several activities of hwarangs. Therefore the government is likely to have organized and operated P’ungnyudo through the Hwaju? itself. Hwarangs and nagdos were a group of people who practiced P’ungnyudo. The ideals hwarangs and nagdos were pursing were P’ungnyudo, which was thought to be something they had to train for rather than a sort of pastime. They also shared a sense of identity that distinguished them from the rest. There are headstones that show the activities of Hwarangs such as S?lwonangbi, sas?nbi, and nanrangbi. There is also a biography about them written by Kim Daemun entitled Hwarang segi. And a book named ‘Sunsa’ traces P’ungnyudo to its origin. A monk named ‘Yung Cheon,’ who lived during the reign of King Jinpyeong, sang a song named ‘Hyes?ngga’ in which he said that comets appeared in order to clean up the road to Mt. Geumgang for three Hwarangs. A monk named Jinja from the reign of King Jinji reached Misinang after having made a ‘one step, one bow’ pilgrimage walk and accepted it as the personification of Mir?kbul. Ch’ungdam, during the period of King Gyeongdeok, praised Kiparang comparing him to a robust nut pine and this hyangga was even known to King Gyeongdeok. Chukchirang was an object of longing among nangdos and thus was worshiped in the Mochukchirangga.

화랑 설치에 관한 諸 史書의 기사 검토 : 김대문 『花郞世記』와의 관련성을 중심으로

金基興(Kim Ki-Heung) 역사교육연구회 2003 역사교육 Vol.88 No.-

"Hwarangsegi(花郞世記)" written by Kim Dae-Moon in about 700 on Hwarang of Silla Dynasty, has not been transmitted, but the record of the establishment of Hwarang has appeared in "Samguksagi(三國史記)" edited in 1145, which is supposed to be based on the reading of the "Hwarangsegi". In other words "Samguksagi" has the original records on Hwarang in "Hwarangsegi". Thus, the other materials on the Hwarang establishment written after the 12th century should be compared to the records in "Samguksagi" as a touchstone. "Haedonggoseungjun(海東高僧傅)" edited in 1215 has records on Hwarang as almost same as those in "Samguksagi". And "Samgukusa(三國遺事)" written in the late 13th century has the same records on the establishment of Hwarang as in the original "Samguksagi", although has been considered as having referred to the epitaph of Hwarang Seolwonrang(薛原郞). "Dongguktonggam(東國通鑑)" edited in 1484 tried to give lights to the dim parts of "Samguksagi", But the editors distorted the facts with excessive ambition and without any new informations on Hwarang. "Dongsagangmok(東史綱目)" edited in 1778 has some records on the establishment of Hwarang, but it has only supplemented the records of "Dongguktonggam", but not gone further from the records of the original "Samguksagi". Two versions of "Hwarangsegi", suddenly appeared in 1989 and 1995 and claimed as its original copies, have records on the establishment of Hwarang, but the records in these new versions are not consistent with those in "Samguksagi". Thus, these two versions are not considered as the original copies of the "Hwarangsegi". As the books on Hwarang have records written after, and not added any new materials on, "Samguksagi", which has some vague and uncertain descriptions on the Hwarang, the original version of the "Hwarangsegi" is supposed disappeared completely from the 13th century. The recently sudden appeared versions are considered, thus, as created with the ambitious curiosity about Hwarang.

新羅 中古期 郎徒와 花郞

曺凡煥(Cho Bum-hwan) 한국고대사학회 2008 韓國古代史硏究 Vol.0 No.52

본고는 신라 중고시대 낭도와 화랑과의 관계를 살펴본 것이다. 먼저 낭도들은 신분에 따라 화랑을 선택하는 기준이 달랐다. 眞骨 신분의 젊은이는 명예나 武事 등 화랑이 추구하는 理想을 쫒는 경우가 많았고, 頭品 신분이나 平民의 입장에서는 앞으로의 출세나 지향하는 바를 충족시켜 줄 수 있는 화랑을 선택하였다. 물론 화랑의 입장에서도 낭도가 되려고 찾아오는 이들을 아무런 조건 없이 받아들이지 않았다. 화랑이 정한 어느 정도의 기준에 합당하였을 때 낭도가 되는 것을 허락했다고 생각된다. 따라서 낭도와 화랑의 만남은 쉽지 않았지만 인연을 맺게 되면 낭도의 입장에서는 매우 자부심을 가질 수 있었다. 다음으로 낭도와 화랑은 매우 밀접한 관계를 유지하면서도 때로는 그렇지 않은 경우도 있었다. 예컨대, 화랑도 무리에서 모시던 화랑이 讓名하고 새로운 화랑이 선출되었을 때 그 휘하의 낭도들 가운데는 계속해서 낭도로 활동하지 않고 전임 화랑을 따라 양명하는 경우를 볼 수 있기 때문이다. 또한 많은 수의 무리를 거느린 화랑의 경우 모든 낭도들과 가깝게 지낼 수는 없었다. 그렇기 때문에 진골 신분을 가진 낭도의 역할이 매우 컸는데, 그들은 낭도와 화랑을 연결시켜 주는 매개체 역할을 하였다. 또한 낭도의 나이와 화랑의 나이를 지금까지는 서로 비슷한 것으로 파악하였는데, 연구 결과 대체로 그렇지 않은 경우가 더 많았음을 알 수 있었다. 특히 낭도들 가운데 관직을 가진 사람의 경우에는 더욱 그러하였다. 이러한 사실로 미루어 볼 때 화랑과 낭도와의 관계가 친구나 동년배 관계가 아님을 알 수 있을 뿐만 아니라 더 나아가 그들의 관계가 카리스마적 관계도 아니었음을 헤아릴 수 있게 되었다. 본고를 통해 신라 중고기 낭도들의 모습을 새롭게 알게 되었는데, 그들의 성원권은 자동적으로 주어지는 것이 아니라 自願에 의해 가지게 되었다. 그렇기 때문에 성원들은 그들의 단체에 대하여 매우 강한 자부심을 가지게 되는것이다. 결국 낭도와 화랑이 모여 만든 화랑도는 청소년 집단의 공동체이거나 이해집단의 특성을 가지고 있었음이 다시금 입증된다고 하겠다. This thesis examined Hwarang and Hwarangdo(the code of Hwarang) in the middle years of Shilla in the viewpoint of Nangdo. First, Nangdo had a different basis to choose Hwarang. Jingol, the true bones, mostly pursued the ideal such as fame and chivalry while non-royal kins like Dupum and commoners chose Hwarang for their success and career advancement. However, that doesn't mean Hwarang unconditionally accepted Nangdo. They accepted Nangdo only if Nangdo met their standards. In other words, for Nangdo, having a relationship with Hwarang is quite difficult but very honorable to Nangdo. Nangdo and Hwarang usually kept close relationship but sometimes didn't. For example, when one Hwarang retired and a new one replaced his position, the Nangdos under his control also retired. Also, it was hard for Hwarang with lots of Nangdos to have close relationship with all of them. With this situation, Jingol Nangdo's role was important. They were the medium of Nangdo and Hwarang. Generally, it was accepted opinion that the age of Nangdo and Hwarang was similar. However, research found that there was numerical difference between the age of Nangdo and that of Hwarang. That was more outstanding when Nangdo was in government post. This situation implies the relationship between Hwarang and Nangdo. They were not about the same age and friends, either. Furthermore, they were not in the charismatic relationship. To become Nangdo was making a decision, not automatically decided. It needed one's voluntary application and thus, Nangdo had strong pride for their organization. That proves Hwarangdo consisting of Nangdo and Hwarang was a sort of youth community or organization sharing same interests.

화랑(花郞)의 풍류(風流) 활동(活動) 고찰(考察)을 통한 여가(餘暇) 역사(歷史)의 이해(理解)

조준호(Jun Ho Cho) 한국여가레크리에이션학회 2007 한국여가레크리에이션학회지 Vol.31 No.1

This is to find out the origin of a leisure study on how a national leisure history began and was changed through an examination of Hwarang (elite youth corps of Shilla)`s refined activity in the ancient Shilla in terms of our nation. This is ultimately to provide a practical assistance for a leisure study with an understanding on a proper leisure of our ancestors and a right understanding on a thought on national leisure and thus to utilize it as a basic material for developing a leisure study of our nation with the relevant establishment of a proper view on leisure. To achieve such research purpose, the researcher obtained the following conclusion through an observation on literature materials such as theses and historical books relating to Hwarang`s refined activity in the ancient Shilla era as well as the leisure-related materials, etc. First, the origin of Hwarang began with the group in charge of sacrificial rites holding a great memorial service to the heaven and respecting Shingung in the history of Gukseon started from Tan-gun of the ancient Korea. Second, Hwarang conducted, as a refined activity, activities such as old Korean folk songs, singing and dancing, traveling, football, and hunting. In the beginning, old Korean folk songs, singing and dancing were performed as a tool to impress the god for a religious purpose. However, they were changed for an educational purpose due to several influences in the later stage and became the important means for character building and training for body and soul of Hwarang. In addition, the traveling had the purpose of performing the nationwide rites as well as an instillation of patriotism and training for body and soul. The football at that time was one of the important physical activities for Hwarang. Through it, they got united and stood together. Moreover, the hunting was executed for training in terms of body and soul. It was not prohibited in terms of a selective murder in the Five Commandments for Hwarang. Accordingly, its underlying motive was to teach them the preciousness of the life through it. Third, in respect of the understanding on a leisure history, Hwarang`s refined activity at that time was to have them retain awareness on mental beauty, which was very similar to the intention that a contemporary leisure has. Hwarang`s refined activity was an actual start in leisure of our nation. Our nation has kept the inherent things to our nation through a difficult history of the past. Hwarang`s history is the asset unique to our nation, which we should keep. Through this, with a right recognition on Hwarang and a preceding proper understanding on leisure in our culture, we should keep and inherit our own leisure culture and history.

국가의 화랑정신 호명과 김동리의 문학적 대응 - 『화랑외사』와 김동리 역사 단편소설의 차이를 중심으로 -

전계성 ( Jeon Gye-seong ) 경북대학교 영남문화연구원 2020 嶺南學 Vol.0 No.72

김동리의 소설에서는 화랑정신이나 신라혼을 추구하는 경향이 발견된다. 이에 대해서는 백형 범부가 영향을 미친 결과라고 보는 시각이 일반적이다. 연구자 대부분이 범부와 동리가 기본적으로 동일한 세계관을 가졌기에 생성된 텍스트의 성격들도 유사한 관념에 기반하고 있는 것으로 본다는 것이다. 화랑에 대한 범부와 동리의 관념은 신라의 삼국통일과 무관하지 않다는 점에서 일정 정도의 유사성을 지니지만, 두 사람의 화랑에 대한 인식 차이도 간과하기 어렵다. 범부는 건국이념이 절실했던 1950년대 상황에 공명하여 『화랑외사』에서 화랑정신을 정치적으로 전유한 반면에, 동리는 신라인들의 삶의 구경을 그의 역사소설에서 구현하여 전유된 화랑 개념을 회복시켰다. 김동리는 군인으로서의 화랑정신보다는 샤먼으로서의 신라인 자체에 초점을 두며, 삶이 지닌 비극성도 인정하는 쪽으로 사건을 전개한다. 『화랑외사』와 김동리 역사 단편소설들은 이 차이를 극명하게 보여준다. 『화랑외사』의 발문을 쓴 김동리가 그를 존경하는 스승으로 여겼다는 표현은 단지 백형에 대한 도리 때문이다. 그의 발문에 드러난 표면적 의도를 근거로 범부의 영향력을 절대시하는 관점은 김동리 역사소설의 독자적 세계관을 규명하는 방향으로 선회할 필요가 있다. Mostly, Kim Dong-li’s thought about Hwarang spirit is considered that it was originated from his brother Beom-boo. Researchers think Dong-li and Beom-boo actually share the same ideological base, Hwarang. But actually, the two are so different. While his brother possessed Hwarang exclusively for political end in 1950s, Dong-li tried to recover the Hwarang consciousness contaminated from nationalism with his historical novels. He focuses on Hwarang not as a worrior but as a shaman of Silla. We can find several differences between Beom-boo and Dong-li through Beom-boo’s 『Hwarang-oesa (Behind Stories for Hwarang)』(1954) and Dong-li’s short historical novels(1950s). Despite Dong-li's admiring epilogue for Beom-boo, his view are not the same as Beom-boo's.

신라 화랑과 태권도의 수련활동에 관한 연구

김홍석(Kim Hong-Seok) 한국체육과학회 2008 한국체육과학회지 Vol.17 No.3

In the Silla dynasty, there was a youth organization called Hwarang-Do in which members practiced martial arts. It became a public organization when King Hung was is power. Hwarang means boys who own the beauty of flowers. The members of Hwarang-Do were selected from the youth who owned cultured personality and who were from nice families. Kim Yoo Shin was elected as a member of Hwarang-Do When he was 15 year old, and became an influential leader. While the HwaRang-Do members practiced the martial art, they 5 items of morality in their mind(royalty, piety, trust, bravery and mercy). Their practice involved: boxing; etiquette; singing and dancing; academic studies; horseback riding and archery. Among these programs, their boxing evolved into the basic movements of modern taekwondo. They traveled to famous mountains and rivers, practicing martial arts, as well as developing a sense of modesty, frugality, broadness and great morale. In the times of peace, they matured with moral principles. However, at times of national crisis, they were the pioneers in the battle field to defend their country. The Hwarang-Do spirit in the Silla dynasty was succeeded as traditional, national thoughts of Korean people that was called HangMong Spirit in the Koryo dynasty and ChungOy Spirit in the Chosun dynasty. Furthermore, it became the spirit of independence during the Japanese colonial time. To this day, Hwarang-Do has become the soul of Korean Spirit and modern taekwondo. Throughout the history of taekwondo, this martial art had various names, such as: SuBak in the Kokuryo dynasty; TakGyun in the Silla dynasty; as well as SuBakHi in the Koryo dynasty. And it occupied the principal position among all martial arts. In the ChoSun dynasty, taekwondo was previously known as TekGyon, which was encouragingly practiced as a martial art combined with martial arts TuSuk and TuHo.

살풀이의 기원적 의미 재고 -화랑과 화랭이의 연관성을 중심으로

정혜원 ( Jung Hye Won ) 국제뇌교육종합대학원 국학연구원 2020 선도문화 Vol.28 No.-

본고는 ‘살(煞)을 풀다’라고 알려져 있는 현행 ‘살풀이’의 의미 재고를 통해, 살풀이가무악의 담당계층이 화랑으로 거슬러 올라갈 수 있는 가능성을 발견하고자 한다. 현행 살풀이는 승무와 더불어 한국의 가장 대표적인 전통가무악으로서 전통예인들의 수준 높은 기예가 담겨 있다. 전통예인들은 화랭이, 재인, 광대 등으로 이들의 연원은 신라사회의 화랑에까지 거슬러 올라간다. 본고에서는 살풀이의 연원을 신라 화랑의 향가 ‘도솔가’에서 새롭게 찾고, 도솔가와 화랑의 연관성을 밝힘으로써 현재까지도 살풀이가 화랭이 집단에서 연희되는 점에 주목하고자 한다. 『삼국사기』와 『삼국유사』에 나타난 두 도솔가를 살펴보면, 신라시대의 도솔가의 의미는 신라최초의 가악이자 화랑이 주도한 국행천신제의의 종합예술이었다. 당시 부족국가를 병합한 신라는 각 부족의 제천의식을 수용하고 이를 불교의 세계관과 결합하여 통치의 정당성을 강화하고, 장차 삼국통일을 위한 정치사상적 기반을 마련하고자 하였다. 이 과정에서 신라사회에 퍼져있던 불교의 미륵신앙이 토착신앙과 습합되었으며, 도솔가는 도솔천 미륵불의 현현이자 삼국통일의 주역이었던 화랑이 국행 천신제의를 담당하며 태평성대를 기원하는 제신가무악(祭神歌舞樂)이었다. 신라시대 화랑의 도솔가는 진골귀족으로서 화랑이 가졌던 정치적 위상과 종교적 지위를 보여준다. 그러나 고려 중기이후 화랑파와 불교파는 김부식을 중심으로 한 유교파와 극렬하게 대립되다가 중앙 정권에서 점차 세력을 상실한다. 이후 배타적인 성격의 유교가 조선의 건국이념이 되면서 화랑파와 불교파는 정치적 지위를 완전히 상실하고, 화랑은 최하층 천민계급으로 전락하여 종교적 기능만을 담당하게 된다. 이들은 고려후기에 악을 담당하는 계층으로써 법적으로 신분이 세습되고 정치·사회적인 지위를 제약받는다. 그러나 이들은 조선 최고의 종교 예술가 집단인 세습무부 집단을 형성하며, 관·군·민을 넘나드는 전방위적인 활약을 보여준다. 이 과정에서 신라시대 화랑계층이 국행 천신제의에서 올리던 도솔가는 도솔풀이 무가와 도솔풀이시나위 음악, 그리고 도솔풀이춤으로 전승되어 판소리, 산조와 살풀이춤의 모태가 되었다. 이로써 신라시대 ‘화랑’의 ‘사뇌가’ 형식의 ‘도솔가’는 현재 ‘화랭이’ 재인집단의 ‘시나위’ 형식의 ‘살풀이’로 전개되어 왔음을 확인할 수 있었다. This study attempts to improve Salpuri dance’s significances and natures through finding the origins of Salpuri dance in “Dosolga” which is one of the first ancient Korean poetry. According to Kim Bu-sik’s The Chronicles of the Three States and Il-yeon’s The Heritage of the Three States, “Dosolga” is the first song and dance in the Silla Dynasty and a synthetic art of national ritual ceremony for heavenly gods which Hwarang carry out. The Silla Dynasty, had conquered several tribal states, want to legitimize The Silla’s reign and form a political foundation for the unification of three nations by unifying each tribe’s ritual ceremonies and marrying them with the Buddhist view of the world. In the meantime, Maitreya faith was spread out in the Silla society, and Hwarang were honored as the manifestation of Maitreya. Hwarang’s “Dosolga” shows Hwarang’s political and religious status as the aristocratic class in the Silla Dynasty. However, Hwarang and the Buddhist faction lost power at national politics. When the Joseon Dynasty chose the Confucianism as its founding principle of a nation, they lost their political status and were degraded to the lowest class who handled religious matters. Yet, they formed hereditary-mubus, circles of Joseon’s highest artists, and played musicians the royal court and ordinary society. In the meantime, “Dosolga,” music for song and dance which Hwarang played at ritual ceremony in the Silla Dynasty, was inherited to Dosolpuri shamanic songs, Dosolpuri-Sinawi songs, and Dosolpuri dance, and each of them were the beginning of Pansori, Sanjo (Free-style Solo), and Salpuri dance. it can confirm with affinity between “Dosolga”-Hwarang-Hyangga in the Silla Dynasty and Dosolpuri-Hwaraengi-Sinawi music. Salpuri music have natures of ritual ceremony and improvisation which were originated from the ancient Silla Dynasty and inherited by Hwarang. In the Joseon Dynasty, Hwarang were degraded to the lowest class who handled religious matters and artistic performances. As hereditary-mubus in the Colonial period formed mutual exchange with Kisaeng’s arts, Salpuri music lost its nature as ritual ceremony and fell to Salpuri dance’s accompaniment. When raising the original sense of Salpuri’s, however, it should be considered as a solemn music for ritual ceremony and a synthetic art with sophisticated improvisation, not music for recreations or superstitious ceremonies.