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      • KCI등재

        근대 중국의 세계주의와 공산주의적 세계주의의 수용

        임상범 원광대학교 한중관계연구원 2018 韓中關係硏究 Vol.4 No.1

        필자는 현재 인류의 삶이 과학기술, 경제, 사회, 문화를 비롯한 제 분야에서 새로운 단계로 진입하고 있다고 생각하고 이러한 상황을 ‘trans-humanus’ 시대라고 명명했다. 그리고 인류가 직면한 경제적, 사회적, 존재론적 문제를 해결하기 위해서는 역사에서 세계시민주의적 관점으로 시야를 돌려야 한다고 생각하고, 중국에서 근대적 세계주의가 어떻게 전파되고 수용되며 변용되었는지 살펴보았다. 우선 19세 말 20세기 초 세계의 변화를 염두에 두고 康有爲와 무정부주의자들에 의해 소개된 세계주의의 내용을 재검토했다. 다음 5・4 사건을 전후한 시기에 중국인들이 자유주의와 무정부주의적 세계주의에서 국제주의를 받아들이는 이유를 그들이 직면했던 세계의 변화와 자기 삶의 경험을 고려하면서 보충 설명했다. 이어서 중국공산주의자들이 레닌과 코민테른의 세계혁명론에 입각한 세계주의를 받아들인 뒤 스탈린의 일국 사회주의에 의해 변색된 울리히 벡의 용어인 ‘가짜 세계시민주의’에 익숙해지는 과정과 그 결과를 살펴보았다. 그리고 중국공산당은 현재도 스탈린식 국제주의론에 바탕을 둔 애국주의와 국제주의를 고집하고 있다. I think that human life is now entering a new stage in science, technology, society, and culture. I named it the 'trans-humanus' Age. I think we should have a cosmopolitanism perspective to solve the economic, social and ontological problems facing mankind. So, I have examined how modern cosmopolitanism is propagated, accepted and transformed in China. I reviewed the contents of cosmopolitanism that was introduced by Kangyouwei and anarchists. During the May-fourth period, I explained why the Chinese acceptted to Lenin and the Comintern internationalism. At that time, I considered the changes and experiences of the world that they faced. Here we have seen the process and results of the Chinese communists becoming accustomed to the 'fake world civilization' that has been discredited by Stalin's national socialism. And the Chinese Communist Party still insists on patriotism and internationalism based on Stalinist internationalism.

      • KCI등재

        당대 중국 문화의 상품화와 ‘80허우’

        임상범 중국근현대사학회 2014 중국근현대사연구 Vol.62 No.-

        China has finally realized its ‘peaceful rise.’ Now, rather than just a rise to one of many great powers, China wants to become an empire, and that means China wants to build a cultural soft power as well. Here, I intend to look at the correlation between ongoing commercialization of culture in China and ‘Balinghou’, the group that will lead the nation in its near future. In the era of commercialization that accompanied neoliberalizaton, the ‘Balinghou’ share a certain social experience in the commercialization of culture. Xiao Shenyang, an Er-ren Zhuan actor, represents the ‘Balinghou’ experience. With help from his mentor Zhao Benshan, he created a TV show for CCTV, ‘Chunwan’, which depicts everyday life of the mass in a medium of culutural and yet commercial product. Also, a TV Producer Zhao Baogang depicted the life and emotions of ‘Balinghou’ in the ‘Fendou’. However, he is criticized that his depiction focuses on few-and-far-between well off, middle class ‘Balinghou’ people rather than on sober reality that most ‘Balinghou’ people face. Han Han started as a fiction writer crtically praised for writing stories that depict real lives of the ‘Balinghou’. Later, he emerged as a public intellectual by being a cyber pundit. However, even his emergence is sometimes criticized as a commercialization of cultural criticism, to meet the market's demand in it. Currently, nothing in China can avoid consideration of commercialization, but that does not mean there is any accompanied progress of either modern individiualism or modern liberty. This phenomenon is a result of mixture between the traditional Chinese society and spread of socialism within. And such a phenomenon is, de facto, the Chinese socialism.

      • KCI등재

        20세기 후반기 한국에서의 5ㆍ4운동 연구사

        임상범 중국근현대사학회 2014 중국근현대사연구 Vol.64 No.-

        This article organizes various researches on May Fourth Movement done in South Korea in th 20th century, and prepares for publishing the research on May Fourth Movement. Until early 1980s, South Korea could not achieve innovative research accomplishments because of the anti-Communist ideology, the Positivist research approaches, and the lack of primary sources. By the mid-1980s, up and rising researchers began working on research subjects and methodologies according to the needs of the Korean society, and research with purely academic purposes and revolutionary perspectives proceeded. As a result, in the mid-1990s, based on the achievement of the previous researches, independent researches were conducted; these researches were introduction of a multitude of new ideologies, and improved research subjects on Literature Revolution, the formation of a nation state, reflection on Modernity, and concern on writings. The next article on May Fourth Movement done in the 21st century’s fields of modern Chinese history and modern Chinese literature will examine how the aforementioned researches advanced so far and ponder on how the research perspectives and content should be based on our lives.

      • KCI등재후보

        중국의 남한 정부 수립에 대한 인식: 1948년 5월부터 8월까지의 신문기사를 중심으로

        임상범 역사학연구회 2008 사총 Vol.67 No.-

        1948 was a year when China experienced a number of civil wars which determined the fate of China. It was a year when Republic of Korea determined its fate as well. This paper focuses on how the Chinese media reported on the establishment of the South Korean government. In order to do so, this paper compares Dagongbao, a rather neutral newspaper, with government- friendly ones such as Zhongyangribao, Shenbao, and the communist party's official newspaper Jinsuiribao. The Chinese newspapers of the time mostly reported on the incidents in South Korea that resembled the domestic affairs in China. While the articles were usually written with a unbiased voice, the voice still came from a perspective of the domestic affairs. Therefore, most of the time, the newspaper articles on South Korea consisted of establishment of the parliament, the constitution, election of the president, organization of administrative system. However what mattered most to the Chinese media was whether there would be a civil war in South Korea that resembles the ones in China. These topics reflect what was most discussed in the Chinese society at that time.

      • KCI등재

        辛亥革命以来韩中关系史硏究与初中历史敎育

        임상범 한국중국학회 2011 國際中國學硏究 Vol.0 No.14

        近來韓國明顯對國家的歷史教育進行著反省, 並有些人提出, 借助‘東亞’這一假象概念對於國家的歷史認識進行反省的同時, 從市民的觀點樹立新的歷史認識作爲代替方案。進一步, 站在韓國史的立場上利用東亞史補充一國史。 其方法有比較史, 研究區分時代的空間範圍, 分析文化交流的理由和或成。 另一方面, 從1980年代後期開始, 韓國的中國史界提出新的中國史研究方向, 即比較史作爲建立‘東亞的歷史像’的方法。 後來中國近現代史學界進行了若幹個有關比較史的研究。在這一情形下, 從2011年開始, 初中的韓國史與世界史合並成爲一個歷史課本。 從2012年開始高中二、 三年級將‘東亞史’規定爲選授科目。 這一科目的教育目標爲‘從過去開始相互間緊密交流……對於東亞共同歷史形成的整體性進行深層的理解並尋求地區共同發展與和平’。 但是在選擇教材具體內容方面有了一些苦惱, 提出了有必要跨越國家與國家之間的界線擴大研究, 變化研究模式。 並且不要單純地比較史, 有必要對外交文化的收容、 變化過程、 社會化等進行敘述的同時, 通過它有必要促使國民國家之間進行視角相對化的交流史。 或許人們對於交流史的歷史敘述可否代替傳統的民族史的框架會表示質疑, 不過地區和地區之間, 國家與國家之間, 文明與文明之間的交流史研究才剛剛開始。那麼東亞史研究作爲比較史與交流史的重要課題所強調, 關系史在當今的學術界有何種意義? 到目前爲止除了一國史的研究之外, 對於關系史的研究站明顯多的趨勢。 對於關系史的研究進行再研究, 以此爲基礎有必要議論以後怎樣進一步研究關系史。 不僅如此, 根據已有的有關關系史的研究爲背景, 有必要考慮以後怎樣進行比較史和交流史。本文整理辛亥革命以後的韓中關系史, 並研究這一問題在韓國初中課本中怎樣出現的, 從而影響並促進歷史教育及中國近現代史的研究。 作者首先將韓國的中國近現代史辛亥革命以来韩中关系史硏究与初中历史敎育 251學界的研究作爲研究範圍。 首先在第二章我們將根據在韓國進行的近現代韓中關系史研究作爲學術背景, 提出作爲韓國人該怎樣完成研究中國近現代史提出問題, 並且研究‘東亞話語’對中國近現代史研究有哪些影響。 第三章和第四章對近現代韓中關系研究的所有成果及其研究動向對關系史研究帶來的影響進行考察。 最後第五章, 考察即將使用的2012年初中教材《歷史》(下)中的有關韓中關系史的內容, 爲了歷史教育的發展, 韓國的中國近現代史研究者們應該做些什麼就這個問題進行討論。 今後, 作者在研究當中也將會反映這一問題。

      • KCI등재후보

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