경주 교동 최씨가 소장 추수기(秋收記)·수세기(收稅記) 자료의 전존 현황과 특성

최주희 ( Choi Joo Hee ) 한국고문서학회 2021 古文書硏究 Vol.59 No.-

경주 교동 최씨가[최부자댁]에서 소장하고 있는 334건의 추수기·수세기 자료는 교동 최씨 가의 지주 경영 방식을 파악할 수 있는 중요한 문서군이다. 이중 274건은 경주시와 울산 북부 지역 일대의 논에서 지대를 수취하기 위해 작성된 추수기 자료들이다. 최씨가의 추수기에서 확인되는 주요한 특징은 다음과 같다. 첫째, 干支를 기준으로 작성연대를 추정하였을 때, 19세기 후반부터 일제시기 전반에 이르는 시계열 분포를 보인다는 점이다. 둘째, 같은 해에 작성된 여러 형태의 추수기가 남아 있고, 추수기 사이에 모종의 상관관계가 확인된다는 점이다. 셋째, 일제시기까지 대부분의 논에서 打租의 방식을 적용하여 추수기를 작성하였다는 점이다. 비슷한 시기 다른 지역의 추수기에서 확인되는 지대수취 방식은 대부분 執租와 賭租인데 반해, 교동 최씨가의 추수기는 作人과 種子, 稅米까지도 공동 분담하는 형식을 띤 것으로 보인다. 이 때문에 추수기 상에 作人과 斗落, 種子·卜價를 먼저 쓰고, 추수 후 이를 공제하여 반분한 내역을 나중에 기재하는 방식으로 추수기를 작성하였다. 실제로 경주지역 작인들 사이에서 최씨가의 지대수취 방식을 ‘단갈림한다’고 표현하였다. 한편 교동 최씨가에서는 밭작물인 보리와 콩 수확을 관리하고 지대를 수취하기 위한 목적에서 별도의 수 세기를 작성하였으며, 현재 남아 있는 건수만 60점으로 확인된다. 추수기에 대한 다양한 사례 연구가 발표된 바 있지만, 밭작물의 지대수취 내역을 이처럼 오랜 기간 수세기 형식으로 작성한 경우는 드물다. 일부의 사례를 검토한 것이기는 하지만, 최씨가의 추수기에서 확인되는 평균 지대량은 당대 다른 지역의 지대량과 큰 차이를 보이지 않는다. 반면 작인에게서 거둔 보리와 콩의 평균 지대량은, 도조의 방식으로 수취하였기 때문에 절대 생산량을 짐작하기 어려움에도 불구하고 현저히 적은 액수로 파악된다. 이는 최씨가에서 가경지를 제외한 나머지 밭을 작인들에게 대여해주고 최소한의 지대만 수취한 결과로 여겨진다. 이처럼 최씨가의 지주 경영은 당대 다른 지역 사례와 차별되는 측면들이 있다. 본고에서는 전체적인 자료의 현황과 작성방식을 분석하는 데 논의의 초점을 맞추었기 때문에, 향후에는 본고에서 미처 다 해결하지 못한 부분들을 보완하여, 구체적인 지대량의 추이를 살펴보기로 하겠다. Over 330 historic materials on harvest season possessed by ‘Rich Men’ Gyeongju Choi clan in Gyeongju Gyodong are important documents that can be used to reveal Rich Men Choi’s unique landowner management cases. Among which, 274 are the data written during harvest season for the purpose of receiving rent from the land distributed sporadically in Gyeongju and northern part of Ulsan. The major characteristics identified in Rich Men Choi’s historic house are as follows. First, when estimating the whole data, it showed chronological distribution from the late 19^th century to the first half season of Japanese occupation. Second, different types of harvest materials written during the same year co-existed and a certain correlation between them is identified. Third, up to the Japanese colonial period, most paddy fields of Gyeongju Choi clan applied ‘Tajo(打租: receiving a rent with a half-dividing of the harvest)’method. Rent acquisitions identified in other regions in contemporaries were ‘Jipzo(執租: adjusting rent rates before harvesting)’ or ‘Dojo(賭租: receiving a rent with a certain amounts of harvest)’. However Rich men Choi clan shared in half of seeds and rice straws with tenant farmers. So among tenant farmers in Gyeongju, Rich men Choi’s rent acquisition method was called as ‘Dangalim(indicating 5:5 allocation).’ On the other hand, Rich men Choi wrote separate materials to menage barley-farm product and bean harvest and there were now 62 of them have been remained. Various case studies on harvest records of paddies have been published, but few rent aquisition cases from harvest of bean and barley have been identified. Rich men Choi’s average rent identified during harvest season does not show a big difference from the rent amount in other regions, although it reviewed a part of all cases. But the average rent of barley and bean collected from the tenant farmers is significantly low despite the difficulties in guessing the absolute production because they received rent in the way of Dojo. This is considered as a result of lending the rest fields except the arable lands of Rich men Choi to tenant farmers and receiving the minimum rent. Like this, Rich men Choi’s landowner management has a difference from the cases of other regions. In this paper, the focus is on analyzing the current status of the entire data and how it was written. So further studies need to complement the insufficient parts that were not resolved in this paper and reveal the specific historic points of view about Rich Men Choi’s landowner management case.

18세기 중후반 훈련도감의 立役 범위 확대와 도감군의 상업활동

최주희(Choi, Joo-Hee) 고려사학회 2018 한국사학보 Vol.- No.71

18세기 들어 대외정세가 안정됨에 따라 중앙군문의 위상은 이전시기와 달라졌다. 영조대 戊申亂이후 왕실 호위와 궁궐 숙위의 중요성이 강조되었으며, 도성 순라와 성곽 보수, 禁松, 捉虎등 도성을 재정비하는 차원의 각종 국역이 균역법 시행 이후 재검토되었다. 삼군문이 중앙정부의 각종 역사를 분담하는 체제가 형성되었으며, 그중 훈련도감군은 금·어 양영의 상번군보다 각종 역사에 우선적으로 차출되었다. 18세기 중반 이후 훈련도감군이 각종 국역에 일차로 동원된 배경은 첫 번째, 균역청으로부터 감필에 따른 급대재원을 비교적 충실히 지급 받은 데에서 찾을 수 있다. 둘째, 영조 32년(1756)부터 금위영과 어영청의 停番을 훈련도감군이 대신 서게 하고 이들에게 旅需錢을 지급하는 조치가 취해지면서 나타난 효과로 볼 수 있다. 이 과정에서 훈련도감군은 도성의 상업활동에 적극 가담하여 초기 手持之物을 판매하던 수준에서 점차 난전을 열고 도고활동을 벌이는 단계로까지 나아갔다. 정부입장에서는 서울의 공물조달역을 행하는 공시인과 마찬가지로 도감군 역시 국역을 수행하는 자들이었기 때문에, 일부 상업활동을 허용해주는 선에서 이들의 생계를 보전해주고자 하였다. 그러나 18세기 이후 이들이 난전, 도고행위로 서울시장을 위협하는 수준에 이르자, 정부는 도감군의 상업활동을 제재하는 조치를 취하였다. 애초에 국역체제의 틀 속에서 정부는 도감군의 입역을 확대하였으나, 그에 따른 반대급부로 난전, 도고활동을 전면 허용해줄 수 없는 상태에서 군문에 대한 정부의 상업정책은 이처럼 미온적인 성격을 띨 수밖에 없었다. 辛亥通共이 반포된 이후 도감군의 상업활동에 대한 정부의 규제 역시 도고행위를 금지하는 수준 이상을 넘지 않았다. 이에 18세기 후반 훈련도감은 난전과 도고활동을 지속적으로 전개하여 부수적인 이익을 도모하였으며, 경강선인들과 경쟁하여 삼남의 세곡을 임운하는 권한도 확보하였다. 또한 景慕宮을 개건하는 과정에서 주변을 정비하고 모민을 조성하는 역할을 주도함에 따라 서울의 동부권 상업 발달에도 기여하였다. Tributes to be delivered to royal merchants and governmental offices were procured by the brokers in the capital city upon expansion of Daedongbeop to 6 Provinces since 18<SUP>th</SUP> century. The brokers who were paid by the government on tributes and services started to be responsible for the transportation of the inflowing goods to the capital and maintenance services of palaces and official residences. The national services that had been dispatched and handled by the people were changed into the payment system since Daedongbeop was effective. Hence, the market merchants and brokers in the capital paid by Hojo and Sunhyechung provided with a variety of goods to be required for King’s visit or movement. On the other hand, soldiers were dispatched to the defense of the castle as well as services by obligation unlike market merchants or brokers. Especially, the soldiers in Hullyeon Dogam played roles as the most important position among three armies upon dispatching to defend the royal family as well as various services such as castle defense and patrol, maintenance of castle wall, Gumsong, Chakho, and so on. They were mobilized to the construction of Chunggye stream in Youngjo period and played a crucial role to reconstruct Kyungmo Palace and install ship bridge on Han River in Jungjo period. Since the soldiers who were under brokers and army of the capital were responsible for the national services requested by the government with different roles, livelihoods of market merchants and brokers were threatened if the commercial activities of the soldiers who had been already paid were expanded and acknowledged. This is the reason that the government could not but to control the commercial activities of the soldiers with Nanjeon in terms of governmental commercial policy in 18<SUP>th</SUP> century. Therefore, the commercial activities of soldiers since Shinhaerongong in late 18<SUP>th</SUP> century was announced were still controlled. Nonetheless, HullyeonDogam tried to gain the benefit additionally upon continuous commercial activities and Nanjeon, and they secured the right of grain paid as a tax in three Souths competing with Gyunggang merchants. In addition, they contributed to the development of eastern commercial area partly upon leading the role to organize Momin and to perform maintenance during the course of reconstruction for Kyungmo Palace.

18세기 전반 宣惠廳의 재정운영 양상 -同春堂後孫家所藏 『消遣法』을 중심으로-

최주희 ( Joo-hee Choi ) 한국고문서학회 2015 古文書硏究 Vol.47 No.-

同春堂宋浚吉(1606~1672) 後孫家에 전해 내려오는 『消遣法』은 제목만 봐서는 시간을 보내기 위해 소일거리로 쓴 책처럼 보이지만, 실상은 매우 실용적인 목적으로 선혜청의 세입·세출과 각종 경비식을 필사해 놓은 재정장부이다. 본고의 검토 결과, 『소견법』은 숙종 34년(1708) 황해도에 詳定法이 시행되고 얼마 되지 않은 시점에, 동춘당 송준길의 증손인 宋堯卿(1668~1748)이 선혜청 낭청직을 역임하면서 필사한 자료로 추정된다. 『소견법』의 구성을 살펴보면, 크게 ⓛ본청용도와 ②일년 세입·세출액(작전·잡비식 포함), ③대동 저치미 지급식, ④節目⑤공물가 지급식으로 구분해 볼 수 있다. ⓛ본청용도에는 제조당상과 낭청에게 지급되는 각종 물품이 열거되어 있는데, 이는 부가세에 해당하는 公剩價米로 마련되었다. 『소견법』에 기재된 剩米會錄式[100석당 1석]과 空태價捧上式[1석당 2승]은 18세기 전반 선혜청이 6청체제로 정비 되는 과정에서 자체운영경비를 어떻게 마련하였는지 확인할 수 있는 근거자료가 된다. 참고로, 영조35년(1759) 공잉색이 설립될 당시 선혜청은 100석당 2석의 剩米를 거두고 있었으며, 공인들에게 공물가를 지급하면서 空石價로 1석당 2승의 쌀을 수취하였다. 다음으로 『소견법』에는 선혜청의 1년간 세입·세출액을 산출해 놓았다. ②선혜청의 수지구조는 당시 지출[208,243석]이 수입[182,806석]을 초과하는 상황에 있었다. 특정 해의 수치이기는 하지만 『소견법』의 데이터는 18세기 전반 선혜청의 경비가 늘어나는 추세를 반영하고 있다. 또한 『소견법』에는 현재 『대동사목』이 남아있지 않은 경기와 강원도의 세입·세출액과 경기, 황해도의 ③대동저치미 지급식이 쓰여 있어 향후 경기 선혜법뿐 아니라 강원도와 황해도의 상정법을 복원하는 데에 중요한 실마리를 제공할 것으로 보인다. 한 가지 주목할 점은, 본문 중간에 ④節目을 적어 놓은 것이다. 절목은 선혜청 관원의 근무일수, 公事처리절차, 대동세의 출납과 창고 관리, 하급원역의 감독에 관한 처리규정을 담고 있다. 이를 통해 대동사목이나 법전에 명시되지 않은 선혜청 낭청의 역할과 위상을 파악할 수 있었다. 마지막으로, ⑤공물가지급식에는 18세기 전반 선혜청에서 각사소속 공물주인과 廛契人들에게 분기별로 공물가를 지급한 내역이 적혀 있다. 大同事目에는 공물가 지급식이 마련되어 있지 않기 때문에 그간 선혜 각청의 공물가 지출규모를 파악하려면 19세기에 작성된 『萬機要覽『이나 『宣惠廳貢案』 등을 활용할 수밖에 없었다. 그러나 『소견법』의 발굴로 자료의 공백을 어느 정도 메울 수 있으리라 생각한다. 『소견법』은 동춘당 후손가에서 필사한 자료이기는 하지만, 17세기 『대동사목』과 19세기 『청사례』를 연결시켜주는 선혜청 관련 자료라는 점에서 사료적 가치가 크다고 하겠다. 『소견법』을 통해 향후선혜청 연구에 많은 진전이 있기를 바란다. A simple glance at the title of the book would lead to believe that <Sogyeonbeop (消遣法)> passed down to the descendants of Song Jun-gil (1606-1672) was written as a pastime. However, it was actually a financial ledger in which the financial details of the Seonhyecheong (宣惠廳, Agency to Bestow Blessings) during the early 18th century were transcribed. <Sogyeonbeop> is estimated to consist of materials transcribed by Song Jun-gil’s great grandchild Song Yogyeong during his term in office within the Seonhyecheong as Staff Officer( nangcheong). The position of Staff Officer( nangcheong) was a core one, in that such individuals were in charge of the general affairs of Seonnyecheong. As such, the <Sogyeonbeop> should be regarded as materials transcribed from the standpoint of his position as Staff Officer. Song in fact recorded in a detailed manner various articles that had been provided to officials from the Seonhyecheong in the front of the book. The very nature of this list would seem to indicate that Song was a direct beneficiary of these articles. In addition, Song also wrote down instructions for the inspection of lower level officials and in connection with the workdays of a Staff Officer in a subsection related to the work duties of Staff Officers. In conclusion, the <Sogyeonbeop> should be perceived as an account of life within the Seonhyecheong during a particular period that was prepared in accordance with the needs of a specific individual who held the position of Staff Officer, and not as a document officially prepared by the branch of the central government known as the Seonhyecheong. The book has since been passed down to the author``s descendants. Furthermore, the presence of memoson which the circumstances of the time were written between the pages that were added by later generations indicates that <Sogyeonbeop> was preserved and read by the descendants based on objectives that were not necessarily the same as the initial intention of the author. on which the circumstances of the time were written between the pages that were added by later generations indicates that <Sogyeonbeop> was preserved and read by the descendants based on objectives that were not necessarily the same as the initial intention of the author.

중남미 출신 대학생의 재외한국학교 경험 유무에 따른 대학 학업 및 생활적응에 관한 연구

최주희(Choi, Joo-Hee),조덕주(Jo, Duk-Joo) 한국외국어대학교 중남미연구소 2015 중남미연구 Vol.34 No.3

본 연구는 중남미 소재 재외한국학교 및 재외동포교육 개선을 위한 시사점을 제공하고자 한국소재 대학교에 재학 중인 중남미 출신의 재외동포학생들을 대상으로 재외 한국학교 재학 경험이 학업 및 대학 생활 등에 어느 정도 도움이 되는지 살펴보고자한 것이다. 연구 결과, 재외한국학교 경험이 있는 학생들이 경험이 없는 학생보다, 학업 측면(한국어능력, 강의이해도, 성적)과 생활 측면(전공만족, 대인관계)에서 모두 유의미하게 높거나 만족하고 있는 것으로 나타났다. 연구 결과를 토대로 재외한국학교의 양적 확대 및 질적 제고가 필요함을 제안하였다 This study explores to analyze the difference in Korean-Latin American students" academic achievement(korean language level, understanding professor"s lecture, grade of university) and college life satisfaction(satisfying their majors, personal relationship, drop out) in accordance with or without their experiences of overseas korean schools. The results show that the students with experiences of korean schools are higher significantly than the students without experiences of korean schools in both the academic achievement and university life adjustment. Based on these research results, the increase the number of overseas korean schools and the qualitative review of curriculum of these schools are recommended for cultivating global talented human resources out of Korean-Latin American students.

조선후기 왕실·정부기구의 재편과 서울의 공간구조

최주희(Choi, Joo-Hee) 서울시립대학교 서울학연구소 2012 서울학연구 Vol.- No.49

The purpose of this paper is to research how redistributing public finance influenced commercial development in early modern Korea. Choson dynasty made a reformation the tributary system called as Daedong-pub[大同法] through 17~18th centuries. It meaned that the unit of tax got more equalized such as rice or coin and it was impossible to calculate appoximately the tax amount after Daedong-pub. Actually due to carry out Daedongpub, the more larger amount of tax than Ho-jo[戶曹] got into the granaries belonged to Sunhye-chng[宣惠廳] every year. Sunhye-chung redistributed its own finance to contracted merchants such as Gong-in[貢人] or Jeongye-in[廛契人]. They purchased the goods designated by each governmental agencies[貢物] in Seoul market and then procured to them. During 18~19th centuries governmental offices and their contracted merchants increased and Seoul market also got enlarged. Analzing the aspects of the increase of central government agencies through 17th~mid 19th centuries, we can find two noticeable points. One thing, the agencies of central government have increased by 32.1% till mid 19th century. The other thing, the most of them were agencies for sacrificial service or royal family and the second most of them were military agencies. Each group was tend to be located another space in Seoul. Specially, there were many of procurement agencies for Royal family[供上衙門] and Royal houses[宮房] that operate their own finances[內帑] in the mid-west side and northwest of Seoul around Gyungpok Palace[景福宮]. Royal family spent their own money and finances supported by central government in Seoul market. On the other hand, the military camps[軍營] were established around Changdeok palace[昌德宮] and a lot of serviceperson lived there after Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592[壬辰倭亂]. Military camps increased their funds by lending grains to people or producing coins and joined commercial transaction in Seoul market. Professional soldiers and servicepersons sold theiry handiworks in Y-heon market[梨峴] of the northeast side. They got salaries from Hojo or payed for military service from Boin(保人). They also had begun to take part in trading under the aegis of military camps or influential officers in seoul market. Because of their commercial activity, the new markets in northeast and south side of Seoul got developed continuously utill 19th century. In short, Seoul market got developed in late Choson in consequence that the procurement system for sacrificial service and royal family had enlarged and military camps had joined actively for commerce.

발달장애인의 범죄피해 시 진술분석에 관한 연구

최주희(Choi Joo Hee),공정식(Gong Jung Sik) 사단법인 안전문화포럼 2021 안전문화연구 Vol.- No.14

발달장애인이 범죄에 노출될 가능성이 일반성인에 비해 높음에도, 재판과정에서 주요한 증거로 작용될 수 있는 이들의 진술을 체계적으로 검토할 평가척도가 마련되지 않은 상황이다. 그러므로 본 연구의 목표는 일반성인과 다르게 나타나는 발달장애인의 진술양상에 대한 형사절차 관계자들의 이해를 높이고, 수사 및 재판과정에 발달장애인의 진술이 올바르게 적용되도록 하며 더 나아가, 차후 발달장애인 진술분석 평가척도 개발에 유의미한 자료가 되는 것이다. 진술분석이 북미 및 유럽에서 널리 활용되는 도구인 만큼 국내와 더불어 풍부한 국외 자료를 분석하여 발달장애인 진술분석 시 유의해야할 점에 대해 조사하고, 발달장애인 진술분석 평가척도의 필요성에 대해 분석하였다. 특히 발달장애인이 범죄취약계층임을 고려하여 발달장애인이 피해자인 경우에 중점을 두어, 발달장애인 유형에서 큰 부분을 차지하는 지적장애인 및 자폐성장애인 진술분석에 대한 분석을 수행하였다. 결과적으로 일반성인과 다르게 지적장애인과 자폐성장애인의 명확한 발달능력 저하의 특성이 발견되었고, 이는 발달장애인의 기억오류, 기억혼동, 암시 · 유도 · 반복질문 취약, 진술오염 등의 가능성을 증가시켜, 이들의 진술과정 및 진술신빙성 판단과정에도 영향을 미치는 것으로 나타났다. 국내 2015~2018년 지적장애인 사건을 검토한 결과, 법관은 지적장애 피해자가 핵심사실에 대해 일관되고 구체적이게 진술할 경우 진술의 신빙성을 인정하는 경향이 높은 것으로 나타났고, 더하여 피해자의 진술신빙성을 파악하는 과정에서 피고인과의 관계성, 무고가능성 등을 검토하는 것으로 나타났다. 하지만 수사 및 재판과정에서 일관되게 적용되는 명확한 발달장애인 진술분석 평가척도는 존재하지 않으며, 이를 위한 일반원칙 및 통합적인 세부 평가기준 제시에 대한 꾸준한 분석과 연구가 필요한 상황이다. 발달장애인 진술분석 평가척도를 개발하여, 발달장애인 진술 신빙성 검사를 더욱 공정하고 체계적이게 수행하고, 이들의 진술이 법정에서 올바르게 적용될 수 있도록 해야 한다. Although people with developmental disabilities are more likely to be exposed to crimes than ordinary adults, there is no evaluation measure in place to systematically review their statements that can serve as major evidence in the trial process. Therefore, the goal of this study is to enhance criminal procedure officials’ understanding of the statements of people with developmental disabilities that appear differently from ordinary adults, to ensure that statements of people with developmental disabilities are correctly applied to the investigation and trial process, and furthermore, to be a significant data for the development of a official statement analysis assessment scale for statements of people with developmental disabilities. In addition to domestic data, abundant foreign data were used to investigate what should be noted when analyzing statements of developmental disabilities, it is because a statement analysis is a widely used tool in North America and Europe. In particular, considering that people with developmental disabilities are vulnerable to crime, the emphasis was placed on cases where people with developmental disabilities are victims. And, a study was conducted on the statement analysis of intellectual disabilities and autistic disabilities, which account for a large part of the types of developmental disabilities. As a result, unlike ordinary adults, a clear decline in the developmental ability of intellectual disabilities and autistic disabilities was found, this increased the likelihood of memory errors, memory confusion, vulnerability to implications, leading, and repetitive questions, and contamination of statements, which also affected the process of statements and the process of determining the credibility of statements. As a reviewing, the 2015~2018 intellectual disability case in domestic, judges tended to acknowledge the credibility of the statement when the intellectual disability victim consistently and specifically state the core facts. In addition, it was found that in the process of figuring out the credibility of the victim’s statement, the relationship with the Defendant and the possibility of false accusation were reviewed. However, there is no clear evaluation scale for statement analysis of developmental disabilities that is consistently applied during the investigation and trial process, to build this, constant analysis and research on the presentation of general principles and integrated detailed evaluation standards are needed. By building an evaluation scale for the analysis of statements for developmental disabilities, the credibility test for statements of developmental disabilities should be conducted more fairly and systematically, and their statements should be applied correctly in court.

영조대 중반 균역법 시행논의와 『宣惠廳定例』의 간행

최주희(Choi Joo-Hee) 한국사연구회 2014 한국사연구 Vol.- No.164

광해군대 京畿宣惠法의 시행과 선혜청의 운영

최주희(Choi, Joo-Hee) 한국사연구회 2017 한국사연구 Vol.- No.176

16세기 양반관료의 선물관행과 경제적 성격

최주희(Choi Joo-hee) 한국역사연구회 2009 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.71

This article is originated out of an intention to understand the economic system and fiscal situations of the 16th century through the Yangban officials' custom of exchanging gifts. For five centuries, the Joseon dynasty maintained a strong convention of using currency that had actual material-values, from the society's top to the bottom. The Yangban Sajok figures, who rose to become the political leaders of the country in the 16th century with their own Neo-Confucian political agendas, practiced the principle of mutual aid and beneficiary cooperation among themselves, by frequently exchanging gifts, in both the central political arena at the capital and inside local communities. By doing so they solidified their political alliance. Such gifts that were exchanged between Yangban officials and Sajok figures, were mostly 'political gifts' arranged to facilitate one's own receiving of a recommendation for a governmental seat, yet such gift exchanges constituted a flow of some 'economic meaning' as well. Gifts that were provided to Yangban officials and Sajok figures were in many cases obtained through official revenue sources. From the royal family they were provided in the format of bestowal(either Bongyeo/封餘 or Sasong/賜送), and from the official bodies they came in the form of provisions(either Gonggwae/供饋 or Jigong/支供). In the 16th century, when both the Sajok figures and governmental officials coexisted to constitute a dual-layered leadership in both the capital and local societies, the financial system operated with several kinds of expenditure being made without any clear distinction among them in terms of resources, like whether it came from an official revenue sources or private revenue sources. The concepts of a 'gift' and a 'bribe' were put somewhere in the middle, in such gift exchanging customs and habits.

17~18세기 왕실ㆍ정부의 연료 소비 증대와 땔감 조달 방식의 변화

최주희(Choi, Joo-hee) 한국역사연구회 2014 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.94

In the early half of the Joseon dynasty period, a pre-designated amount of Gong-Somok(貢燒木), firewood that was required to be submitted to the government as tax, was alloted to the Eub counties everywhere inside the country, and Gi’in(其人) workers were charged with the responsibility to (extract them and) provide the government with needed amount of firewood in a regular fashion. This practice, however, began to change in the 17th century when the Daedong-beob order was first issued. The submission of Gong-Somok decreased and was later abolished, while the Gi’in workers became tributary retailers who were provided with resources from the Financial Ministry(Ho-jo) and the Seon’hye-cheong office to ‘purchase’ firewood from the market. The central government found itself paying a lot of money and a significant part of its revenue in securing firewood, and began to reduce general spending of it, but it was difficult to reduce firewood that had to be used in ritual ceremonies held by the royal family or used by governmental offices. To make matters worse, with the Ondol practice becoming more popular, the firewood that had to be provided to the royal family and offices only continued to increase. The central government had to keep purchasing needed amount of firewood from the market in the capital, while also distributing firewood ranges(柴場) and charcoal mountains(香炭山) as designated bestowals(折受地). It was nearly impossible for the government to prevent the firewood consumption from increasing.