근대 상업미술가로서의 임군홍

최유진 미술사학연구회 2019 美術史學報 Vol.- No.53

The Western-style painter Lim Gunhong(林群鴻, 1912-1979) was active in both fine art and commercial art in Gyeongseong, Manchuria, and Seoul in the 1930s and 1940s. However, because of his defection to North Korea after the outbreak of the Korean War, he has been forgotten. He did not receive a formal education in the arts, but due to his passion and tireless efforts, he established himself in the field of Western-style painting at the Joseon Art Exhibition in 1931. Following the exhibition, he was active in forming art organizations and hosting exhibitions. In addition, while moving from Yelim Studio in Gyeongseong to Hankou Art Advertising Agency in China to Goryeo Advertising Agency in Seoul, he created commercial art in the form of painting and print media. This work provided a stable economic footing for him to support a family as an artist during a period of socio-political turmoil. His commercial work began with the manufacturing of various types of art-based products and gradually developed into the production of promotional materials at advertising agencies. He consciously drew a distinction between his work as a Westernstyle artist and as a commercial artist. Unfortunately, the remaining artifacts of his life and career are insufficient for a true analysis of his design methodology. However, it is worthwhile to witness that someone straddling the border between fine art and commercial art-between ideal and reality-can find such practical means of expression. In addition, it is rewarding to explore the character of Korea’s early commercial art by relatively unknown modern artists. 서양화가 임군홍(林群鴻, 1912-1979)은 1930-1940년대 경성과 중국, 다시 서울을 무대로 화가이자 상업미술가로서 왕성한 활동을 펼쳤으나, 한국 전쟁 발발 이후 북으로 간 까닭에 잊힌 인물이다. 그는 정규미술 교육을 받지 않은 채 오로지 미술에 관한 열망과 끊임없는 노력만으로 1931년 《조선미술전람회》 서양화부에 입선하면서 화단에 등장한 이래, 자발적으로 동인을 조직하고 전시회를 주최하는 등 의욕 넘치는 활동을 한 바 있다. 동시에 경성의 ‘예림스튜디오’를 시작으로 중국 한커우(漢口)의 ‘한구미술광고사’, 서울의 ‘고려광고사’에 이르기까지 그는 거주지를 옮겨가며 실물 광고와 인쇄 매체를 활용한 상업미술 활동을 벌였고, 이는 사회·정치적으로 혼란스러운 시기임에도 불구하고 서양화가로서 안정적으로 활동하고 가정생활을 영위하는 데 탄탄한 경제적 기반이 되었다. 특히 미술을 활용한 다양한 품목의 제작 스튜디오로 시작하여 홍보물 제작 중심의 광고사로 업태를 점차 전문화한 것을 미루어 볼 때, 본연의 서양화가로서의 활동과 상업미술가로서의 활동을 의식적으로 뚜렷하게 구분하였음을 알 수 있다. 이 연구는 임군홍이라는 인물의 미술가이자 상업미술가로서의 활동상을 둘로 구분하여 시기와 공간을 기준으로 서술함으로써 각각의 분야 안에서 행한 주체적이고 독립적인 양상을 밝히려는 시도이다. 아쉽게도 현재까지 조사한 바로는 남아있는 실물 자료들이 디자인 방법론의 관점에서 분석하기에는 다소 근거가 불충분하고 수가 부족한 상황이다. 하지만 미술가와 상업미술가의 경계선에 서 있는 한 인물이 미술이라는 하나의 소재를 이상과 현실 사이에서 어떠한 양상으로 실천적 활용을 하였는가에 관한 몇몇 단서들을 발견할 수 있음에 의의를 찾고자 한다. 또한, 관련 후속 연구를 통하여 지금껏 잘 알려지지 않은 근대미술가에 의한 우리나라 초기 상업미술의 발로를 탐색해 볼 수 있을 것이다

임군홍의 중국거주 시기(1939~1946) 작품 연구

김해리(Kim Haelee) 한국근현대미술사학회 2021 한국근현대미술사학 Vol.41 No.-

임군홍(林群鴻, 1912-1979)은 한국 근대기의 양화가이자, 상업미술가, 그리고 6·25전쟁 시기 북한행을 택한 월북화가다. 1930년대 조선미술전람회, 서화미술협회전람회, 녹향회전 등을 통해 화단에서 입지를 다졌으며, 1936년에는 직접 녹과회를 조직해 젊은 미술인들과의 움직임을 도모하는 동시에 예림스튜디오라는 상업미술사를 차려 순수미술과 상업미술을 병행해 나갔다. 특히 임군홍은 1939년 중국의 한커우로 이주해 상업미술 사업을 확장하는데, 이때 얻은 경제적, 정신적 여유는 다양한 미술서적을 탐독하고 여러 미술사조의 기법을 실험하는 발판이 되었다. 이는 곧 임군홍이 중국거주 시기 다작하는 배경이 된다. 따라서 국내 화단과 떨어져 비교적 자유롭게 창작 활동에 전념했던 중국거주 시기는 임군홍 작품세계의 핵심적인 때이다. 임군홍은 중국 한커우의 구시가지 화루가 골목에서 한구미술광고사를 운영하는 한편 수도 베이징을 수차례 여행하면서 거주자와 여행자라는 상이한 입장에서 각 도시의 모습을 작품에 담았다. 즉 한커우에서 제작한 작품에는 타지임에도 다를바 없는 인간에 대한 애정과 관심이 반영되었다면, 베이징에서 제작한 작품에는 오히려 타국의 색다른 풍경을 포착하려는 경향이 두드러졌다. 이는 임군홍의 중국거주 시기 작품에 나타나는 주요한 특징으로, 본고는 도시별 작품을 각각 ‘일상풍경화’와 ‘명소풍경화’로 구분하여 그의 소재적, 기법적 관심을 읽어내고자 하였다. 더불어 임군홍의 작품을 일본 양화가 우메하라 류자부로(梅原龍三郞), 중국 수묵화가 장자오허(蔣兆和)와의 관계 속에서 살펴봄으로써 그를 동아시아의 미술 조류에 부응하는 국제적인 화가로 상정할 여지를 두었다. 이를 통해 임군홍을 ‘근대화가’이자 ‘재외화가’로 재평가했다는 데 의미가 있을 것이다. Lim Gunhong(林群鴻, 1912-1979) is a Korean modern artist of western painting and commercial art who defected to North Korea during the Korean War. He made his way into the art scene in the 1930s by participating in Joseon Arts Exhibition, Seowhahyupheo Art Exhibition, and Rokhyang Association Art Exhibition. In 1936, Lim established two institutions that allowed him to pursue both fine art and commercial art: ‘Rokgaheo,’ with an attempt to support upcoming artists, and ‘Yerim Studio,’ a commercial art company. In 1939, Lim immigrated to Hankou, China, and expanded his commercial art business. It was this financial and emotional stability that laid the foundation for Lim to indulge himself in numerous art article and experiment with techniques from various artistic styles, as well as support Lim’s artistic career during his prolific ‘China years.’ Therefore, the years Lim spent in China thus mark a period key to understanding Lim Gunhong’s oeuvre as he was relatively unmediated by external forces and dedicate himself to his artistic work. Lim strolled around Beijing numerous times while living in Hankou where he ran ‘Hankou Art Advertisements’ in the alleys of oldtown’s district. This hints at the possibility of the two distinct identities—a traveler and a resident—to be projected in his works that were made in respective cities. In other words, while artwork in Hankou reflects Lim’s affection and interest towards humans who are no different than those of his home, the tendency of capturing the exotic landscape of the foreign land is heightened in Beijing. This study attempts to investigate his thematic and methodological interest through categorizing these works as ‘Everyday Landscapes’ and ‘Landmark Landscapes.’ Moreover, through interpreting Lim’s works in relation to the Japanese Western-style painter Ryuzaburo Umehara(梅原龍三郞) and Chinese ink painting artist Jiang Zhaohe(蔣兆和), this study attempts to posit Lim Gunhong as an international painter in accordance with the artistic trend of East Asia. It would be a meaningful attempt to re-examine Lim as a ‘modern artist’ or an ‘abroad artist’.

권진규의 조각, 마네킹, 영화미술 - ‘조각(가)’의 경계에 대한 비판적 재고

박소현 한국근현대미술사학회(구 한국근대미술사학회) 2022 한국근현대미술사학 Vol.43 No.-

조각가 권진규는 왜 마네킹을 만들고, 왜 영화 세트를 제작했을까? 그의 마네킹 제작과 영화미술은 ‘조각가’ 권진규에게 어떤 의미였는가? 본 논문은 이러한 질문에서 출발했다. 기존의 권진규에 대한 평가는 이러한 질문에 답하기 어렵다. 특히 자살로 생을 마감한 비운의 천재 조각가라는 신화화된 예술가상으로는 그 답을 찾기 어렵다. 따라서 본 연구는 근대적 ‘조각’ 개념 자체가 근대화의 역동과 맞물리는 역사성을 띤 구성물이라는 관점에서 권진규가 예술가로서 첫걸음을 내딛고 활발한 활동을 벌였던 일본 미술계와의 관계 속에서 권진규의 ‘조각’을 재검토해 보고자 했다. 그럼으로써 그가 일본에서 조각, 마네킹 제작, 영화의 특수촬영용 미니어처 제작을 병행한 이력을 보다 확장된 ‘조각가’로서의 실천으로 포착하고자 했다. 즉 근대화 초기에 형성된 ‘조각’이라는 장르 개념이 대량생산·대량소비 사회, 대중문화 사회로의 변모 속에서 새롭게 재편되는 과정 속에서 마네킹 제작 및 영화미술이 조각가의 일로 새롭게 활기를 띠게 되었으며, 권진규가 이러한 미술사적 장면을 누구보다 생생하게 체현하고 있었음을 논했다. 그러나 일본에서의 귀국은 이러한 횡단적이고 역동적인 ‘조각(가)’의 장르 개념과의 단절을 의미했다. 영화계에서는 그를 일본에서 온 특촬 기술 전문가로만 호출해냈고, 미술계에서는 한동안 동시대적 흐름과 이질적인 조각가로 바라보았다. 시간이 흐르면서 그는 영화사에서는 잊혀진 존재로, 미술사에서는 한없이 숭고하고 비장한 ‘조각가’로만 신화화되었다. 이는 미술과 비미술, 순수예술과 문화산업, 예술과 기술 등을 가르는 뿌리 깊은 경계인식의 소산이라 할 수 있다. 이에 본 논문은 귀국 후 권진규의 영화미술 활동을 미술사의 유의미한 장면으로 복원하는 작업까지를 포함하였으며, 이러한 확장된 관점을 통해서 권진규라는 ‘조각가’가 던지고 있는 ‘조각’이라는 장르 개념 또는 경계인식에 대한 질문을 비판적으로 성찰하려 했다. Why did sculptor Kwon Jin-kyu make mannequins and why did he make a movie set? What did his mannequins and miniatures for film mean to the sculptor Kwon Jin-Kyu? This paper started with these questions. The existing evaluation of Kwon is difficult to answer these questions. In particular, it is more difficult to find the answer with the mythical artist image of a genius sculptor of misfortune who died by suicide. Therefore, this study attempted to review Kwon’s “sculpture” in his relationship with the Japanese art world, where he took his first step as an artist and vigorously engaged in artistic activities, from the perspective that the modern concept of “sculpture” itself is a historical composition. By doing so, I tried to capture his sculptures, mannequins, and miniatures for films in Japan as a more expanded practice of “sculptor.” In other words, in the society of mass production, mass consumption, and popular culture, mannequin production and special effects in film became new jobs for sculptors, and Kwon was an sculptor who experienced and expressed such an historical characteristics. Therefore, this paper included restoring Kwon’s filmography as a meaningful activities in art history, and through this expanded perspective, I tried to critically reflect on the question of the genre concept of sculpture by a sculptor Kwon Jin-kyu.

차용미술과 저작권법상 공정이용 판단 시 변형성 기준

박경신(Kyoung-Shin Park) 한국저작권위원회 2023 계간 저작권 Vol.36 No.4

타인의 저작물을 필연적으로 포함할 수밖에 없는 차용미술의 경우 원저작물이 갖는목적과 다른 목적을 가지고 새로운 의미와 메시지를 전달한다고 하더라도 저작권법상복제권 및 2차적저작물작성권과 충돌할 수밖에 없다. 특히 차용미술과 관련해서는 설사차용이 저작권 침해에 해당하더라도 현행 저작권법의 체제 내에서 저작권 제한 사유에해당하여 허용되는지 여부, 허용된다면 허용되는 범위가 주된 쟁점이 되는데 특히 저작권법 제35조의5의 저작물의 공정한 이용에 해당하는지 여부가 문제된다. 이러한 상황에서 미국의 팝스타 프린스(Prince)를 묘사한 앤디 워홀의 <오렌지 프린스>를 둘러싼2023년 5월 18일 미국 연방대법원의 Andy Warhol Foundation for the Visual Arts, Inc. v. Goldsmith 판결은 국내외에서 큰 주목을 받고 있다. 이와 관련하여 본고는 대상판결을 검토하고 대상판결에서 제시된 공정이용 법리상 차용미술의 허용 범위와 관련한 우리 저작권법 제35조의5의 해석과 관련하여 적용할 수있는 구체적인 판단 기준을 제언하고자 한다. 이를 위하여 제Ⅱ장에서 대상판결의 내용을 검토하고, 제Ⅲ장에서 대상판결의 의미를 변형성과 상업성을 중심으로 그간 차용미술과 관련된 미국 법원의 판결들과의 관계에서 검토하고 우리 저작권법 제35조의5의 해석상 시사점 및 활용 방안에 대해 살펴보고자 한다. Appropriation art borrowing or even directly copying other artists’ copyrighted works or other cultural materials is more likely to infringe copyrights under the current copyright system. In this regard, Andy Warhol Foundation v. Goldsmith, where the Supreme Court revisit its most salient fair use precedent which introduced the idea of a “transformative use”, provides some useful guidance to visual artists to avoid running foul of rights holders- even if it does leave many questions unanswered. The decision is notable for at least two reasons. First, it is the first time the Court has considered whether a visual work qualifies as transformative use. Second, and perhaps more importantly, the decision shifts the focus of the transformative use assessment. The purpose of the study is to addresses the allowable scope of appropriation art embracing other’s copyrighted works under the open-ended fair use clause in the Korean Copyright Act, introduced in 2011 in the course of implementing the Korea-US FTA, focusing on the possibility of application of the standard of a “transformativeness” and the relationship with commerciality of the use of copyrighted works.

녹향회·노장사상·상업미술 - 새 자료를 통해서 본 심영섭의 미술세계

야나가와 요스케(Yanagawa Yosuke) 인물미술사학회 2019 인물미술사학 Vol.- No.14·15

≪石農畵苑≫과 17-18세기 한국화단의 後援 문제

박효은 숭실사학회 2015 숭실사학 Vol.0 No.34

이 글은 18세기 한국의 감식안 중 한 사람인 石農 金光國(1727~1797)과 그의 회화소장품을 미술시장과의 관계 속에서 분석하여 中人收藏家의 후원자적 면모를 이해하려는 것이다. 대대로 御醫를 지낸 名門 中人家門에서 태어나 그 역시 醫官을 지낸 김광국은 평소 수집한 동서고금의 회화로 ≪石農畵苑≫이라는 화첩을 만들었다. 문화계에 상인층이 부상한 근세 동아시아의 변화에 조응되는 이 사례는 18세기 서울의 사회여건과 어떻게 관련되어 있을까? 그 현상은 조선 후기 회화 전개에 어떤 영향을 미쳤을까? 그간 김광국 연구가 생애와 소장품 파악에 집중해왔다면, 이 글은 소장품 입수경로로 조선 내외의 미술시장을 주목해 조선시대의 한국회화와 중국ㆍ일본ㆍ유럽의 산물까지 수집했던 개인이 후원자로서는 어떤 역할을 했는지를 새롭게 조명해보고자 하였다. 우선 ≪石農畵苑≫의 형식과 체재, 소장품의 입수경로를 분석해 김광국이 유통ㆍ매매의 공간, 직업화가―불특정 도시수요자의 공간, 화가―후원자 네트워크로 구성된 국내외의 미술시장으로부터 소장회화를 확보했음을 확인하였다. 세계적인 상업자본주의 조류에 간접 연결되었던 당시의 한국화단은 수장가ㆍ후원자와 미술시장이 중층적으로 겹쳐져 있는 상태였다. 여기서 주로 구입방식으로 소장회화를 확보한 그는 각각에 題評을 지어 서예가에게 쓰게끔 하고, 유명한 문장가의 序文과 跋文을 더해 소장품의 가치와 의의를 높였다. 중국 남종화가는 물론 남종화풍을 구사한 18세기 조선화가와 조선의 역대 문인화가를 높이 평가한 그는 소장품을 동시대 화가에게 열람시키고, 제평을 통해 높여주고, 작업의 계기를 마련한 동시대 화단의 후원자이기도 했다. 흥미로운 사실은 ≪石農畵苑≫에 상품단계에 접어든 문인화가와 직업화가(畵師ㆍ畵員)의 작업이나 상품으로서의 회화를 논의하기에 좋은 증거가 비교적 풍부하다는 것이다. 특히 조세걸ㆍ심사정ㆍ김홍도 작품은 명말청초 남경화단과의 관계, 축적된 畵本ㆍ畵稿를 활용한 직업화가의 작업, 불특정 도시수요자로 상정되는 고객을 위해 자기 회화를 상품화시킨 화가 등 이제껏 주목된 바 없는 18세기 조선화단의 새로운 면모를 노출시키고 있다. 그런 가운데 양반층ㆍ중인층의 후원자 네트워크에 관여했던 김광국은 유통ㆍ매매의 공간, 불특정 도시민의 공간 모두를 넘나들면서 자기 소장품 확보에 주력했다. 그 결과 소유한 작품이 각 화가의 진면목을 담은 명품이 아닌 점은 아쉽지만, 이를 체계적으로 보존하고자 애쓴 노력은 새로운 차원의 후원영역에 진입한 중인수장가의 기여를 주목케 하기에 충분하다. 특별히 좋아하는 화원화가의 작품에 내재된 예술적 경지를 인정하고 높이 평가해준 그의 면모는 18세기에 대두된 창작주체/화가의 의식 성장과 자율영역 확보를 뒷받침해준 근대지향적인 변화의 단초로 파악되는 것이다. This study is an attempt to understand the role of jungin (a middle class of educated professionals in the Joseon period) art collectors as patrons of the arts by analyzing 18th century jungin art connoisseur Seongnong Kim Gwang-guk (1727~1797) and his painting collection in the context of their relationship to the art market at the time. Born into a prestigious jungin family that had produced several generations of court physicians, Kim followed the same profession while collecting a diverse range of paintings and compiling them into a multi-volume album titled Seongnong hwawon (Seongnong's Garden of Paintings; Seongnong was Kim's pen-name). How did Kim's case, which corresponded to changes in early-modern East Asia that saw the entrance of the merchant class into the cultural realm, relate to social conditions in 18th-century Seoul? And how, as a phenomenon, did it affect the development of late-Joseon painting? While previous studies of Kim have concentrated on his life and art collection, this one focuses on the art markets, in Joseon and overseas, through which Kim acquired his works, casting new light on the role of an individual who collected Korean, Chinese, Japanese and even European works as a patron of the arts in 18th-century Joseon. Firstly, by analyzing the format of Seongnong hwawon and the channels by which Kim acquired the works in it, this study confirms that Kim acquired the works in his collection via the realm of distribution and trade, the realm of professional artists and random urban owners, and networks of artists and patrons. The Korean art world at the time, indirectly connected to trends in global commercial capitalism, was characterized by a multi-leveled overlapping of collectors, patrons and the art market. Kim, who may have purchased the majority of paintings in his collection, composed inscriptions of his own for each work and had them written out by numerous calligraphers, then further increased the value and significance of the album with forewords and postscripts by famous writers. Kim rated highly not only Chinese painters of the Southern School but also 18th-century Joseon artists who mastered the Southern School style and early-mid-Joseon literati painters. As a patron, he showed his collection to contemporary painters, elevated their artistic value to that of the great Chinese masters through his inscriptions, and provided them with opportunities to create new works. One interesting aspect of Seongnong hwawon is its relative abundance of works by literati artists and professional painters as commercial products, and of useful evidence when it comes to discussing artworks as commercial goods. The works of Jo Se-geol, Sim Sa-jeong and Kim Hong-do, in particular, expose new and previously unnoticed sides to 17th-18th-century Joseon art: its relationship to late-Ming and early-Qing Nanjing School painters; works by professional artists produced on accumulated extracts or sketches from their working processes; and artists commercializing their works for customers assumed to be random urban owners. Kim Gwang-guk, with connections to yangban (Joseon's upper class of scholar-officials) and jungin patron networks, moved between realms of distribution and trade and of anonymous urbanites while working to expand his collection. As a result, and despite the regrettable fact that the paintings in his collection are not masterpieces of the time that demonstrate the true natures of their creators, Kim's efforts to systematically preserve his works are enough to make him a representative example of a jungin collector who had entered a new dimension in art patronage. Kim's recognition and positive critiques of the artistic quality of the works by court painters of which he was particularly fond is regarded as a hint of modernity-oriented changes that supported the growth in awareness and broadened expanded autonomy of creators and painters that occurred in the eighteenth century.

1970년대 ‘동양화붐’에 대한 재고찰

강지은 동서미술문화학회 2023 미술문화연구 Vol.27 No.27

As the number of commercial art galleries increased in the 1970s, the paradigm of Korea's art world changed. People who buy works of art for investment have emerged.In the past, if works of art were produced based on the artist's creative consciousness, from this period, the artist became conscious of the preferences of art lovers. Even before 1970, oriental paintings had more trading volume than Western paintings, but sales increased sharply after the mid-1970s, and this phenomenon was called the "Oriental Painting Boom". In particular, the work of labor leaders centered on Lee Sang-beom and Byun Kwan-sik was sold at the most expensive price, followed by works by Kim Ki-chang, Cheon Gyeong-ja, Jang Woo-sung, and Park No-soo. As collecting antiques and ancient art was spotlighted as an investment hobby, great artists-Lee Sang-beom and Byun Kwan-sik- and their paintings, which are valuable as traditions, were also recognized for their economic value. In order to increase the volume of transactions, the commercial gallery held a number of special exhibitions by grouping artists from their late 30s to early 50s into 40s or middle-aged artists. The works on display were so-called hot sellers, and continued to sell out. However, in the late 1970s, the economic value of oriental painting fell due to changes in the residential environment and an increase in supply due to provisional demand. In addition, their exhibition is evaluated as "an exhibition of commercialism", and even the aesthetic value of the work is suspected. As a result, the world of Korean Traditional painting faces a crisis and problems arise. It can be summed up as excessive commercialism, retroism, and authoritarianism.. This study found the cause of ‘the Oriental painting Boom phenomenon’ and re-examined it through journals, criticism, and discourse at the time. It will be an opportunity to examine the problems that a group of the Korean Traditional painters had proposed.

1920년대 후반에서 1930년대 초반까지 일본의 추상예술

고바야시 ??스케 한국미술이론학회 2005 미술이론과 현장 Vol.3 No.-

20세기의 미술관에서 발견되는 성과 속에 대한 연구 - ‘White cube’ 전시실과 상업 공간을 중심으로 -

이단비(Lee, Dan Bee),남성택(Nam, Sung-Taeg) 대한건축학회 2020 대한건축학회 학술발표대회 논문집 Vol.40 No.1

The purpose of this study was to analyze the characteristics of the two major spatial realms, gallery and commercial space, in 20th century art museums. As we entered the 20th century, the trend of ‘white cube’ began to emerge, promoting ordinary objects into an artwork in the gallery. It is very contrary to the attitude of appreciating the artworks created for mythical stories or religious symbols in the past. Yet, commercial space, the most ordinary and worldly realm, has already infiltrated on the other side of art museums since the end of the 19th century. Today, the layout of the two realms is a crucial criterion when designing art museums. Through studying the literature and case studies, this research interpreted how galleries and commercial spaces express sacred and profane nature.

한국 근대의 기하학적 추상 디자인과 추상미술 담론: 1920-30년대의 잡지 표지 디자인을 중심으로

서유리 미술사학연구회 2010 美術史學報 Vol.- No.35

This paper researched and analyzed the geometric abstract cover design of Korean Modern magazines in 1920-30s. These designs are worthy of notice because in the history of Korean modern art there are a few abstract paintings including geometric ones. This paper surveyed geometric abstract cover design of five kinds of modern magazines-<Siningan(New Human)>, <Sidae gongron(Public Discourse of Times)>, <Haebang(Liberation)>, <Jaeilsun(The First Line)>, <Singyedan(New Stair)>, <Sinsegi(New Century)> which were published from late 1920s to middle 1930s. These geometric abstract cover designs represented a new vision for upcoming modern age and their will to construct the modern society of a new culture. Magazines' titles mean new human, new century, new stair of future, the first line forwards new culture. These geometric cover designs were introduced and disseminated through several ways. Designer such as An Sukju who studied in the early 1920s of Japan composed some new types of abstract cover. Lee Soonsuk learned his Bauhaus style abstract design in Tokyo Art School and had a welcome-home show including several book cover designs of geometric abstract. Kim Gyutaek, a cartoonist and illustrator designed most covers of <Jaeilsun>, which were similar to Japanese commercial graphic design. Some Korean designers and students could read <Gendai shogyo bijutsui zenshu(The Complete Commercial Artist)>, a twenty-four volume illustrated compendium of commercial design published in Japan, which was owned by Gyonsung Commercial High School library. Magazines published in Japan like <Genchiku sekai(World of Construction)> flowed to colony Chosun and these magazines gave a chance to see new geometric abstract designs. Geometric abstract images, a sign of modernism, visible on magazines covers could not be seen on the painting canvas of same period. In the champ of art discourse, a hegemony was in the mouths of nationalists and socialists and the modernism painting was criticized as art decadent. In the late 1930s, some new artists who took a avant-garde attitude and learned geometric abstract painting in Japan asserted that Korean art scene must accept their abstract paintings. But the geometric abstract painting was rejected by a conservative painter O Ziho and criticised by a aesthetician and Gyongsung university professor Go Yusup, a socialist writer Im Wha and other intellectuals, whose critics influenced the young avant-garde artists. The artists compromised their abstract. Therefore a sign of nationality and traditionality or morality and spirituality such as a white porcelain, a cow and a mountain appeared in their painting afterward. This eclecticism met a need of times. The times of colonized nation made the intellectuals not be able to accept modernism, a symbol of capitalism of empire, commodities of colonial commerce, without a compensation of ethics. But the magazine cover area was free from this claim for ethics because their position in hierarchy of images was low. Abstract image was on the border line between high art and low commercial design.