천두슈의 중국식 민주주의의 모색

김현주 한국중국문화학회 2020 中國學論叢 Vol.0 No.65

Chen Du-xiu, a leading thinker and revolutionist in modern China, is the person who showed an ideological upheaval from liberalism to socialism. He called for personal freedom and the values of the individual, but when he came upon a national crisis and the Russian Revolution succeeded, he converted to socialism. In the process, he combined democracy with ethnicity to lay the foundation for Chinese social democracy. As one of representative thinkers of modern China, he changed his position for Chinese people and Chinese society, and it soon formed the basis of modern Chinese socialism, emphasizing the right to the survival of the people and people’s democracy.

1919년 중국의 문단 — 『신청년』 그룹을 중심으로 —

이보경 한림대학교 한림과학원 2019 개념과 소통 Vol.0 No.23

본고는 1919년 중국의 문단을 『신청년』 그룹의 동향을 통해 살펴보았다. 이 시기의 변동을 자세히 들여다보기 위해 『신청년』을 둘러싸고 『매주평론』과 『신조』 사이의 협력과 긴장을 시간의 순서에 따라 되짚어 보았다. 『신청년』 그룹이 『매주평론』을 창간한 것은 우승열패의 생물학적 진화론이 아니라 ‘상호부조’를 실천하는 ‘신기원’에 대한 소망과 연관되어 있었다. 『신조』의 창간은 베이징대학 학생들이 주도했지만, 그것은 동시에 『신청년』 편집인들의 후속 세대 양성 프로젝트이기도 했다. 『신조』의 편집인들은 ‘밤 고양이’와 ‘화롯불’로 자처한다. 밤새 학술에 정진하겠다는 의지의 표명으로 선배 세대와의 차이를 강조한 것이다. 『신청년』, 『매주평론』, 『신조』는 단단한 트라이앵글을 형성하여 구파 문인들을 신기원의 ‘희생양’으로 삼아 담론 권력을 장악하는 데 성공한다. 그런데 5·4운동 직후 이들은 결별의 길을 걸어간다. 체포된 천두슈를 대신한 후스는 『매주평론』의방향을 ‘문제’ 중심으로 바꾸고자 하고, 『신조』의 독서회 성격을 강화하여 ‘학술’ 에 집중하도록 견인한다. 반면 『신청년』은 ‘마르크스주의 특집호’를 필두로 정치적으로 보다 급진화된 모습을 보여 준다. 이 결과 1917년 상하이에서 베이징으로 옮겨 오면서 시작된 동인지시대는 막을 내리게 된다. 중국 문단은 이후 학술지향과 정치 지향이라는 두 개의 길로 나뉜다. 마지막으로 1919년 『신청년』 그룹의 행위를 추동한 ‘수치’의 ‘정동’을 간단하게 살펴보았다. 그것은 공교롭게도조선의 독립운동에 대한 반응과도 연관되어 있음을 알 수 있었다. This essay explores Chinese literary circles of 1919, specifically the New Youth literary coterie. The changes which occurred during this period are examined through a chronological account of the tensions and interactions which arose between contributors to New Youth and other literary publications, especially The Weekly Review and Renaissance. The founding of The Weekly Review by some of the New Youth literary coterie displayed their competitive ethos as well as their hopes for the “new era” as a expression of “mutual assistance.” Renaissance was founded by Peking University students, and the editors of New Youth saw it as a useful platform to promote their ideas to the younger generation. The editors of Renaissance described themselves as “night cats” and “brazier flames,” and they distinguished themselves from earlier generations through their relentless academic fervor. These three publications, New Youth, The Weekly Review, and Renaissance, together formed an influential triangle which successfully dominated Chinese literary circles by scapegoating traditional intellectuals in their quest to establish the new era. After the May Fourth Movement, however, their paths divided. Following the arrest of Chen Duxiu, Hu Shi sought to change the direction of The Weekly Review by focusing on “problems.” This reinforced the academic emphasis of Renaissance, and in contrast New Youth became politically more radical, starting with a “Special Issue on Marxism,” and also relocated from Shanghai to Beijing. Chinese literary circles subsequently became increasingly concerned with academic trends and political issues. Interestingly, the New Youth literary coterie became ashamed of their former stance, which encouraged their role in the independence movement of Choson Korea.

초기 『신청년』에서 전개된 "청년" 담론의 기원과 성격

송인재 ( In Jae Song ) 성균관대학교 인문과학연구소 2010 人文科學 Vol.0 No.45

논문 : 20세기 전반기 중국의 "인권"과 국가

송인재 ( In Jae Song ) 한국철학사상연구회 2012 시대와 철학 Vol.23 No.4

인권은 근대 시민혁명이 낳은 현대 민주주의의 보편적 기본 이념이다. 한편 오늘날 중국은 사회의 많은 영역에서 통제가 심하고 당-국체제가 온존하고 있어 ``인권사각지대``, ``인권 취약국``라고 비판받고 있다. 이처럼 중국에서는 국가와 ``인권``이 갈등 관계에 있다. 시선을 19세기 말과 20세치 초로돌려보면 ``인권``이 국가에 우선시 되는 사유가 널리 퍼졌음이 발견된다. 천두슈는 인권이 서양현대문명의 양대 동력이라 파악했다. 더욱이 20세기 초 중국에서는 국가의 권력이 절대적인 것이 아니고 개개인의 권리를 조금씩 양도해서 형성된 것이며 인권이 국권의 근간이라는 사유가 유행했다. 이처럼당시 중국에서 인권은 국가의 생존과 발전을 위해 유보할 것이 아니라 적극발양해야 할 가치로 인지되었다. 1930년에 발간된 자유주의자의 정론집 『인권논집』은 인권 보장을 제기하며 난징정부의 사회 통제에 저항했다. 여기서후스와 뤄룽지는 법이라는 제도적 틀을 마련해서 인권을 보장하라고 요구했다. 인권이 주권보다 우위에 있고 국가 생존의 근간이라고 사유했던 20세기초 중국인들의 인권 사상은 지역적 특수성 혹은 국가의 생존을 빌미로 정치적 민주주의를 유보하는 경향에 대한 반박의 계기를 제공한다. Human rights rose as the new idea of new age after modern civil revolution, and it is the core idea of modern democracy. Nowadays China is criticized as ``the blind spot of human rights`` or ``the state of the vulnerable human rights``, because social control is too tight and the system of the party-state remains yet in China. So there is a conflict between Human rights and state in China. If avert our eyes to early 20C, we can find that Human rights was put before state universally. For example, Chen Duxiu regarded Human rights as one of the main power of modern western civilization. Furthermore, many thinkers thought that the power of the state is not absolute but constructed from a little part of the rights of the individual and Human rights is the foundation of the national sovereignty. Like this, some of modern chinese thought that human rights must be enhanced not be abandoned for the survival and development of the state. In 1930 Hu Shi and some of the Chinese liberalists published Human Rights Debates(人權論集). It was the means for resist to the social control of Nanjing Government. In this Luo Longji proposed that the law must be the mechanism for the safeguard for human rights. The thoughts of Human rights of early 20C China is contrast to the policy on Human rights in China. It says to us that Human right cannot be put off for the reason of the survival of state.

20세기 후반기 한국에서의 5ㆍ4운동 연구사

林相範(Lim Sangbum) 중국근현대사학회 2014 중국근현대사연구 Vol.64 No.-

This article organizes various researches on May Fourth Movement done in South Korea in th 20th century, and prepares for publishing the research on May Fourth Movement. Until early 1980s, South Korea could not achieve innovative research accomplishments because of the anti-Communist ideology, the Positivist research approaches, and the lack of primary sources. By the mid-1980s, up and rising researchers began working on research subjects and methodologies according to the needs of the Korean society, and research with purely academic purposes and revolutionary perspectives proceeded. As a result, in the mid-1990s, based on the achievement of the previous researches, independent researches were conducted; these researches were introduction of a multitude of new ideologies, and improved research subjects on Literature Revolution, the formation of a nation state, reflection on Modernity, and concern on writings. The next article on May Fourth Movement done in the 21st century’s fields of modern Chinese history and modern Chinese literature will examine how the aforementioned researches advanced so far and ponder on how the research perspectives and content should be based on our lives.

1919년 5~6월에 베이징인의 대사(大事)와 세고(細故)

임상범(Lim Sang-Bum) 역사학회 2012 역사학보 Vol.0 No.213

The approach to the May Fourth Movement is closely related to an individual researcher’s academic and political stance. Chinese scholars tend to have an elitist perspective. The author has set a goal to provide a new perspective on the May Fourth Movement. The main interest in this article is how the Movement indeed meant to the ordinary citizens of Beijing at that time. Hence, the article focuses on the relationship between the Movement and the various personal events that the Beijing citizens experienced. The author utilizes the Beijing police reports as the source of Beijing citizens’ lives in order to study the Movement in a different light. In the past, the May Fourth Movement was a symbol of Chinese intellectuals’ efforts to build a nation state and to adopt ‘modernity’. Rather, this article focuses on the lives of ordinary Beijing citizens during the Movement by reconstituting various personal affairs of Beijing citizens at that time. These personal events may have occurred intermittently during the rapid change of the city, and yet provide a different perspective that has never been presented in the previous scholarships. This article is also a reconstructed chronicle of the various personal events in Bejing at the time of the May Fourth Movement.

신문화 운동기 중국 지식인의 종교논쟁

이재령(Lee, Jae-ryoung) 중국근현대사학회 2021 중국근현대사연구 Vol.92 No.-

This paper is to synthetically understand the analysis of intellects’ perception on religious studies and Christianity during the New Culture Movement which became the theoretical basement of the 1920’s anti-Christianity movement. As the revival of Confucianism during Yuan Shikai’s reign became active, opposition from Christianity and other religious circles immediately intensified. Students and intellects baptized from western sciences and thoughts refused Confucianism as state religion and claimed anti-religion. Through New Youths, Young China, Life, and so on, religious debates of the period can be grasped. Marxists defined religions as fantasies of future world and as opium of suppressed people, and asserted abolishment of them. Anarchists perceived religions as a kind of authoritative systems, and discerned that they infringed sciences and disturbed free developments of individual human beings. Scientism advocated that as all kinds of phenomena and problems among mankinds and in societies could be resolved within sciences, sciences should replace religions. Such anti-religious trends arose from opposition against Confucianism as state religion, and rapidly spread out within the upsurge of nationalism and anti-imperialism. Regarding religions, Liang Qichao and Cai Yuanpei Chen Duxiu differed in their opinions by pros and cons, but were same in the point in which they understood religions as productions of emotions. Cai Yuanpei, the naysayer, separated religions from the boundaries of morals and education, and replaced them with aesthetic education. Chen Duxiu recognized the greatness and existence of Jesus from the emotional perspective excluding the sacred, and cultivated deep-seated affection by himself. Liu Boming Liang Shumíng Tu Xiaoshi who were friendly toward religions claimed that the essence of religions as a transcendental inner tendency is placed in each individual’s mind, and that it ought to be cultivated and guided. At the same time, they saw that a religion can be a competence maintaining social orders and cultural spirits. For the result from the fact that western science and ration overwhelmed hereditary Confucian tradition, the assertion that science should replace religion became fierce. Hu Shi with a strong atheistic tendency admired Jesus, but he respected merely his personality and achievements, and Christianity was not his religion. Chen Duxiu also fiercely criticized the Confucian tradition, saying that Jesus" personality is admirable, but Christian doctrine is unreliable on scientific grounds. Among Chinese intellects in the early 20<SUP>th</SUP> century, science gradually became an icon, it became hard to accept the value of religions’ existence within the trust on all-mighty of science. Youths and students thought that all religions were unscientific superstitions, and that as religions deprived human-beings’ rational capabilities and restrained liberty, so they were the biggest obstacles against humans’ progress. Regarding such all-mightiness of science, there were warnings and criticisms from Ling Qichao, but they did not show much power. The religious debates during the New Culture Movement can be considered as the victory of science. The status of science after the establishment of the Republic of China was never doubtable. Nevertheless, through this debate Chinese intellects could cultivate perceptions on religions and the Mystic Learning, and came to be incapable to unilaterally underestimate or to lightly judge religions. Also, church leaders came to keep an eye on the turbulent reality of China and to actively respond toward later issues of anti-religion and anti-Christianity.

20세기 초 중국의 니체 수용과 신문화운동

김정현 한국니체학회 2023 니체연구 Vol.44 No.-

The acceptance of Nietzsche in China in the early 20th century is closely related to the upheaval of Chinese modern history. In particular, after 1915, the New Culture Movement emerged in China that criticized the traditional Confucian worldview under the motto of anti-feudalism and anti-imperialism, pursued an interest in democracy and science, an integrated understanding of material and spiritual civilization, and a literary movement using spoken language. A group of intellectuals such as Chen Duxu, Li Dazhao, Cai Yuanfei, Lu Xun, and Hu Shi considered it necessary to understand philosophical thinking correctly as well as western science. They tried to renew China's future with youthful spirit by referring to Nietzsche's thought. In this article, I will deal with how they accepted and interpreted Nietzsche, and how they influenced the historical and cultural transformation of China. Chen Duxiu sought to establish an individual's independent and subjective life from Nietzsche's morality of master. Li Dazhao tried to inspire youth spirit based on Nietzsche's life philosophy, and Cai Yuanpei, on the other hand, criticized that Nietzsche's philosophy of superman of the strong could be linked to the German militarism. Lu Xun established the true idea of 'establishing a person' in Nietzsche's individualism and philosophy of superman. Hu Shih sought a way to rebuild Chinese civilization in Nietzsche's idea of revaluation of all values. In this article, these discussions will be analyzed in detail, and the ideological point where their interpretation is connected to the New Culture Movement will also be revealed. Their interpretation of Nietzsche provided the driving force for ideological and cultural movements emphasizing independent and sovereign life and creativity as well as historical vitality of individual self-awareness in the process of China's transition to modern times. Nietzsche played a significant role in the process of change and revolution in modern Chinese history in the early 20th century. Nietzsche's philosophical place in the context of China's modern intellectual history needs to be studied anew.

중국 민국시기(1912-1949) 사교춤에 나타난 여성해방 연구

위산산 한국무용예술학회 2023 무용예술학연구 Vol.90 No.1

The focus of this study is on social dance, which was introduced and developed in the Shanghai areaduring a 30-year period in the Republic of China. Through an analysis of social dance, this studyexamines the characteristics of the women’s liberation movement during this period. The study utilizesChen Tuhsiu’s theorstical analysis of Women’s Liberation, which includes the emancipation of the bodyand mind, social dance-related education and employment, and the improvement of social involvement. The results show that social dancing during the Republic of China reflects the process of women’sliberation and the changes in women’s social status at that time.

20세기 후반기 한국에서의 5ㆍ4운동 연구사

임상범 중국근현대사학회 2014 중국근현대사연구 Vol.64 No.-

This article organizes various researches on May Fourth Movement done in South Korea in th 20th century, and prepares for publishing the research on May Fourth Movement. Until early 1980s, South Korea could not achieve innovative research accomplishments because of the anti-Communist ideology, the Positivist research approaches, and the lack of primary sources. By the mid-1980s, up and rising researchers began working on research subjects and methodologies according to the needs of the Korean society, and research with purely academic purposes and revolutionary perspectives proceeded. As a result, in the mid-1990s, based on the achievement of the previous researches, independent researches were conducted; these researches were introduction of a multitude of new ideologies, and improved research subjects on Literature Revolution, the formation of a nation state, reflection on Modernity, and concern on writings. The next article on May Fourth Movement done in the 21st century’s fields of modern Chinese history and modern Chinese literature will examine how the aforementioned researches advanced so far and ponder on how the research perspectives and content should be based on our lives.