孟喜의 四正卦說에 관한 연구

정길영 한국도교문화학회 2023 道敎文化硏究 Vol.58 No.-

This paper examines the Si-Zheng-Gua(四正卦) theory developed by Meng Xi(孟喜) during the Han Dynasty, which combines the study of Yi(易) and the study of Li(曆). The study of Yi(易) evolved as a discipline aimed at discovering the immutable laws governing changes in the natural world. The Zhou Yi(周易) uses Gua(卦) as a symbolic system to represent all things in the world, where the Eight Trigrams(八卦) represent time and space. On the other hand, the calendar(曆法) has developed to understand changes in seasons through the observation of celestial phenomena. The concept of the seasonal calendar(節氣曆), closely related to agriculture, was already fully established during the mid-Warring States periods. During the Western Han Dynasty, Meng Xi combined the independent developments of Yi and Li, marking the beginning of the Han Yi(漢易)'s Gua-Qi Theory(卦氣說). Meng Xi's Gua-Qi Theory further developed under Jiao Yan Shou(焦延壽) and Jing Fang(京房), establishing Gua Qi Yixue as a prominent philosophical and cosmological system during the Han Dynasty. This Gua-Qi Theory of the Western Han Dynasty, characterized by its unique system of Gua and Yao(爻) symbols from the Zhou Yi, not only represented the changes of the Four Seasons and solar terms, but also depicted the fluctuations of Yin and Yang(陰陽) energies, becoming the core of Han Dynasty's image-numberology(象數易學). Meng Xi's Gua-Qi Theory originated from the Si-Zheng-Gua theory. Meng Xi's Gua-Qi Theory expands the Eight Trigrams(八卦) from the "Shuogua Zhuan(說卦傳)", which symbolizes space and time, into Sixty-Four Hexagrams(六十四卦). Through this expansion process, Si-Zheng-Gua represents the Four Seasons(四時) and allocates 24 Jieqi(節氣) to 24 Yao(爻), allowing for a more detailed representation of seasonal changes. The Si-Zheng-Gua in the "Shuogua Zhuan" focuses on the Gua's image(象), corresponding to the current state of the Four Seasons. On the other hand, Meng Xi's Si-Zheng-Gua theory focuses on the changes in the flow of Yin and Yang energies, depicting the process of seasonal changes in the Four Seasons, effectively expressing the year's seasonal transitions. Furthermore, Meng Xi introduced the time units of the 72 Hou(候), which divide the 24 Jieqi into thirds, providing a more detailed classification of seasonal changes throughout the year. Additionally, Meng Xi introduced a new time unit called "Liu-Ri-Qi-Fen(六日七分)", which divides the year into 60 equal parts, allocating the number of days in a year to the remaining 60 Gua that represent the Four Seasons and 24 Jieqi, allowing for a more precise categorization of seasonal changes.

『주역(周易)』 구덕괘(九德卦)의 원의(原義) 분석

권호용 ( Kwon Ho-yong ) 한국동서철학회 2017 동서철학연구 Vol.0 No.84

본 논문은 『주역』이 우환의식의 산물이라는 인식을 만들어준 「계사하전」 제7장 九德卦의 대목이 사실은 공자가 숨겨놓은 易의 운용방법에 대한 메시지였다는 분석을 보고한다. 특히 作易 당시의 문자인 金文을 통한 분석과 함께, 복희와 문왕의 두 팔괘를 연결시키는 방법으로 공자가 전하려 한 본래의 메시지를 찾아내고 있다. 易文은 經으로써 오랫동안 한 글자도 고치지 못하는 글로 알려져 왔다. 그만큼 글 됨이 이치에 합당하고 또한 名文이었던 것이다. 하지만 문자의 모양이 괘상의 위치와 연결되고, 文理의 이면에 숨겨진 重意的 내용이 모두 팔괘의 조합을 안내하고 있다는 사실은 매우 놀라운 소식이 아닐 수 없다. 공자가 전하려 한 메시지를 요약하면 다음과 같다. 문왕팔괘의 중심에 복희팔괘를 넣어 안쪽의 복희팔괘를 회전시키면 易을 일으킬(興) 수 있다. 괘상을 읽을 때는 팔괘 의 바깥쪽에서 안쪽을 바라보며 읽는다. 특정한 괘 하나(본괘)를 분석하려면, 글자 德 (□)을 破字하여 나온 눈의 모양(□. □ )을 복희팔괘의 離와 연결시키고, 심장의 모양 (□)을 복희팔괘의 坎과 연결시켜서, 이 둘이 위치한 곳에서 지어진 두 괘를 본괘 가 가진 `德의 작용`으로 삼는다. 나머지 발걸음(□, □ )은 `德이 향하는 방향`으로 삼아 서 앞뒤의 의미를 연결시킨다. 예를 들어 天澤履는 火雷□□과 水地比가 `德의 작용` 이 되고, 天澤履의 맞은편 괘인 地天泰는 `德이 향하는 방향`이 된다. 그러므로 본괘는 출발점이고 `德의 작용`은 그 과정이며, `德이 향하는 방향`은 종착점이 되는 것이다. 이와 같은 방식으로 괘를 분석하면, 64괘 각각의 괘상이 가진 본래의 의미에 대해 보다 더 근원적으로 접근할 수 있다. 구덕괘의 대목뿐만 아니라 「계사전」의 모든 글은 우리가 익히 알고 있는 내용과는 전혀 다른 메시지를 품고 있다. 64괘는 이치의 매듭일 뿐, 그것이 운용되는 원리와 순서를 알지 못하면 그저 읽기 좋은 글에 지나지 않을 수 있다. 문왕과 주공이 쓴 卦辭와 爻辭는 天道의 관점으로 쓰였기 때문에 人道의 관점에서는 쉽게 접근할 수 없다. 우리가 알고 있는 易理의 근원은 모두 「계사전」의 정리로부터 얻은 것이기 때문에, 공자가 글자마다 매달아(繫) 놓은 메시지를 분석하는 것은 매우 중요한 출발점이 될 것이다. This thesis emphasizes that the script on the Nine Gua contained in Wing 7 of the of the second Xici Zhuan (transliterated as “The Great Commentary”), which caused The I Ching(Book of Changes) to be considered a product promoting the consciousness of anxiety, is an implicative message of Confucius on the methodology for operating the changes (易, pinyin: yi). In particular, along with analysis made through Chinese bronze inscriptions that served as writing at the time The I Ching was created, an attempt to interrelate the Fuxi Eight Diagrams (bagua) with the King Wen Eight Diagrams is made to find out the inherent message Confucius intended to convey. The script of Book of Changes has been known for a long time as something not needing a change of even one character, which implies that the work is so well written under the principles of scientific rationality. The surprising finding is that the logograms of the characters correspond with the positions of the trigrams and that the new meaning that the logograms have created, instruct the way in which the baguas should be operated. The message Confucius intended to deliver can be summarized as follows: When rotating the Fuxi Eight Trigrams by inserting them into the center of the King Wen Eight Diagrams, change (易) can occur. Reading trigrams is done by viewing inwards from the outward of the eight trigrams. When analyzing a specific gua (main gua), the character De (德, □ ) is divided into 3 compound ideographs. Interconnect the first ideograph (□ ) pictographically referring to the eye with li (離) to the gua in the Fuxi Eight Diagrams and interconnect the second ideograph (心, □ ) pictographically referring to the heart with kan (坎) to the gua in the Fuxi Eight Diagrams. The gua in the Fuxi Eight Diagram now identified as li (離) and kan (坎) have now connecting King Wen Diagrams. These two guas, both Fuxi Eight Digram and connecting King Wen Diagrams, become the interconnection known as the interaction of De (德) contained in the main gua. The remaining ideograph (□, □ ) shall be deemed the orientation to which De (德) is directed, so as to interrelate the meanings between the front (main gua) and rear (ending point). For instance, the gua 天澤履 will create 火雷□□ and 水地比 as the interaction of De (德) while the gua 地天泰 opposite to 天澤履 will be the orientation toward which De (德) is directed. So the main gua is a starting point and the interaction of De is its process, while the direction toward De (德) is directed is the ending point. If analyzing gua is done this way, a more rational approach to the inherent meaning of each specific gua (main gua) is possible. In addition to the context involving Nine Gua (九德卦), all the text of Xici Zhuan (The Great Commentary) renders a message absolutely different from what has been known by far. The 64 hexagrams just function as knots that lead to the fundamental principles of reality, which means mere interpretation of divination if the operating principle and sequence are not known. As annotations on guasi (卦 辭) and yaosi (爻辭) were written by King Wen and Duke of Zhou from the viewpoint of the Way of Heaven (天道), to approach them from the viewpoint of the Way of Humans (人道) is difficult. Given that the principle of the Change (易理) known is rooted from the theorems of Xici Zhuan, analyzing the underlying message interposed to the respective characters used by Confucius can surely be considered a starting point with great importance.

『주역』 ‘시의(時義)’괘 함의 연구 ― 「단전(彖傳)」을 중심으로 ―

고윤숙 ( Koh Yoon-suk ) 동양철학연구회 2024 동양철학연구 Vol.119 No.-

The Tuanzhuan(彖傳) of Zhouyi(周易) praises the importance of “the time,” focusing on the 12 guas. This paper focuses and contemplates on the five guas that praise the importance of “the time and the significance” using the phrase of “the time and the significance is great(時義大矣哉).” The five guas include Ye-gua (豫卦), Su-gua (隨卦), Don-gua (遯卦), Gu-gua (姤卦) and Ryeo-gua (旅卦), meaning “acting according the time[順動],” “meeting with each other [相遇],“ “behaving according to the time[隨時],“ “taking a step back to go well [遯亨],” and “going well to some extent[小亨]” respectively. This paper analyzes the importance of the time and the significance” in two aspects: from a perspective of the origin of creation and from another perspective of the fairness of time as the basis of existence. This paper compares and examines different views of philosophers on those various perspectives, also including the political philosophy of Elizabeth F. Cohen. The natures and implications of five guas are as follows. First, the Ye-gua (豫卦) and the Gu-gua (姤卦) reveal the Tao[道] of “moving in compliance with the time[順動]” and “meeting with each other[相遇] respectively, and the Su-gua (隨卦) reveals the Tao[道] of “following the time[隨時].” This thesis contemplates on the time, at which such Tao[道] is realized, as the orgin of creation. The Ye-gua (豫卦) highlights the importance of the time and the significance as the people obey to the law when both the law of the operation of heaven and earth and the duty of saints move in compliance with Tao[道] and thereby the punishment becomes exactly adequate and right. In particular, the Ye-gua (豫卦) places a bigger emphasis on “the significance” than on “the time” since the movement of all things will not be misaligned and will be well operated based on the governance by wise men, when even the smallest and the most trivial things conform to the reason. The Gu-gua (姤卦) explains that when things meet each other with ‘Righteousness[正],’ the Tao[道] of the meeting can be beautiful as every being can exist and reproduce only when things meet each other. As such, the Gu-gua (姤卦) expands the meaning of “meeting” to praise the importance of the time and the significance that could not be sufficiently highlighted only with the already revealed things. The Su-gua (隨卦) highlights the importance of “following the time[隨時]” and explains that moving follows a meaning, and so does joy. Following the time was praised for its huge implications as there is no fixed standards for following the time, and to identify and to thoroughly understand “the indication” are imperative to reaching a certain level of maturity. All of these three guas show that to conform to, move and meet according to, and comply with the time and the right way is the origin of creation which makes things to be well-operated. Second, the fairness of time is the underlying basis of every existence, and the Don-gua (遯卦) and the Ryeo-gua (旅卦) reveal the Tao[道] of “taking a step back to go well [遯亨]” and “going well to some extent[小亨]” respectively. The Don-gua (遯卦) means things can be beneficial to some extent if people decide not to go forward and to take a step back instead, remaining still to follow the right thing, as they know that they will definitely be blocked in the future. The time is always fair even in difficult times, so when faced with trouble, it is important to know that “taking the right path is beneficial to some extent” and prepare for a future situation where “taking the right path is truly beneficial,” instead of overlooking “small behaviors and things” and not taking a right way. The Yeo-gua (旅卦) praised the importance of the time and the significance, because even when a traveler is in a time of difficulties, if one firmly sticks to the righteousness and remains fair and just, the traveler can “go well to some extent” as the time is always fair. Instead, it was praised and highlighted that because it is a difficult time, things that appear trivial have great significance. Both of the two guas show that things can go well even in a time when to step back or in difficult times if one identifies indications and behaves accordingly. On the other hand, Wang Bi annotates “the time and the significance” of the Yeo-gua (旅卦) that wise men coming forward for things to rely on in a time when all things fall apart and lose where they used to belong to. In other words, he deemed ‘going well to some extent and auspiciousness as a result of a traveler acting righteously’ as coming forward. In conclusion, what distinguishes the implication of the guas that praise the importance of “the time and the use” and the implication of “the time and the significance”, the implication of “the time and the significance” is highlighted more in confucian annotation. The thesis believes that the well-operated governance serves for the origin of creation and the things going well is to be the basis of existence.

백서(帛書)『주역(周易)』 『역전(易傳)』의 괘기설(卦氣說)에 관한 연구

천승민 ( Cheon Seung Min ),유흔우 ( Yoo Heun Woo ) 한국공자학회 2017 공자학 Vol.32 No.-

This paper analyzes Gua-qi theory(a theory elucidating the correspondence between the seasonal points and lines of the hexagrams) of Pre-Chin`s Yi learning(先秦易學) by analyzing Yi Ching as Gua-qi(卦氣) in Yi Zhuan(易傳) in Silk Manuscripts(帛書). `Gua(卦)` in Gua-qi theory refers to 64gua(卦) of Yi Ching and `qi (氣)` has a dual meaning to refer to the twenty-four seasonal divisions(節氣) and Yin and Yan(陰陽). Gua-qi theory is a basic theory expounded by experts at Yi of the Han Dynasty from the approach of philosophical hermeneutics. Championed by MENG Xi (孟喜), brightened by JIAO Gan(焦?) and JING Fang(京房), deepened by Yi Wei(易緯), expanded by MA Rong(馬融), XUN Shuang(荀爽), and ZHENG Xuan(鄭玄), and culminated by YU Fan(虞飜), this theory manifested related Yi learning experts` cosmic as well as ultimate humanistic concern. What discussed in this article shows that the Gua-qi theory was used as the main Yi-Ching interpretation method in Yi Zhuan in Silk Manuscripts, not by MENG Xi and JING Fang. And Gua-qi theory in Yi Zhuan in Silk Manuscripts were the core of the notion of `time(時)` as an ancient Chinese doctrine of a kind of cosmic unlike the Han Dynasty, which was a kind of prophetic-mixed divinity that fused the mixing of Yin and Yan disasters theory. In the six types of Yi Zhuan in Silk Manuscripts, the word `Gua-qi` is not used. However, the Gua-qi theory has already been revealed in the Yi Ching interpretation, and it was an important interpretation `method` of Pre-Chin`s Xiang Shu Yi Learning(先秦象 數易學) to make man`s work clear by reasoning of the heavenly way. It can be said that this `method` was for the humanism of the heavenly way, and it was the preparation of the Gua-qi theory which was the mainstream of Xiang Shu in Han Yi Learning.

서한(西漢) 괘기설(卦氣說)의 분괘직일법(分卦直日法) 연구

정길영 한국도교문화학회 2024 도교문화연구 Vol.61 No.-

This thesis examines the principles of the Method of Assigning Hexagrams to Days (分卦直日法) developed by Meng Xi (孟喜) within the framework of Gua-Qi Theory (卦氣說) during the Western Han Dynasty. I also explores the changes this method underwent through Jiao Yanshou (焦延壽) and Jing Fang (京房), leading to its incorporation into the Yi Wei (易緯). Meng Xi integrated the 64 hexagrams and 384 Yao (爻) of the Zhou Yi (周易) with a solar-term-based calendrical system to establish Gua-Qi Theory. He expanded the Si Zheng Gua (四正卦) mentioned in the Shuogua Zhuan (說卦傳), into hexagrams with six Yao (六爻重卦) and assigned them to the four seasons (四時) and the twenty-four solar terms (24氣), thereby creating the Theory of Si Zheng Gua (四正卦說). Additionally, Meng Xi introduced a new time unit, "Six Days and Seven-Eightieths" (六日七分), to allocate the remaining 60 hexagrams (excluding the Si Zheng Gua) across the 365 1/4 days of a solar year, based on the Shifun Calendar (四分曆). This method of assigning days to hexagrams is known as the Method of Assigning Hexagrams to Days (分卦直日法). Jiao Yanshou (焦延壽), on the other hand, assigned one day to each of the Si Zheng Gua (四正卦) and allocated six days to each of the remaining 60 hexagrams, resulting in a total of 364 days governed by the 64 hexagrams. This adjustment likely aimed to compensate for the missing days left by the Si Zheng Gua in divination and to simplify the process of determining dates in practical applications. Jing Fang (京房) adopted Meng Xi's (孟喜) Theory of Six Days and Seven-Eightieths (六日七分說) as a foundation but assigned the Si Zheng Gua to the days of the two solstices and the two equinoxes (二至二分), allocating 73/80 days to the Si Zheng Gua. Jing Fang's method combined elements of both Meng Xi and Jiao Yanshou (焦延壽), particularly in his effort to align with the "Seven Days Return" (七日來復) mentioned in the hexagram text of the Fu Hexagram (復卦), which corresponds to the 11th lunar month during which the winter solstice occurs. However, Jing Fang's interpretation was criticized by later scholars for being overly contrived, rather than grounded in the principles of the Yi (易). Meng Xi's (孟喜) Theory of Six Days and Seven-Eightieths (六日七分說) continued into the Yi Wei - Jilan Tu (易緯∙稽覽圖), although it was slightly modified. Instead of shifting to another hexagram after its allotted days had passed, one Yao (爻) from each of five hexagrams was alternately assigned to govern approximately one day. The Jilan Tu (稽覽圖) also contains the allocation of 73/80 of a day to the Si Zheng Gua (四正卦) by Jing Fang (京房). The incorporation of both Meng Xi’s and Jing Fang’s Methods of Assigning Hexagrams to Days (分卦直日法) in the Jilan Tu is considered significant evidence that their studies in Yi Studies (易學) served as foundational sources for the Yi Wei - Jilan Tu (易緯∙稽覽圖). 본 논문은 서한(西漢) 시기의 괘기설(卦氣說) 중 맹희가 창안한 분괘직일법(分卦直日法)의 원리를 고찰하고, 초연수와 경방을 거쳐 『역위』에 이르기까지 변화해 온 과정을 탐구하였다. 맹희는 『주역』의 64괘와 384효를 절기 기반의 역법(曆法)과 결합하여 괘기설의 체계를 구축했다. 그는 「설괘전」에 나오는 사정괘(四正卦)를 육효중괘로 확장하여 사시(四時)와 24기(氣)를 배정하는 ‘사정괘설’을 창안했다. 또한 사정괘를 제외한 나머지 60개의 괘가 사분력에 따른 1년의 일수인 365와 1/4일을 담당하도록 ‘육일칠분(六日七分)’이라는 새로운 시간 단위를 창안했다. 이처럼 괘에 일수를 배정하는 방식이 바로 ‘분괘직일법’이다. 초연수는 맹희와 달리 사정괘에도 1일씩 배정하고, 나머지 60괘에 6일씩 배정하여 64괘가 총 364일을 주관하도록 했다. 이는 점단(占斷)에서 사정괘에 일수가 배정되지 않는 공백을 메우고, 점단을 실생활에 적용하면서 날짜를 파악하는 번거로움을 해소하기 위한 방편으로 보인다. 경방은 맹희의 육일칠분을 기본으로 사용하되, 이지이분이 든 날에 사정괘를 배정하고 73/80일에 해당하는 73분을 할당하였다. 이러한 경방의 분괘직일법은 맹희와 초연수의 방법을 조합한 것으로, 특히 동지가 든 음력 11월의 벽괘인 복(復)괘의 ‘칠일래복(七日來復)’이란 괘사와 일치시키려는 시도였다. 그러나 경방의 이러한 해석은 다수의 후대 학자들에 의해 역(易)의 원리보다는 단순한 끼워 맞춤이라는 비판을 받았다. 맹희의 육일칠분설은 『역위∙계람도』에도 이어졌으나, 각 괘가 육일칠분을 주관한 뒤 다른 괘로 넘어가는 방식이 아니라 5개 괘의 한 효씩 번갈아가며 대략 1일을 담당하는 차이를 보인다. 또한 「계람도」는 사정괘에 73/80일을 배정하는 경방의 분괘직일법의 내용도 수록하고 있다. 후대에 작성된 「계람도」는 맹희와 경방의 분괘직일법을 모두 수용하고 있으며, 이는 맹희와 경방의 역학이 『역위∙계람도』의 출처임을 보여주는 근거로 판단된다.

조선전기 과시의 신설과정

최광만(Choi, Kwang Man) 교육사학회 2013 교육사학연구 Vol.23 No.2

본 연구는 조선후기 과시제도를 구성하는 개별 과시가 조선 전기에 어떠한 과정을 거쳐 신설되고 변화하였는지를 고찰하였다. 연구의 결과는 다음과 같다. 첫째 15세기의 과시는 성균관 유생을 대상으로 하는 춘추과시, 사학생과 각 도 교생을 대상으로 하는 도회가 있었다. 태종대에 권학사목 에 의하여 과시법이 모색되고, 세종대에 춘추과시와 도회 규정이 정비되면서 각각 과시로서 성립되었다. 세조대에는 경학교육을 강조하였기 때문에 일시적으로 제술 중심의 과시는 약화되었지만, 예종대에 다시 재개되어 성종대에는 『경국대전』 <장권>의 규정으로 수록되었다. 둘째 16세기에는 다양한 과시가 마련되었다. 16세기의 과시들은 이전의 춘추과시·도회와 같이 『경국대전』의 과시를 계승한 유형, 윤강·윤차 및 승보와 같이 학교시가 과시로 변화된 유형 그리고 정시·전강과 같이 신설된 유형으로 구분된다. 승보는 일찍부터 과시로 운영된 듯하지만, 나머지 과시들은 주로 중종과 명종대에 과시로 법제화되었다. 이러한 과시의 신설 경향은 지속적으로 강화되었다. 셋째 조선전기에 다양한 과시가 신설된 요인은 표층적·심층적 두 측면에서 살펴 볼 수 있다. 표층적인 요인으로는 제술·고강 병행정책을 들 수 있다. 제술과 고강을 병행하려는 정책 때문에 제술로 평가하는 과시와 고강으로 평가하는 과시가 상호 상승작용을 일으킨 것이다. 또한 심층적인 요인으로는 교육진흥에 관한 당시의 인식을 들 수 있다. 조선전기의 교육당국은 유생들이 자발적으로 학교에 오도록 유도해야 한다는 기본 인식이 있었고, 이 때문에 강한 인센티브를 주는 과시를 활용하였던 것이다. 이점에서 과시는 강제력을 동원하지 않으면서 교육을 진흥시키려는 고심의 산물이라고 할 수 있다. This study is to follow the estabishment of Gua-Si in 15C-16C of Jo-Seon Dynasty. Gua-Si means the test which evaluates the students, selects some ones and gives the incentive to enter themselves for the second or the last stage of national examination for recruiting bureaucrats. Conclusions are as follows. First, in 15C, only two Gua-Sis were established. Those were Chun-Chu-Gua-Si and Do-Hue. The former was for the students of Seong-Gyun-Gwan(National University) and the second was for the students of Sa-Hak(National Secondary Schools) and Hyang-Gyo(Public Distruct Schools). Second, in 16C, many new Gua-Sis appeared. For example, Jeon-Si? Jeon-Gang(for Seong-Gyun-Gwan), Yun-Gang?Yung-Cha (for Seong-Gyun-Gwan and Sa-Hak) and Seung-Bo(for Sa-Hak) were instituted. And the former Gua-Sis, eg. Chun-Chu-Gua-Si and Do-Hue were strengthened. Third, the factor of the increasing Gua-Sis was the educational policy which balanced the educuation of philosophy and literature. But the cognition of the educational authorities which guaranteed the autonomy of the students more deeply influenced the process. In short, Gua-Si was the product of the educational ado in the 15C-16C of Jo-Seon Dynasty.

한국고대신목신앙에 대한 역철학적 고찰

이선행 한서대학교 동양고전연구소 2011 동방학 Vol.21 No.-

What we could consider as ancient Korean beliefs in sacred trees are found from Shindansoo(the sacred tree) of Dangun mythology, Moksooshin(the wooden statue of Lady Yuwha) at the Ritual of Dongmaeng of the ancient Korean kingdom of Goguryo and Sottae(the pole of prayer) of the belief in Sodo(the sacred district) of the ancient Korean kingdom Mahan, Soorim(the sacred forest) of the ancient Korean Kingdom Shilla. The common point among them is that the divine will of the Heaven is handed down to the human world through the sacred trees and they were the targets of prayers and rituals for righteous human political affairs. The divine will from the Heaven is represented as Hong-ick-in-gan(Benefit all mankind) and the righteous political affairs in the human world are realized as Jae-seh-yi-hwa(Rule the world and enlighten mankind) and Kwang-myoung-yi-seh(Rule the world with the light of truth). Xùn gua in the Book of Changes symbolizes a tree or wind. The trigrams including Xùn gua symbolizing trees mainly focus on identifying the way of Heaven or the way of God revealed by a saint with a Goonja(the wise man)'s morality. The trigrams including Xùn gua symbolizing wind clarify the principles for Goonja realizing the way of Heaven or the way of God and cultivating his virtue to rule over the world . The ancient Korean beliefs in sacred trees are also interpreted as what Xùn gua in the Book of Changes means. Hong-ick-in-gan(Benefit all mankind) can be represented as Fēng-léi-yì gua, the prayer of Ungnyo(the woman of Bear) under the Shindansoo can be explained as Fēng-shān-jiàn gua and Najeong(The Well of Shilla) where Hyukguseh was born can be interpreted as Shuǐ-fēng-jǐng gua. Furthermore, the process of realizing the way of Heaven or the way of God can be explained by Huǒ-fēng-dǐng gua, Fēng-de-guān gua and Fēng-shuǐ-huàn gua containing the principles of rites practiced in the rituals.The trigrams symbolizing to practice the way of Heaven or the way of God represent the Xùn quas meaning wind, in addition, the indigenous Korean thought represented by Pungryudo(The way of wind and flow) can be inferred through this. The Pungryudo is the principle of practicing the morality to recognize the way of Heaven and edify the world. 한국 고대 신목신앙으로 볼 수 있는 것들은 단군신화의 신단수와 고구려 동맹제의의 목수신 그리고 마한의 소도신앙의 솟대와 신라의 수림을 찾아 볼 수 있는데, 그 공통적인 요소는 하늘의 뜻이 이 신목을 통해 인간세상에 내려온다는 것과 인간의 바른 정사를 위해 기도와 제사를 하는 대상이었다는 점이다. 신목을 통해 내려오는 하늘의 뜻은 홍익인간으로 대표되고, 인간세상에 대한 바른 정사는 재세이화와 광명이세 등으로 드러난다. 『주역』에서는 손괘(巽卦)를 나무와 바람 등으로 상징하고 있는데, 『주역』의 나무로 상징된 손괘가 들어 있는 괘들은 성인이 밝힌 천도⋅신도를 군자의 도덕성으로 주체화하는 것을 주요 내용으로 하고 있으며, 바람으로 상징된 괘들은 천도⋅신도를 자각하고 진덕수업하는 군자가 천하(天下)를 다스리는 원리를 중심으로 밝히고 있다. 한국 고대 신목신앙의 내용도 또한 『주역』의 손괘가 의미하는 내용으로 해석할 수 있다. 홍익인간의 의미는 「풍뢰익괘」로 대표할 수 있고, 웅녀의 신단수아래에서의 기원은 「풍산점괘」의 원리로 설명되어질 수 있으며, 혁거세의 탄생지인 나정은 「수풍정괘」의 원리로 풀이할 수 있다. 더 나아가 천도⋅신도를 자각하는 과정은 제의에서 행해지는 제사원리로 상징되고 있는데, 제사원리를 담고 있는 「화풍정괘」⋅「풍지관괘」⋅「풍수환괘」 등을 통해 풀이할 수 있다. 천도⋅신도를 행하는 것을 표상하는 괘들이 바로 손괘를 바람으로 상징한 괘들이며, 나아가 풍류도로 표상되는 고유사상의 내용도 바람으로 상징된 손괘를 포함한 괘들을 통해 유추할 수 있다. 바로 풍류도는 천도를 자각하여 덕으로써 세상을 교화하는 것을 내용으로 하는 도덕성의 실천원리인 것이다.

역사와 철학 : 한국고대신목신앙에 대한 역철학적 고찰

이선행 ( Sun Haeng Yi ) 한서대학교 동양고전연구소 2011 동방학 Vol.21 No.-

What we could consider as ancient Korean beliefs in sacred trees are found from Shindansoo(the sacred tree) of Dangun mythology, Moksooshin(the wooden statue of Lady Yuwha) at the Ritual of Dongmaeng of the ancient Korean kingdom of Goguryo and Sottae(the pole of prayer) of the belief in Sodo(the sacred district) of the ancient Korean kingdom Mahan, Soorim(the sacred forest) of the ancient Korean Kingdom Shilla. The common point among them is that the divine will of the Heaven is handed down to the human world through the sacred trees and they were the targets of prayers and rituals for righteous human political affairs. The divine will from the Heaven is represented as Hong-ick-in-gan(Benefit all mankind) and the righteous political affairs in the human world are realized as Jae-seh-yi-hwa(Rule the world and enlighten mankind) and Kwang-myoung-yi-seh(Rule the world with the light of truth). Xun gua in the Book of Changes symbolizes a tree or wind. The trigrams including Xun gua symbolizing trees mainly focus on identifying the way of Heaven or the way of God revealed by a saint with a Goonja(the wise man)`s morality. The trigrams including Xun gua symbolizing wind clarify the principles for Goonja realizing the way of Heaven or the way of God and cultivating his virtue to rule over the world. The ancient Korean beliefs in sacred trees are also interpreted as what Xun gua in the Book of Changes means. Hong-ick-in-gan(Benefit all mankind) can be represented as Feng-lei-yi gua, the prayer of Ungnyo(the woman of Bear) under the Shindansoo can be explained as Feng-shan-jian gua and Najeong(The Well of Shilla) where Hyukguseh was born can be interpreted as Shui-feng-jing gua. Furthermore, the process of realizing the way of Heaven or the way of God can be explained by Huo-feng-ding gua, Feng-de-guan gua and Feng-shui-huan gua containing the principles of rites practiced in the rituals.The trigrams symbolizing to practice the way of Heaven or the way of God represent the Xun quas meaning wind, in addition, the indigenous Korean thought represented by Pungryudo(The way of wind and flow) can be inferred through this. The Pungryudo is the principle of practicing the morality to recognize the way of Heaven and edify the world.

茶山 丁若鏞의 호체론 분석을 통해서 본 互體法의 정당성

오성곤 (사)율곡학회 2025 율곡학연구 Vol.59 No.-

The purpose of this paper is to analyse Tasan Jeong Yak-yong's(1762-1836) huti theory(互體論) to examine the reason or necessity and justification for applying huti to the interpretation of the Gua-hsiao-ci(卦爻辭) of the Zhouyi(周易) based on the preface of the Zhouyisijian(周易四箋). The term huti refers to the Zhouyi research methodology and interpretive principles advocated by Tasan: tuiyi(推移, the transition of the Gua), wuxiang(物象, the symbolic image of things), and huti(互體, the piling structure of the Gua), hsiaobian(爻變, the change of Hsiao), the third theory, which also includes the methods of daihu(大互), jianhu(兼互), daohu(倒互), weifu(位伏), panhe(牉合), and lianghuzuokua(兩互作卦). Tasan's four methodological principles are based on his original view that the bagua(八卦), the 64 hexagrams(重卦), wuxiang(物象, the symbolic image of things), guabian(卦變) and hsiaobian(爻變) methods of the Shuo Gua(說卦) arose temporarily during the Fuxi(伏羲) period, The huti theory is a concise expression of the quxiang(取象) theory of the xiang-shu(象數) scholars, and its specific aim is to better grasp the symbolism of the gua-hsiao(卦爻) and uncover its potential meanings. Tasan argues for the legitimacy of huti from the 64 hexagrams structure itself. He cites as the reason for the occurrence of huti that the six hsiao(六爻) in the zhonggua(重卦) are consecutive, and the six hsiao between the zhonggua are separated from each other, yet connected to each other, so that there is no way to analyse them clearly. This means that huti is inherently latent in the hexagrams(divinatory symbols, 卦象) themselves. In order to understand the meaning of hexagrams and gua-hsiao-ci, one must consider the continuity of the six hsiao, for within a single gua(卦), there are not only the two upper and lower gua(卦), but also various ways of connecting the six hsiao, and huti represents them. Therefore, huti can be said to be the basic concept for interpreting the Zhouyi. This paper has also discussed the main issues in the historical debates over the huti theory, the necessity or importance of huti, and the characteristics, significance and limitations of the fertility huti theory.

서사의 상상력에서 본 주역의 괘효사와 그 해석의 지평 - 주대의 역사이야기를 중심으로 -

김연재 ( Kim Yon-jae ) 충남대학교 유학연구소 2020 유학연구 Vol.50 No.-

This essay is to explicate the issue of how can Yijing be approached as the book of divine art. The main point is Gua-yao-ci translating a ceratin divinatory sign. Here is a horizon of understanding according to a narrative imagination. The narrative of Gua-yao-ci in Yijing can be called changeological narrative, in that it is concerned with divinatory signs. Gua-yao-ci is to the words of describing the historical events of the King Wen between Shang and Zhou dynasties according to the purpose of Gua-ming (卦名) and contents of divinatory signs. Particularly, it is to make typical exemplifications individual events and situations in sequence over time according to the purpose of Gua-ming. Here are a judgment of facts, a judgment of value, and their relationship. Explicating their internal relationship is equivalent to understanding some implications of Yili through a narrative of historical exemplifications. This method of understanding can be classified into the changeology of Yili which is in contrast with the changeology of Xiangshu (象數). And it is traditionally regarded as the book of historyKongju National University in the sense of explaining the result of divinatory signs concerning historical events. Recently, anecdotes of Gua-yao-ci, in describing narratives of history, are making considerable progress towards the directions of culture contents or history contents in the sense of guiding even moral contents as well as having instructions of human life.