手搏戱에 대한 考察

허인욱 한국체육사학회 2002 체육사학회지 Vol.10 No.-

The Subak(手搏) stands for traditional Korean weapon free martial arts which recorded in the document. but the Subak has disappeared in the official document on the latter period of Joseon(朝鮮) dynasty. May be it connected with a change of tactics used to a hot weapon with a bow. The Subak change a name -subyok(슈벽) and subyokchgi(수벽치기)- during the long period time. In Subak, hand movements with kicking are the main movement are the main techniques and there is a close connection with swordmanship which recorded in Haidongjukji(海東竹枝). It means Subak differ from Gueon-buep(拳法) which oriented from China. Because Subak skill came from swodmanship but Geun-bup is a elementary skill which is training martial arts.

高麗史 世家 중 五代 관계 기사 역주

허인욱,김보광 한국중세사학회 2005 한국중세사연구 Vol.0 No.19

高麗 高宗代 몽골 침입과 全州

허인욱 전북사학회 2018 전북사학 Vol.0 No.53

高宗代 고려는 내내 전쟁의 연속이었다고 해도 과언이 아니다. 고종 18년(1231)부터 고종 46년(1259)까지 몽골의 침입으로 인해, 고려 전체가 전쟁의 고통으로부터 벗어나지 못한 시기였다. 전주는 북방 세력이 호남지역을 침입하기 위해서는 거쳐야 하는 곳임에도, 그간 몽골의 침입에 대한 논의에서 그리 많이 거론되지 않았다. 몽골의 전라도지역을 이해하기 위해서는 전주에 대한 연구가 필요한 이유이다. 몽골병이 전주에 처음 나타난 것은 고종 23년이었다. 이때 침입한 몽골병은 전주와 부안 등 전북 서부 지역에 출현하였는데, 군량미 확보를 위한 침투였다고 판단된다. 그 과정에서 전주 인근의 모악산에 위치한 귀신성·금산성·금동성 등을 함락시켰다. 이때는 전북지역을 공격하는 선에서 마무리되었다. 이후 몽골병은 고종 34년과 40년, 41년 그리고 42년부터 43년에도 전주에 피해를 입혔는데, 이 가운데 가장 큰 피해는 고종 42년 6월부터 고종 43년 여름까지였다. 이때는 전주를 포함한 전라도 지역에 서신 왕래조차 쉽지 않을 정도로 장기간에 걸쳐 많은 피해를 주었던 것이다. 이 당시 전라도 공격은 세곡이 강화도로 들어가는 것을 막아 재정 및 식량의 부족을 일으켜 고려가 항복을 하게 위한 전략의 일환으로 이루어진 전쟁이었다. 몽골의 침입이 진행하는 가운데, 고려는 관리들의 수탈로 인한 백성들과의 충돌이 있었는데, 그 대표적인 것이 고종 39년의 이안사와 중앙에서 파견된 관리들의 충돌이었다. 전주의 토호였던 이안사와 이를 제압해야 하는 중앙 관리 간의 개인적인 대립이라고도 할 수도 있지만, 산성 수축 혹은 보수 과정에서 전주민들에 대한 관리들의 폭정으로 인한 불만에서 비롯되었다고 보는 것이 좀 더 합리적이다. 이러한 충돌은 비단 전주만의 문제는 아니었다. 당시 고려 사회가 갖고 있는 문제가 전주에서도 그대로 투영되고 있었음을 알 수 있다. During the reign of King Gojong, Goryeo Dynasty was constantly embroiled in wars. The whole country suffered from atrocity of war due to Mongolian invasions between the 18th year(1231) and the 46th year(1259) of King Gojong’s reign. The city of Jeonju was at a location where the enemy had to pass to invade the Honam region. However, little attention has been given to the place when discussing Mongolian invasions. Research on Jeonju needs to be conducted to understand the circumstance and role of the region during Mongolian invasions. Mongolian soldiers first appeared in Jeonju in the 23rd year of King Gojong’s reign. They appeared in the western areas of Jeonlabukdo Province including Jeonju and Buan, presumably, to loot military provisions. They took hold of fortresses including Guishin Seong, Geumsan Seong and Geumdong Seong located in Mountain Moak near Jeonju. At the time the invasion ended with the attack. Later Mongolian soldiers again wreaked havoc on Jeonju in the 34th, 40th, 41st through 43rd years of King Gojong’s reign. The worst damage was done between June in the 42nd year of King Gojong’s reign and the summer of the following year. Significant damage was done for an extended period of time as to make it hard to deliver letters across Jeonlado Province. As Mongolian invasions went on, conflict arose between the public and government officials due to exploitations. Most notably, Lee Ansa clashed with central government officials in the 39th year of King Gojong’s reign. It can be seen as a personal conflict between Lee Ansa―who was a local gentry of Jeonju―and government officials. However, more reasonably, it was triggered by tyrannical ruling of officials on Jeonju people in the process of building and repairing fortresses. Jeonju was not the only place where such conflicts occurred. Rather, widespread social issues of Goryeo Dynasty were projected in what transpired in Jeonju.

대만의 석유산업과 에너지정책

허인욱,Heo, In-Uk 대한석유협회 1982 석유와 에너지 Vol.1982 No.1

대만은 75년 전부터 석유개발을 계속 해오고 있으나. 생산량은 전체수요의 1%에도 미치지 못하고 있다. 대만경제에 있어서도 모든 문제의 핵심은 원유가격의 폭등이었다. 1980년 대만의 원유도입대금은 41억$로, 이는 그전 두해의 원유도입대금을 합산한 금액보다도 많은 액수였다. 현재 대만의 에너지공급구조는 석유 71.3%, 석탄 14.1%, 천연가스 5.6%, 원자력 6.7%정도이나, 석유 의존도를 30%이하로 감축하고, 석탄의 비중을 30%이상으로 증대시킬 방침이며, 아울러 천연가스와 원자력의 사용도 크게 늘일 계획이다.

李安社의 全州 出去에 관한 연구

허인욱 한국인물사연구소 2014 한국인물사연구 Vol.21 No.-

To summarize the above discussions, Lee Ansa, who was born in the 19th year of King Gojong`s reign, emigrated to Samcheok around the 39th year of King Gojong`s reign because of the conflict he had with Sanseongbyeolgam, who was dispatched to Jeonju at the time. Not long after the emigration to Samcheok, in the 40th year of King Gojong`s reign, when the Mongolian military led by Yeku invaded, he went to Dootasanseong to take refuge and moved to Uiju in the spring of the 41st year of King Gojong`s reign after the Mongolian military retreated. The background of Lee Ansa`s emigration was basically in the fact that he was related to Lee Euibang, hence was the target of surveillance and containment. In addition, there was a latent conflict due to the tyranny of the dispatched government officials on local people. The conflict further caused gisaeng problem, thus Lee Ansa had to emigrate to Samcheok and then to Uiju with his followers. Although the northern emigration of Lee Ansa was due to the tyranny of government official, it was considered as an act of treason within Goryo. However, the document only records it as a dispute over a gisaeng. This is because the Joseon Dynasty was established on the basis of Confucian ideology, hyo(filial duty) and choong (fidelity), hence it could not be disclosed as an act of treason as it was. Therefore the dissonance with the official and submission process to Mongol were minimized, while the gisaeng problem was emphasized, turning it into merely personal and humanistic case. This can be also found from fact that Lee Ansa built a ship to defend from Japanese attack and was assigned as Uiju Byeongmasa to protect from the soldiers of the Yuan Dynasty. Justification or legitimacy was intended to be conferred by stressing that the emigration was an inevitable choice and he still worked for Goryo while understating the betrayal and surrender to Mongol.

고려・거란의 境界帶 변화와 그 운용에 관한 연구

허인욱 호남사학회 2013 역사학연구 Vol.52 No.-

Between Goryo and Khitan, after the militant conflict of Sheng-Jong(成宗) era, the new boundary was formed near the buffer zone(from the castle of Chenhwuanghakju(天皇鶴柱之城) in Liaodong to a branch of the Apnok river). The new division boundary was formed after the forced occupation of Khitan on Apnok river during the Hyun-Jong(顯宗) reign. This border zone on North Western side was maintained till the demise of Khitan. Otherwise the Northeast Area of Goryeo was changed from time to time. It shows that the borderline of Goryo was not fixed but was altering as the time changes and with world order at each time. The standard for borderline was the boundary based on the River or the Mountain Ridge. Both Goryo and Khitan built a castle to defend their land, and within the castle, they harvested from a farm cultivated by stationary troops. Goryo and Khitan had set the protocols to follow to maintain peace at the borderlines. The protocols are very similar to the Treaty of Shanyuan between Khitan and Sung on 1004. The protocols include: Non invasion agreement, allowance of refugees, no harm to harvests, and no additional defense measure beside the maintenance of existing defense structure. These protocols are considered to be stemming from the agreement with Goryo and Khitan rather than imitating the protocols between Khitan and Sung. 고려와 거란 사이에는 993년 成宗代 무력충돌이 있은 이후에는 遼東지역에 위치한 天皇鶴柱之城과 鴨綠江의 한 支流인 日子鼈橋之水의 사이를 완충지역으로 삼아 경계대가 설정되었으며, 顯宗代에 가서는 압록강 이동을 거란이 강제로 점유하면서 새로운 경계대가 형성되었고 이 서북면 지역의 경계대는 거란이 멸망하기 직전까지 유지되었다. 반면 동북면에서는 완안부의 여진과는 伊位界 상의 連山, 金이 건국된 이후에는 하천으로 그리고 東眞과는 다시 山嶺으로 하는 등 경계대의 변화가 있었다. 이러한 결과는 고려의 경계가 고정되어 있는 것이 아니라, 시기마다 국제정세에 따라 여러 차례 변화가 있었다는 사실을 말해준다. 그 기준은 하천이나 산령으로 하는 경계대였다. 고려와 거란은 경계대에 각각 성을 쌓아 상대방의 침입을 방비하였을 뿐만 아니라, 경계대 내의 완충지대에도 군사시설을 설치하고 屯田을 두어 경작하기도 했다. 고려와 거란은 경계대에서 충돌을 방지하고 평화롭게 이용을 하기 위해 운용규칙이 있었는데, 이는 1004년에 거란과 송이 澶淵之盟을 맺으면서 합의한 항목과 유사하였다. 그 내용은 각자 자국의 경계를 지키면서 서로 침범하지 말 것, 상대국으로 도주한 사람의 체류와 도피를 허용하지 말 것, 경작을 서로 허용하고 이에 대한 피해를 주지 말 것, 협상 전의 기존 방어시설은 유지를 하되, 새로운 시설의 설치는 금지할 것이었다. 이 규칙은 거란과 송의 협상내용이 고려와의 관계에 적용되었다기보다는 成宗代 거란 承天皇太后와의 협상 내용에서 비롯된 것으로 판단된다.

고려 말 왜구의 전북지역 침입 연구 - 全州를 중심으로 -

허인욱 전북사학회 2015 전북사학 Vol.0 No.46

Jeonju was invaded or fallen by Japanese raiders(Wako) four times in the 2nd, 4th, 9th, and 14th year of King Woo. Jeonju suffered not only human life damage but also the fall of Jeonju Castle and burning of government offices. Jeonju was fallen by Japanese raiders for the first time in the 2nd year of King Woo. Apart from the disorder in Japan at that time, the reason why Japanese raiders invaded Jeonju at that time is considered highly likely to be a revenge for their defeat in Hongsan battle. However, after obtaining geographical information through the invasion in the 2nd year of King Woo, Japanese raiders included Jeonju in their range of invasion and this is regarded to be the reason why Jeonju was continuously invaded until the 14th year of King Woo. Whereas the invasions in the 2nd, 4th, and 14th year of King Woo were general forms of invasions in which all or part of Japanese raiders that invaded the west coast came through the plain area to fall Jeonju, the invasion in the 9th year of King Woo is different in that Japanese raiders that invaded the east coast tried to invade Jeonju after passing through the inland area. As for the invasion in the 9th year of King Woo, it is judged that the Japanese raiders could not but select entering into the inland area of Goryeo because they could neither live on the seas nor go to Japan because Goryeo built ships to directly hit Japanese raiders while making diplomatic efforts to have the Japanese government prevent Japanese raiders' invasions. Of course, a root cause of the relatively passive responses of Goryeo to Japanese raiders' invasions is Goryeo's fear of the movements of northern powers as can be seen from the cases of the Jeongryowui issue in the 2nd year of King Woo and the Yodong(Liaodong) conquest in the 14th year. At that time, two powers named North Yuan and Ming were sharply opposing against each other in the northern region and it could directly affect the security of Goryeo. Therefore, Goryeo could not but place the first priority of vigilance on the movements of northen powers rather than the problem of Japanese raiders.

조선 후기 칼춤[劍舞] 그림과 『武藝圖譜通志』 『雙劍』 동작의 비교

허인욱 한국무예학회 2019 무예연구 Vol.13 No.4

The sword dance is a dance performed by four dancers wearing swords, battle suits, and combat belts with swords. Currently, there are no Hansam movements in Jinju-geummu, but it can be seen that they consisted of sitting movements, bare hands movements, single-blade movements, standing movements, double-swords movements, and so on. It is possible to compare the motions of the swords with Muyedobotongji's Double sword movements, such as 'jigeumdaejeokse', 'keunjeokchulgeumse', 'jinjeoksaljeokse' etc. can be examined. Of course, this is not the case. Solving the old movements through paintings is, in some ways, almost impossible. However, the necessity of such discussion may be meaningful as it is the first step in understanding old dance or martial arts movement. It is hoped that this discussion will lead to the discussion of the double sword with long swords and provide a small clue to more accurate interpretation. 검무는 戰笠과 戰服ㆍ戰帶의 복식을 갖춘 4명의 무용수들이 칼을 들고 마주서서 추는 춤으로 劍舞ㆍ劍技舞 또는 黃昌舞ㆍ黃昌郞舞라고 한다. 현재 전하는 진주검무는 한삼사위는 존재하지 않았으며, 앉은사위·맨손사위와 외칼사위, 선사위·쌍칼사위 등으로 구성되어 있었음을 알 수 있다. 검무 그림의 선사위 동작들을 『무예도보통지』의 쌍검 동작과 비교가 가능한데, ‘지검대적세’나 ‘견적출검세’, ‘진적살적세’나 ‘장검수광세’, ‘초퇴방적세’와 ‘향우(좌)방적세’ 그리고 ‘항장기무세’ 등의 동작과 유사성을 살필 수 있다. 물론 그렇다고 이 논의가 완벽하다고 할 수는 없다. 그림을 통해 옛 동작을 풀이해 낸다는 것은 어떤 면에서는 불가능에 가깝기 때문이다. 다만 이러한 논의의 필요성은 옛 춤이나 무예 동작을 이해하는 첫걸음이라는 데서 그 의미가 있을 수 있다. 이러한 논의를 통해서 긴 검으로 하는 쌍검무에 대한 논의의 진행이 이루어지고 좀 더 정확한 해석을 하는데 작은 실마리라가 제공되기를 바란다.

고려 太祖代 對中 외교 연구

허인욱 한국중세사학회 2017 한국중세사연구 Vol.0 No.49

During the reign of King Taejo, Goryeo formed diplomatic relationship with Late Tang dynasty and Late Jin dynasty among the five dynasties. Goryeo formed relationship with Late Tang dynasty in order to contain alliance between Late Baekje dynasty and Khitan. At the time, the international situation was characterized by alliance between Late Baekje dynasty in the south and Khitan in the north and confrontation between Goryeo in the east and Late Tang dynasty in the west. Therefore, Goryeo needed assistance of a force that was able to resolve pressure between Khitan and Late Baekje dynasty; Late Tang dynasty was such force. For its part, Late Tang dynasty was not able to disregard Goryeo because Goryeo was the only force to contain on the back Khitan’s moving southward. It was from October 927 when they came to know about travel exchange between Late Baekje dynasty and Khitan that both nations recognized the need for each other. In 932 of Late Tang dynasty, it determined installation of Wang Geon in order to contain Khitan. In 935 and 936, great change occurred in East Asia. On the Korean Peninsula, Silla and Late Baekje dynasty were unified by Goryeo, and the Late Tang dynasty collapsed and Late Jin dynasty was established in five dynasty areas. Goyeo maintained friendly relationship with Late Jin dynasty as well. The reason was that it may be invaded by a force from the northern areas. Khitan was ceded the Sixteen Prefectures from Late Jin dynasty in November 936 and since then it triggered military collision with Goryeo and put continuous pressure on it with unilateral demands. Certainly, late jin dynasty also needed Goryeo in order to contain Khitan that may attack it anytime; both nations had a common enemy. From such perspectives, diplomatic relationship at the time was formed with political purposes of national security rather than from cultural or economic aspects.

고려 성종대 거란의 1차 침입과 경계 설정

허인욱 전북사학회 2008 전북사학 Vol.0 No.33