논문 : 웅진도독부(熊津都督府)의 성립과 운영

박지현 ( Ji Hyun Park ) 서울대학교 국사학과 2013 韓國史論 Vol.59 No.-

This study explains a process that since the fall of Baekje(百濟), Tang (唐) Dynasty established government and investigates the how Ungjin Dcxiokbu(熊津都督府) operated in its territory. Tang implemented Jimi policy(기미支配政策) to control other ethnic communities that were conquered by Tang or surrendered themselves. l11fough Jimi policy, Tang took advantage of the system which pre-existed in subjected communities. Jimi policy included the existing ruling class of those communities as administrator and kept the existing district system in their area. Accordingly, Tang could dominate Baekje more effectively, so that could successfully manage the territory of Baekje. As a result, the existing administrative districts-five Bang(方)-thirty seven Gun(郡)-two hundred Sung(城)-were renamed five Dudufu都督府, thirty seven Zhou(州), two hundred fifty Xian(縣) with little change of jurisdiction. And ruling classes of Bqekje were hired as administrators of Dudufu, Zhou, and Xian. It is supposed that Duhufu(都護府) in charge of important part in Jimi policy was established at Sabi(泗比) which was the capital of Baekje. Because Jimi policy was originally for control nomadic tribe(遊牧民族), it did not work in territory of Baekje, the agriculture society. In addition, right after the fall of Baekje, the rest of Baekje Army, Baekje Buheunggun(百濟復興軍), rose to reconstruct its nation, confronted to the domination of Tang. Tang eventually established the management system at territory of Baekje in 660, however, which was ended in failure. Tang suppressed Baekje Buheunggun with Silla(新羅) in 663, and attempted to establish government again. While Baekje Buheunggun was suppressed, the land which was once dominated by Tang came to be shrunk and Silla occupied some area of territory of Baekje. Tang and Silla agreed not to violate the border between them through Mt. Chuiri League(就利山會盟, 665). After setting the boundary line, Tang started to reorganize its district system. What interesting is that Tang adopted the district system of Baekje again. Tang designated the names of districts which were the same with the place names found in historic records and Mokgan(木簡) of precedent time. To readopt the system of Baekje had its center at Sabi, the office of Ungjin Dodokbu was established at Sabi as the hub for management. It is supported by the relics associated with Tang, and in fact, Sabi is a center in district under the direct control(直轄地) of Ungjin Dodokbu. An official governor of Ungjin Dodokbu, Dudu(都督), was also Buyeoyung who was the son of King Uija(義慈王), the last king of Baekje; ruling classes of Baekje like Yegun(니軍) were appointed as an official. In other words, Tang maintained the form of governing system of Baekje, which was very similar to Jimi policy. However, Liurenyuan(劉仁願) who was a general of Tang commanded Tang``s army and protected the territory of Ungjin Dodokbu. He was the real chief executive of Dodokbu by virtue of military power. He contacted with Silla and Wa(Yamato, (倭) as the representative of Ungjin Dodokbu and was in control of officials of Ungjin Dodokbu such as Yegun(니軍). Therefore, it is believed that Ungjin Dodokbu was mainly controlled by Tang, especially Ulirenyuan. Buyeoyung was the official governor but was in name only. Tang failed in governing Baekje in 660 because Jimi Policy was not appropriate for Baekje. So Tang changed of its policy of government. So Tang borrowed the form of Jimi policy while the actual practice of Ungjin Dodokbu was quite different from Jimi policy.

마한 사회의 印綬衣幘 전통과 백제의 金銅冠帽 사여

배재훈 호남사학회 2010 역사학연구 Vol.38 No.-

This paper attempts to investigate Gilt-bronze Crown, which were evacuated in the ancient tombs in the territory of Mahan, which is the southern part of the Korea peninsula. Study is conducted in the continuation of tradition of the seal with a sash attached, and official hat and robe, offered by Hangunhyeon to the landed power that still had the influence after Han dynasty in China. Wei(魏) which made an inroad into the Korean Peninsula through two counties called Lo-lang(Korean: Nangnang) and Tai-fang (Korean: Taebang) in the third century, and offered the seal with a sash attached, and official hat and robe, Eupgun(邑君) or Eupjang(邑長) to the influential people of Han dynasty in order to rule Han(韓) society including the head district called Shinji. It was the realization of Sinocentric policy based on local autonomy toward other races or foreign nations. After the collapse of Hangunhyeon, Goguryeo and Baekje considered themselves as the successor of Nangnang and Taebang respectively. Goguryeo set East Okjeo in the phase of 『Records of Three Kingdoms (三國志)』 and Silla in the late 4th century as subject nations. In addition, Goguryeo set Baekje as a subject nation in the reign of King Gwanggaeto the Great temporarily. According to 「The Erection of Koguryeo Monument in Jungwon(中原高句麗碑)」, Goguryeo bestowed the king of Silla and his people official hat and robe. It was a reemergence of the Han dynasty's policy based on local autonomy toward neighboring nations. Meanwhile, Baekje developed rapidly among nations of Mahan, and represented the same position as Taebang of Hangunhyeon in the fourth century and fifth century. Just as Taebang performed its role in the policy based on local autonomy toward foreign nations, Baekje desired to embody the position of Taebang by putting up its national power. It is reckoned that Baekje might have claimed the suzerainty toward foreign society. Official hat and robes, and other golden official-hats, tomb, and decorated funeral shoes have been discovered in some areas of Mahan and Gaya. The using period of Gilt-bronze Crown, discovered in areas of Mahan is estimated to be the mid 4th century and the late 5th century. This period belonged to the period, ranging from king Geunchogo to king Gero who was the last king of the Hansung period. However, Gilt-bronze Crown were only used to control landed power, located in the adjoining areas in immediate governance of Baekje. It demonstrates that the control of Baekje on Mahan society was just nominal. Along with the end of Hansung Baekje, bestowing of Gilt-bronze Crown were discontinued in 475. Golden clowns were only bestowed over the period of about 100 year temporarily. As a substitute of Gilt-bronze Crown, Silver crown ornament was used after the mid 6th century. It is the different form of official hat and robe, and means the inclusion of all local powers into the domination of Baekje's centralized system. It also coincides with the time of the transfer of the Baekje Capital to Sabi, by King Seong in 538. 본 논문은 한반도 남부의 마한계 고분에서 발굴된 금동관모를 漢郡縣의 독립적인 재지세력에 대한 인수의책 사여 전통의 연장선상에서 검토하려는 시도이다. 3세기 樂浪과 帶方의 두 군을 통해 한반도에 진출하였던 魏는 韓 사회의 유력자에 대한 통제책으로 邑君·邑長 등을 의미하는 인수와 의책을 사여하여 韓 사회의 臣智 등을 통제하였다. 이는 漢 이래로 지속된 타민족인 外夷에 대한 中華主義적 羈縻政策이었다. 백제는 한군현의 몰락 이후 대방의 후신을 자임하였다. 대방은 한과 왜를 기미지배하는 역할을 수행한 군현이었다. 백제가 이의 후신을 자처한 것은 대방의 한 및 왜 사회에 대한 종주권을 주장하기 위한 것이다. 이때에 사여된 의책으로 여겨지는 것이 바로 백제계의 금동제 관모 및 관식, 식리 등이다. 이들 금동관모의 사용 시기는 4세기 중반에서 5세기 후반이다. 하지만 금동관모는 백제의 직속 지배 영역과 접하는 지역에 위치한 재지세력에 대한 통제의 차원에서만 사용된 듯하다. 금동관모는 백제-마한 영역의 전체가 아닌 두 세력이 접하는 지역을 중심으로 시기와 위치를 달리하여 발견되기 때문이다. 475년 한성백제의 종언과 함께 금동관모의 사여는 중단되었다. 그리고 6세기 중반 이후 銀製花形冠飾이 이를 대체하여 사용되었다. 이는 해당 지역이 백제의 중앙집권적인 지배체제 안에 포섭되었음을 의미한다. 반면, 나주 지역에서는 재지세력의 지속적인 지배의 추이를 가늠할 수 있는 고분들이 존재한다.

唐代 安南 지배와 南方 교통망

全聖植(Jeon, Sung-Sik) 중국고중세사학회 2014 중국고중세사연구 Vol.31 No.-

Annan area has been an essential portal for China’s dynasties to transfer products and personnel with Nanhai region. Since the conquest of Nanyue(南越) by Wu Emperor(武帝) of Han dynasty, Annan area was an essential part of China’s territory. The expansion and reign of Tang dynasty was more advanced and thorough than before. While the dynasties before were unable to implement a direct ruling in many areas of Lingnan, including Annan area, Tang dynasty was determined to permeate into those areas. Such ends were sought with means of opening and developing transportation system. Transportation system in Lingnan was modified to enhance consolidation of local ethnic groups, enabling to reach out and secure Annan area. Furthermore, Tang dynasty opened up Butou Road(步頭路) to infiltrate into the core of Nanzhong(南中) and take hegemony over as far as Tufan. However, such actions only provoked backlash in both areas. Nanzhao kingdom, which had support from Tang began to oppose Tang, and tribes of Xiyuan(西原蠻) revolted in various areas in Lingnan. As a result, geopolitic environment around Annan area ended up in rupture, and thus began the crisis of Annan area. During such process, local forces in Annan area had a chance to come into power. In a nutshell, Tang dynasty’s govern in Lingnan by means of transportation was effective until mid-Tang. Annan area, however, was alienated from Tang dynasty as its result.

당의 고구려 고지(故地) 지배 방식과 유민(遺民)의 대응

장병진(Jang, Byung-jin) 한국역사연구회 2016 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.101

Previous studies in Korea, which examined either the Dang’s ruling of the old Goguryeo territory or the nature of the Andong Doho-bu unit, had the tendency of highlighting what was different in Goguryeo’s case and how the Goguryeo refugees fought Dang while maintaining their independent identity. In such process, examination of how the Dang government actually governed the former Goguryeo territory, in extension of its own universal policy toward subjugated nearby races, unintentionally left many things to be desired. Examined in this article is how the Dang dynasty’s general stance toward alien races - which it maintained during the early half of its very existence- was applied to the Goguryeo situation, and what kind of mishaps occurred. Added to written texts, tomb epitaphs that had been generated during the Dang era are especially consulted. The Dang government had vibrant discussions over the issue of what direction should be taken by such policy, especially in the process of dealing with surrendered Turk households. And Dang’s ruling of Goguryeo initially did not escape the confines of such discussions. But Dang’s such Gimi-buju governing policy met with severe resistance by the former Goguryeo citizens in the very early stage. As a result, the Dang policy was not able to function as expected. Goguryeo influentials (fortress lords) who had collaborated with Dang were appointed as local Gimi Ju unit leaders, but soon turned against Dang out of significant frustration. Local officials in the last years of Goguryeo had jurisdiction over both military and civilian issues alike, so these Gimi leaders newly appointed by Dang were bound to be unhappy of the new authority they were granted as Gimi units’ prefects, as they were quite limiting from their perspective.

고구려 멸망에서 발해 건국으로의 계기와 연속성

정원주 ( Jung Weon Joo ) 한국사상사학회 2024 韓國思想史學 Vol.- No.76

고구려 멸망 후 당은 평양성에 안동도호부(安東都護府)를 두고 고구려 전역을 기미주(羈縻州)로 재편하고자 하였다. 그러나 점차 확대되어 가는 고구려 유민들의 저항에 직면하게 되면서 요동 일부 지역에만 기미지배 체제로 전환할 수밖에 없었다. 더욱이 신라와의 전쟁에서 패하게 되면서 당은 평양에 있던 안동도호부를 요동으로 이치시켰다. 당이 처음 구상과 달리 요동지역 일부만 기미지배 체제로 꾸리게 된 것은 나당전쟁의 실패와 고구려 당시에도 독립적 성향이 강했던 지방 세력들이 각지에서 자력으로 무장한 채 독립적으로 산재해 있었기 때문일 것이다. 더욱이 당은 대외적으로 토번의 위협과 새롭게 발흥하고 있던 돌궐의 움직임 등으로 위협이 가중되고 있었다. 이러한 고구려 고지의 상황으로 당이 안동도호부 관할 하의 요동 일부 지역만을 유지하고 더 확대시키지 못한 이유였으며, 신라의 북진도 조심스러울 수밖에 없었다. 696년 거란인 이진충(李盡忠)의 반란에 영주(營州)에 있던 고구려 유민과 말갈이 합류하게 되면서 이들을 이끌게 된 걸걸중상(乞乞仲象)과 걸사비우(乞四比羽)는 동쪽으로 안동도호부를 공격하였던 것으로 보인다. 비록 요동도독부는 건재했지만 이들은 안동도호부 관할의 유민들을 흡수해 요동에 각기 자신들의 세력권을 구축할 수 있었던 것으로 보인다. 이진충의 반란이 실패하고 걸사비우의 사망과 당군의 공격에 걸걸중상을 이은 대조영(大祚榮)은 고구려 유민들과 말갈 무리들을 이끌고 동쪽으로 달아나 동모산에서 진국을 세웠다. 발해가 건국되자 각지에 흩어져 있던 고구려 유민 집단과 말갈 집단이 계속해서 합류하면서 빠르게 그 세력을 확대할 수 있었다. 특히 고구려 고지에 흩어져 자신들의 세력권을 유지하고 있던 유민사회가 합류하였는데, 이들이 고구려 지배층으로서의 지식과 경험을 갖고 오랫동안 한 지역의 수장으로서 집단을 꾸려온 경험과 경륜은 발해를 빠르게 성장하고 안정적인 국가형태로 자리잡게 한 원동력이 되었을 것이다. After the fall of Goguryeo(高句麗), the Tang Dynasty attempted to reorganize the entire Goguryeo region into Detention State, Gimizu(羈縻州) by establishing Andong Metropolitan Protectorate(安東都護府) in Pyongyang Castle(平壤城). However, as they faced growing resistance from Goguryeo refugees(遺民), they had no choice but to switch to the system of the state of the prefecture(羈縻支配體制) in only some areas of Liaodong. Moreover, after losing the war with Silla(新羅), Tang Dynasty relocated Andong Metropolitan Protectorate from Pyongyang Castle(平壤城) to Yodong(遼東). Contrary to the original plan, the Tang Dynasty only had part of the Liaodong region governed by the Kimi system, which may have been due to the defeat in the Silla-Tang War(羅唐戰爭) and the fact that local forces with strong independent tendencies were scattered independently in various regions, armed on their own even at the time of Goguryeo. Moreover, the Tang Dynasty was facing an increasing external crisis due to Turkic(突厥)'s attacks and the newly emerging Turkic(突厥) threat. This situation in the former Goguryeo region was the reason why the Tang Dynasty only maintained a part of the Liaodong region under the jurisdiction of Andong Metropolitan Protectorate and could not expand it further, and Silla's northward advance was also cautious. In 696, Goguryeo refugees in Yingzhou(營州) and Mohe Tribes(靺鞨) joined the rebellion of Li Quanzhong(李盡忠), a Khitan(契丹), and Geogeoljungsang(乞乞仲象) and Geolsabiu(乞四比羽), who led them, appear to have attacked Andong Metropolitan Protectorate to the east. Although the Yodong Prefecture Governor’s Mansion(遼東都督府) remained intact, it appears that they were able to establish their own sphere of influence in Liaodong by joining refugees from the jurisdiction of the Andong Metropolitan Protectorate. After Li Quanzhong's rebellion failed, Geolsabiu's death, and the Tang army's attack, Dae Jo-yeong(大祚榮), who succeeded Geogeoljungsang, led the Goguryeo refugees and the Mohe Tribes to the east and established a Jin kingdom on Dongmo Mountain(東牟山). When Balhae(渤海) was founded, Goguryeo refugee groups and Malgal groups which had been scattered in the surrounding area, the country continued to join and quickly expanded its power. In particular, the refugee society, which was scattered in the former Goguryeo region and maintained its sphere of influence, joined. And the ability of forming a group as the head of a region for a long time based on the knowledge and experience of those who were the ruling class of Goguryeo would have been the driving force that allowed Balhae to grow rapidly and establish itself as a stable state.

고구려 멸망 이후 당의 지배 정책 -안동도호부를 중심으로-

김종복 ( Jong Bok Kim ) 수선사학회 2003 史林 Vol.19 No.-

고려 문종대 女眞의 동향과 고려 영토

신수정 숭실사학회 2013 숭실사학 Vol.0 No.30

이 논문은 고려 문종대 여진의 동향과 고려 영토와의 관계를 살핀 것이다. 문종에 초점을 둔 것은 이전과 다른 특징이 보이기 때문이다. 문종은 38년간 재위했는데, 그동안 여진 특히 동번여진이 고려와 관계를 맺고 있다. 이들은 고려에 침입해 왔지만 재위 기간에 비해 횟수는 현저히 줄었으며 적극적 대응으로 피해 규모도 크지 않았다. 반면 고려와 친선관계를 맺으려는 여진의 내조는 크게 증가하여 토산물이나 말 등을 조공하였고, 고려는 이에 대한 대가로 물품을 차등 지급하기도 하면서 작위 수여 사례가 많이 나타나고 있다. 이는 여진이 고려의 지위를 통해 그들 사이에서 우월한 위치에 있었기에 가능한 것이었으므로, 당시 여진 사이에서 고려의 높은 위상을 짐작하게 한다. 귀화한 여진도 잘 포용하여 고려인과 혼거하게 하면서 내지나 변경에서 잘 동화하게 하였다. 이와 같이 고려는 침입하는 여진과 친선관계를 맺는 여진에 대한 적절한 대응을 하며 고려의 위상을 높였음을 알 수 있다. 한편 고려는 여진에 대한 적절한 대응을 통해 영토를 보존하면서 그 영역을 넓히는 기회를 만들고 있었다. 침입에 대비하여 성을 수리하거나 쌓아 주민을 보호하면서 군사들로 잘 대처하게 하였기에 피해를 줄였고 국토를 잘 보존할 수 있었다. 또한 친선관계를 맺으려는 여진에 대한 우대로 인해 여진의 내조 및 귀화를 이끌어 내었고, 나아가 그들의 거주지를 고려의 주로 편입시키려는 움직임이 문종 27년 집중적으로 나타나고 있다. 이것은 기미주로 수장은 여진인인 자치주였지만 고려의 간접지배를 받는 상황이었다. 이로써 고려는 영토를 확대할 수 있었고 인구도 확보되었던 것이다. 기미주로 편입된 지역은 천리장성 이북으로 그 위치는 정확하지 않지만 함흥을 넘어 길주, 경성까지도 포함되는 지역이었을 것으로 추정된다. 고려는 이들에 자치권을 주면서 간접지배를 통해 지배 영역을 넓혀 나갔던 점에서 문종대의 여진의 동향과 영토와의 상관관계를 찾을 수 있다고 생각한다. This is a research on the relationships between Jurchen’s tendencies and Goryeo’s territories during the King Moonjong’s reign. In Goryeo, the reign of the King Moonjong was considered as the time of peace peaceful and strong the inside and outside of the country in late 11 century. However, sometimes Eastern Jurchen people invaded through the East Sea and the border line, so they were annoyances to Goryeo. To defeat them, Goryeo government prepared good systems such as strong castles and powerful military forces. Eventually, the numbers of invasions deceased quickly, and the area and scale of damage reduced. On the other hand, the Eastern Jurchen people brought a tribute such as horses or local products to have good relations with Goryeo. They were well treated with amities by the Goryeo government, so the numbers of Eastern Jurchen people who were naturalized in Goryeo increased more, compared to previous reigns. Some Jurchen people asked to live in Goryeo’s land. In addition, even some tribes asked their lands to be admitted as Gimi-ju’hyun unities which mean provinces under indirect ruling by Goryeo. Therefore, the territory became wider and the power of influences became stronger towards the Eastern Juchern. In conclusion, Goryeo government during the King Moonjong treated the Jurchen people in a carrot -and- stick policy, so their invasions decreased quickly, but the ties of amities became stronger. Eventually, Goryeo obtained the power of influences and the bigger size of land.

麗唐戰爭과 契丹 · 奚

李在成(Yi Jae-Sung) 중국고중세사학회 2011 중국고중세사연구 Vol.26 No.-

당고종 통치후기의 정치와 인물

임대희 ( Im Dae Hui ) 한국중국학회 2003 중국학보 Vol.47 No.-

到目前爲止對武則天的硏究, 只是局限于某種特定的時期或特定的事案. 有多展開性硏究,那主要是對于武則天成爲皇后的過程, 圍繞這個主題進行推斷, 遡及別的歷史時期, 力圖獲得理解, 用歷史學的理解方法是做不到的, 因此, 象這樣的具體問題, 可以一一的一白眞相. 那, 就可以獲得關于這個時代的非常貼近事實的理解. 對于唐高宗時代的政治史硏究, 主要集中在武則天被冊封爲皇后的焦點上. 經過這個過程, 文學型官僚掌握了政權. 不過, 推進泰山封禪的過程中, 登用多樣人材的試圖, 就可以實現. 結果, 670年, 許敬宗和劉仁軌同時下野以後, 吏治型官僚 主導政權的時期, 隨之, 改變了時代的雰圍. 幷且, 可以看出他們追求的思想基調及選擇國家禮儀制度的想法也被改變. 文學型官僚掌權的時候容易用王肅的儀禮理論,而吏治型官僚掌權的時候容易用鄭玄的儀禮理論. 這樣的政治主導勢力的變化, 使對外政策也發生了變化. 文學型官僚追求的羈支配體制, 可以爲周邊民族的領導者提供的惠澤. 但只, 羈體制整備以後, 勢力擴張地域縮小, 所以新的掠奪對象完全喪失之後, 周邊民族在羈支配體制下, 無法安居樂業. 結果, 這些人進攻唐王朝, 長驅直入. 象西突厥和吐蕃等在唐朝西部邊境進行攻擊, 再加上, 從670年代開始到680年代的旱害等天災地變, 眞是雪上加霜. 在這樣的天災地變的危機下, 高宗不得不去洛陽避難幾次. 到洛陽去避難的結果, 和財政上的赤字是有一定關係的. 幷且, 皇太子監國敎讀的皇太子們, 全部被廢位或遭到殺害的一連串事件的發生. 結果, 唐高宗死後, 爲了打破彊局, 官僚們願意用武則天的皇太后權威可以穩定社會情勢而打開局面. 680年代初, 政治上的逐漸危急的局勢, 爲武則天參與政治創造了契機. 和武則天沒有主動的試圖掌握政權相比, 更確切的應該說是被動的面對當時政治現實的必然結果.

이제현의 현실 인식 및 외교 논리 검토 -『익재난고』의 「사찬」과 상서(上書)를 중심으로-

한누리 한국중세사학회 2022 한국중세사연구 Vol.- No.68

The figure examined here is Yi Je-hyeon(李齊賢, 1287~1367), who was a renowned scholar and a governmental official from the 14th century. Many of his accomplishments are known to have been rooted in his Neo-Confucian expertise, but the focus of this article is to examine his view of the world as a politician and a diplomat. He was, as his colleagues also were, forced in a situation where he must be aware of the international order and Goryeo’s position in it, while not forgetting his own identity as a traditional Goryeo citizen. Understanding that dilemma is the primary objective of this work. In his letters to the Yuan Imperial government, Yi Je-hyeon always emphasized the fact that Goryeo and Yuan had enjoyed a long and close relationship. He did so to daringly urge Yuan to be aware of how Yuan as an Empire was supposed to treat Goryeo, a much smaller entity on the Korean peninsula. But he was also careful not to offend Yuan unnecessarily, and that shows in his treatment of past Goryeo records. He downsized and toned down certain remarks left by his ancestors, who believed in Goryeo’s own regional-centric nature. At the same time, Yi Je-hyeon also not hesitated to make some radical demands to Yuan, as shown in his communiques to the Imperial court. In order to make sure Yuan would grant Goryeo’s requests and allow Goryeo traditions remain intact, he not only cited past Emperor Qubilai’s ‘Old promises,’ with which the late Emperor expressed his will not to alter Goryeo’s past conventions, but employed other political notions as well. For example, he quoted the legacy of former Mongol leaders who preceded Qubilai, and even recalled the traditional Chinese way (from the Dang period) of regulating Northeast Asian regions (“Gimi”), to persuade Yuan authorities. Yi Je-hyeon’s efforts to respond to situations developing on the international stage, and to protect Goryeo traditions, interests and agendas, reveal the complicated nature of the position Goryeo was put in at the time, and Yi’s dilemma to navigate through it. Hopefully by further exploring Yi Je-hyeon’s mind, we would gain understanding of how things were for the Goryeo people in the 13th and 14th centuries. 본 논문은 고려후기의 대표적인 관료이자 문인이었던 이제현(李齊賢, 1287~1367)의 현실인식과 외교논리를 살펴보는 것을 목표로 한다. 이제현의 여러 업적은 그의 성리학적 면모를 반영하는 것으로 평가되지만, 본 논문에서는 현실정치인이자 외교관으로서 그의 인식을 규명하는 데 초점을 맞추었다. 이를 통해 당시 원제국 중심의 국제질서 및 고려의 위치를 인지하되 고려의 정체성도 잊지 말아야 했던 지식인의 고뇌가 현실 및 외교 현장에 어떻게 반영되었는지 이해할 수 있을 것이다. 이제현은 양국의 관계가 시간에 흐름에 따라 돈독해져 갔음을 강조하는 가운데, 특히 그가 제후국 고려의 입장에서 고려의 이전 역사 기술들을 인용하며 일부 표현을 조정하는 모습이 포착된다. 이는 일종의 ‘자기검열’로써 천자-제후의 수직적 관계를 인정 및 유지하는 한편으로 그를 넘어서는 위협에 빌미를 제공하지 않으려는 현실적인 조치라 할 수 있다. 반면 이제현은 고려의 요구사항 관철 및 토속 보전 등을 위해 매우 과감한 외교 논리를 설파하기도 했는데, 기존의 ‘세조구제론’ 인용에 그치지 않고 한반도에 대한 중국의 전통적 ‘기미지배’ 방식을 환기하거나 몽골 선황제들의 유훈을 언급하는 등 쿠빌라이를 넘어서는 권위까지 호출·소환했음이 흥미롭다. 국제 정세에 기민하게 반응하고 그 속에서 고려의 입지를 보장, 국속을 보전하려는 이제현의 노력은 13~14세기 특수상황에서 빚어진 고려인들의 중층적이고도 양가적인 인식을 대변한다고 할 수 있다. 이렇듯 이제현을 비롯해 고려후기 인물들을 검토하는 것은 당대인들의 인식 일반에 더욱 접근할 수 있는 계기를 제공할 것이다.