경주 교동 최씨가 소장 추수기(秋收記)·수세기(收稅記) 자료의 전존 현황과 특성

최주희 ( Choi Joo Hee ) 한국고문서학회 2021 古文書硏究 Vol.59 No.-

경주 교동 최씨가[최부자댁]에서 소장하고 있는 334건의 추수기·수세기 자료는 교동 최씨 가의 지주 경영 방식을 파악할 수 있는 중요한 문서군이다. 이중 274건은 경주시와 울산 북부 지역 일대의 논에서 지대를 수취하기 위해 작성된 추수기 자료들이다. 최씨가의 추수기에서 확인되는 주요한 특징은 다음과 같다. 첫째, 干支를 기준으로 작성연대를 추정하였을 때, 19세기 후반부터 일제시기 전반에 이르는 시계열 분포를 보인다는 점이다. 둘째, 같은 해에 작성된 여러 형태의 추수기가 남아 있고, 추수기 사이에 모종의 상관관계가 확인된다는 점이다. 셋째, 일제시기까지 대부분의 논에서 打租의 방식을 적용하여 추수기를 작성하였다는 점이다. 비슷한 시기 다른 지역의 추수기에서 확인되는 지대수취 방식은 대부분 執租와 賭租인데 반해, 교동 최씨가의 추수기는 作人과 種子, 稅米까지도 공동 분담하는 형식을 띤 것으로 보인다. 이 때문에 추수기 상에 作人과 斗落, 種子·卜價를 먼저 쓰고, 추수 후 이를 공제하여 반분한 내역을 나중에 기재하는 방식으로 추수기를 작성하였다. 실제로 경주지역 작인들 사이에서 최씨가의 지대수취 방식을 ‘단갈림한다’고 표현하였다. 한편 교동 최씨가에서는 밭작물인 보리와 콩 수확을 관리하고 지대를 수취하기 위한 목적에서 별도의 수 세기를 작성하였으며, 현재 남아 있는 건수만 60점으로 확인된다. 추수기에 대한 다양한 사례 연구가 발표된 바 있지만, 밭작물의 지대수취 내역을 이처럼 오랜 기간 수세기 형식으로 작성한 경우는 드물다. 일부의 사례를 검토한 것이기는 하지만, 최씨가의 추수기에서 확인되는 평균 지대량은 당대 다른 지역의 지대량과 큰 차이를 보이지 않는다. 반면 작인에게서 거둔 보리와 콩의 평균 지대량은, 도조의 방식으로 수취하였기 때문에 절대 생산량을 짐작하기 어려움에도 불구하고 현저히 적은 액수로 파악된다. 이는 최씨가에서 가경지를 제외한 나머지 밭을 작인들에게 대여해주고 최소한의 지대만 수취한 결과로 여겨진다. 이처럼 최씨가의 지주 경영은 당대 다른 지역 사례와 차별되는 측면들이 있다. 본고에서는 전체적인 자료의 현황과 작성방식을 분석하는 데 논의의 초점을 맞추었기 때문에, 향후에는 본고에서 미처 다 해결하지 못한 부분들을 보완하여, 구체적인 지대량의 추이를 살펴보기로 하겠다. Over 330 historic materials on harvest season possessed by ‘Rich Men’ Gyeongju Choi clan in Gyeongju Gyodong are important documents that can be used to reveal Rich Men Choi’s unique landowner management cases. Among which, 274 are the data written during harvest season for the purpose of receiving rent from the land distributed sporadically in Gyeongju and northern part of Ulsan. The major characteristics identified in Rich Men Choi’s historic house are as follows. First, when estimating the whole data, it showed chronological distribution from the late 19^th century to the first half season of Japanese occupation. Second, different types of harvest materials written during the same year co-existed and a certain correlation between them is identified. Third, up to the Japanese colonial period, most paddy fields of Gyeongju Choi clan applied ‘Tajo(打租: receiving a rent with a half-dividing of the harvest)’method. Rent acquisitions identified in other regions in contemporaries were ‘Jipzo(執租: adjusting rent rates before harvesting)’ or ‘Dojo(賭租: receiving a rent with a certain amounts of harvest)’. However Rich men Choi clan shared in half of seeds and rice straws with tenant farmers. So among tenant farmers in Gyeongju, Rich men Choi’s rent acquisition method was called as ‘Dangalim(indicating 5:5 allocation).’ On the other hand, Rich men Choi wrote separate materials to menage barley-farm product and bean harvest and there were now 62 of them have been remained. Various case studies on harvest records of paddies have been published, but few rent aquisition cases from harvest of bean and barley have been identified. Rich men Choi’s average rent identified during harvest season does not show a big difference from the rent amount in other regions, although it reviewed a part of all cases. But the average rent of barley and bean collected from the tenant farmers is significantly low despite the difficulties in guessing the absolute production because they received rent in the way of Dojo. This is considered as a result of lending the rest fields except the arable lands of Rich men Choi to tenant farmers and receiving the minimum rent. Like this, Rich men Choi’s landowner management has a difference from the cases of other regions. In this paper, the focus is on analyzing the current status of the entire data and how it was written. So further studies need to complement the insufficient parts that were not resolved in this paper and reveal the specific historic points of view about Rich Men Choi’s landowner management case.

플라톤 이데아론을 바탕으로 아상블라주 기법을 활용한 아트메이크업 작품제작

최주희(Joo-Hee Choi),한지수(Ji-Soo Han) 한국화장품미용학회 2020 한국화장품미용학회지 Vol.10 No.2

Humans conceptualize and acquire knowledge through perceived sensations. Human senses are obtained from individuals, but also they are acquired and structured in organization and education, and concepts that fit in the structure beyond individual senses are established. Humans have built these concepts through education and institutions. Nowaday, in a society respects diversity however the knowledge conceived through the acquisition of dependence on a consistent perception. As the humans specified in the Platos theory of Ideas bound in the caves, Humans regard all the experiences as a real. Education according to the system that humans have built seems to limit the human beings awareness of new existence from the truth (light). Accordingly, the beliefs that humans have and the senses formed through the system that humans have been protected so far have contradiction. This study explained the theoretical background and the contradiction of the above according to the analogy of the cave based on Platos theory of Ideas, and produced the art works by using the characteristics of the assemblage techniques. As for the assemblage techniques, the characteristics of the assemblage techniques were classified into five types: materiality, shape, dailyness , coincidence, and sociality. The results of this study, which produced art make-up works using the assemblage techniques based on Platos theory of Ideas, are as follows. Each of the eight works expresses certain contrast by its silhouette and the real work.

18세기 중후반 훈련도감의 立役 범위 확대와 도감군의 상업활동

최주희(Choi, Joo-Hee) 고려사학회 2018 한국사학보 Vol.- No.71

18세기 들어 대외정세가 안정됨에 따라 중앙군문의 위상은 이전시기와 달라졌다. 영조대 戊申亂이후 왕실 호위와 궁궐 숙위의 중요성이 강조되었으며, 도성 순라와 성곽 보수, 禁松, 捉虎등 도성을 재정비하는 차원의 각종 국역이 균역법 시행 이후 재검토되었다. 삼군문이 중앙정부의 각종 역사를 분담하는 체제가 형성되었으며, 그중 훈련도감군은 금·어 양영의 상번군보다 각종 역사에 우선적으로 차출되었다. 18세기 중반 이후 훈련도감군이 각종 국역에 일차로 동원된 배경은 첫 번째, 균역청으로부터 감필에 따른 급대재원을 비교적 충실히 지급 받은 데에서 찾을 수 있다. 둘째, 영조 32년(1756)부터 금위영과 어영청의 停番을 훈련도감군이 대신 서게 하고 이들에게 旅需錢을 지급하는 조치가 취해지면서 나타난 효과로 볼 수 있다. 이 과정에서 훈련도감군은 도성의 상업활동에 적극 가담하여 초기 手持之物을 판매하던 수준에서 점차 난전을 열고 도고활동을 벌이는 단계로까지 나아갔다. 정부입장에서는 서울의 공물조달역을 행하는 공시인과 마찬가지로 도감군 역시 국역을 수행하는 자들이었기 때문에, 일부 상업활동을 허용해주는 선에서 이들의 생계를 보전해주고자 하였다. 그러나 18세기 이후 이들이 난전, 도고행위로 서울시장을 위협하는 수준에 이르자, 정부는 도감군의 상업활동을 제재하는 조치를 취하였다. 애초에 국역체제의 틀 속에서 정부는 도감군의 입역을 확대하였으나, 그에 따른 반대급부로 난전, 도고활동을 전면 허용해줄 수 없는 상태에서 군문에 대한 정부의 상업정책은 이처럼 미온적인 성격을 띨 수밖에 없었다. 辛亥通共이 반포된 이후 도감군의 상업활동에 대한 정부의 규제 역시 도고행위를 금지하는 수준 이상을 넘지 않았다. 이에 18세기 후반 훈련도감은 난전과 도고활동을 지속적으로 전개하여 부수적인 이익을 도모하였으며, 경강선인들과 경쟁하여 삼남의 세곡을 임운하는 권한도 확보하였다. 또한 景慕宮을 개건하는 과정에서 주변을 정비하고 모민을 조성하는 역할을 주도함에 따라 서울의 동부권 상업 발달에도 기여하였다. Tributes to be delivered to royal merchants and governmental offices were procured by the brokers in the capital city upon expansion of Daedongbeop to 6 Provinces since 18<SUP>th</SUP> century. The brokers who were paid by the government on tributes and services started to be responsible for the transportation of the inflowing goods to the capital and maintenance services of palaces and official residences. The national services that had been dispatched and handled by the people were changed into the payment system since Daedongbeop was effective. Hence, the market merchants and brokers in the capital paid by Hojo and Sunhyechung provided with a variety of goods to be required for King’s visit or movement. On the other hand, soldiers were dispatched to the defense of the castle as well as services by obligation unlike market merchants or brokers. Especially, the soldiers in Hullyeon Dogam played roles as the most important position among three armies upon dispatching to defend the royal family as well as various services such as castle defense and patrol, maintenance of castle wall, Gumsong, Chakho, and so on. They were mobilized to the construction of Chunggye stream in Youngjo period and played a crucial role to reconstruct Kyungmo Palace and install ship bridge on Han River in Jungjo period. Since the soldiers who were under brokers and army of the capital were responsible for the national services requested by the government with different roles, livelihoods of market merchants and brokers were threatened if the commercial activities of the soldiers who had been already paid were expanded and acknowledged. This is the reason that the government could not but to control the commercial activities of the soldiers with Nanjeon in terms of governmental commercial policy in 18<SUP>th</SUP> century. Therefore, the commercial activities of soldiers since Shinhaerongong in late 18<SUP>th</SUP> century was announced were still controlled. Nonetheless, HullyeonDogam tried to gain the benefit additionally upon continuous commercial activities and Nanjeon, and they secured the right of grain paid as a tax in three Souths competing with Gyunggang merchants. In addition, they contributed to the development of eastern commercial area partly upon leading the role to organize Momin and to perform maintenance during the course of reconstruction for Kyungmo Palace.

한옥형 호텔의 현황 및 형태에 관한 연구

최주희(Choi, Joo-Hee),조현정(Cho, Hyun-Jung),김상협(Kim, Sang-Hyup),김왕직(Kim, Wang-Jik) 대한건축학회 2013 대한건축학회 학술발표대회 논문집 Vol.33 No.1

18세기 중반『탁지정례(度支定例)』류(類) 간행의 재정적 특성과 정치적 의도

최주희(Choi, Joo-hee) 한국역사연구회 2011 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.81

During the middle period of king Yeongjo's reign, a book named 『Takji-jeong'rye(度支定例)』 was published in the wake of the crown prince's overseeing of the government and also amidst all the preparations made for Yeongjo's stepping down from the throne. It was published to cut unnecessary spending of the government's money, and also to prevent certain malpractices that could come from the governmental offices' requirement of the public to report for more national duty(應役) or to agree to additional submissions. It was to secure a sufficient monetary basis to aid the unstable government and its "Tangpyeong" policy. Since the early half of the Joseon dynasty, the concept of 'only spending an amount of money based upon what has been collected(量入爲出), has been compromised, especially in the revenue area, as discussions of the tributary taxation process did not lead to a more aggressive solution such as revising the tributary item register itself, but only to a compromising result demonstrated by the creation of the 'Daedong Samok.' In terms of the royal family's and the governmental offices' collection of tributary items, other than the regular amount that should be collected by the Seon'hye-cheong office, additional submissions were being forced, and the Hojo (Ministry of Finance) office's "Byeolmu" collection was increasing as well. The king and the government were finding it difficult to discourage such practices. So king Yeongjo intended to bring reforms to the 'spending area,' in order to reduce malpractices which were continuing to plague the people in the 'revenue area.' This was the primary reason behind compiling 『Takji-jeong'rye(度支定例)』, which was a book related to the government's spending. The publication of 『Takji-jeong'rye(度支定例)』 was one of the centerpieces of king Yeongjo's fiscal policies, which included the initiation of the land tax 'Bichong-je(比據制)' act and the government's agenda to promote 'cutting spending(節損)' and also to pursue ways of ensuring the people's 'stable living (恒産).' Yet 『Takji-jeong'rye(度支定例)』 as well granted some 'special cases,' while the government's spending of tributary items was quietly allowed in the form of the Byeolmu( ) practice. So, during the latter(別貿)half of king Yeongjo's reign and also the reign of king Jeongjo's, Takji-jeong'rye(度支定例) had to be revised on a regular basis.

17~18세기 왕실ㆍ정부의 연료 소비 증대와 땔감 조달 방식의 변화

최주희(Choi, Joo-hee) 한국역사연구회 2014 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.94

In the early half of the Joseon dynasty period, a pre-designated amount of Gong-Somok(貢燒木), firewood that was required to be submitted to the government as tax, was alloted to the Eub counties everywhere inside the country, and Gi’in(其人) workers were charged with the responsibility to (extract them and) provide the government with needed amount of firewood in a regular fashion. This practice, however, began to change in the 17th century when the Daedong-beob order was first issued. The submission of Gong-Somok decreased and was later abolished, while the Gi’in workers became tributary retailers who were provided with resources from the Financial Ministry(Ho-jo) and the Seon’hye-cheong office to ‘purchase’ firewood from the market. The central government found itself paying a lot of money and a significant part of its revenue in securing firewood, and began to reduce general spending of it, but it was difficult to reduce firewood that had to be used in ritual ceremonies held by the royal family or used by governmental offices. To make matters worse, with the Ondol practice becoming more popular, the firewood that had to be provided to the royal family and offices only continued to increase. The central government had to keep purchasing needed amount of firewood from the market in the capital, while also distributing firewood ranges(柴場) and charcoal mountains(香炭山) as designated bestowals(折受地). It was nearly impossible for the government to prevent the firewood consumption from increasing.

균역법 시행 전후 훈련도감(訓鍊都監)의 재원확보 양상

최주희(Choi Joo-hee) 한국역사연구회 2016 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.102

With the implementation of the Gyun’yeok institution, the amount of textile materials(“Gapo”) collected from households by the military offices(“Gunmun”) was reduced from 2 ‘pil’ units to 1, but the Hullyeon Dogam office, compared to other offices such as Geum’wi-yeong and Eo’yeong-cheong, was rather well compensated(“Geubdae”) for its losses. At the time, Hullyeon Dogam was having trouble securing grains that would be distributed to the soldiers as salary(“Ryomi, 料米”) and military demands[軍需], but was provided with ‘Geubdae’ by the Gyun’yeok-cheong office, in the form of Daedong rice(“Daedong-mi”). Also, it was provided with interest which was generated by the Sangjin-gok(常賑穀) reserve, operated by the Gyun’yeok-cheong office as part of the Hwan’gok(還穀) practice. Other than this, Hullyeon Dogam was offered the right to collect taxes from Gungbang(宮房) bodies’ lands, which had actually been exempted from taxation(“Myeonse-gyeol”). And when the Hullyeon Dogam soldiers had to step in as Geum’wi-yeong and Eo’yeong-cheong soldiers were unable to post their shifts in the capital area, those two offices were obliged to provide the Hullyeon Dogam soldiers with compensation, in the form of Yeosu-jeon(旅需錢). Finally, since 1758, the 34th year of king Yeongjo’s reign, Hullyeon Dogam was authorized to annually take advantage of the grain under the jurisdiction of the Finance “Hojo” Ministry, in case it needed additional resources to pay their Bokma-gun soldiers with Ryomi salary. It should also be noted that during the time the Gyun’yeok institution was in operation, Hullyeon Dogam continued to create over 100,000 ‘nyang’ units of coins, and earned more than 60,000 nyang units from that venture. With such newly garnered profits, Hullyeon Dogam purchased silver, loaned it to soldiers and brought in additional income. And in the meantime, monitoring the Yang’hyang-cheong office’s failure to collect adequate amount of taxes from the garrison farms(“Dunjeon”), Hullyeon Dogam also newly rented, purchased, or even initiated reclamation efforts of those farms, to use it as another source of income that could be diverted to resources which would facilitate the Hullyeon Dogam’s sub-offices. In short, Hullyeon Dogam was continuously aided and supported by central financial offices even when other central military offices were suffering from the government’s overall [financial] retrenchment policy. As a result, Hullyeon Dogam, which was operated by rotated servicemen(“Jangbeon-gun”), became a liability to the Joseon government’s financial management. Yet, in order to protect the king and the population from foreign threats, and foster political stability by managing internal social strifes, maintaining Hullyeon Dogam as it is was more than an imperative task for the government. The way the Hullyeon Dogam office secured necessary budgets for itself was a little complicated, but it was also a policy-based effort intended to minimize financial pressure upon the government, sanctioned by the government itself which had to operate a military full time.

반계 유형원의 救荒論

최주희 ( Choi Joo-hee ) 한국실학학회 2022 한국실학연구 Vol.- No.44

유형원이 『반계수록』을 집필하던 시기(1652~1670)는 영정법의 시행으로 전세의 하향 평준화가 진행되는 가운데, 호남 산군에까지 대동법이 확대 시행되어 민역이 크게 개선되던 시기였다. 반면 재정아문과 신설군문들을 중심으로 환곡 및 둔전 설치가 확대되고 정규세 이외의 잡역 수취와 군포 첩징이 가중되는 시기이기도 했다. 국가차원에서 재정확충을 위한 로드맵이 설계되지 않은 상태에서 민역을 줄이기 위한 세제 개혁과 경비 충당을 위한 재정 조치들이 산발적으로 시행됨에 따라 국가 세입은 어느 정도 회복됐지만, 재정 건전성은 언제든 악화될 수 있는 상황에 처해 있었다. 여기에 자연재해로 인한 항상적인 기근과 유리민의 발생으로 농민들의 생활 안정을 위한 부세감면과 구휼 정책도 동시에 모색되어야 했다. 유형원은 이러한 중앙정책의 한계점을 목도하고, 공전제를 통한 재정 수입 확대와 물류체계의 안정화를 꾀함과 동시에 『주례』에 기초한 항상적인 기근구제 방안을 제시했다. 이를 구체적으로 언급하자면, 유형원은 「분전정세절목」을 작성해 공전에서 토지세와 군역을 차출하는 이외에 여타의 현물 징수와 노동력의 무상 징발을 금지시켰다. 또한 공전의 세율을 토지의 등급별로 고정시킴으로써 기존에 비해 세율을 낮추는 효과를 꾀했다[薄征]. 한편 기존의 환곡제를 폐지하는 대신, 지방의 비축 재원과 한 해 쓰고 남은 세입을 중앙과 지방의 상평창에 비축해 전란과 기근에 대비하도록 했다. 마지막으로 이처럼 상평창을 중심으로 한 국가의 공적 물류체계를 안정적으로 구축하는 가운데, 상평창곡의 일부를 덜어 향촌의 구제기금[사창]을 조성하고자 했다[散利]. 유형원은 『주례』의 황정조에 명시된 ‘박정’과 ‘산리’를 실현하기 위해 공전의 수취율을 재조정하고 사창 및 상평창의 재분배 기능을 활용해 국가물류체계를 건실화하는 방안을 제안했다. 겉으로 볼 때 원칙론으로 읽힐 수 있는 유형원의 기민구제책은 전제개혁의 성과를 바탕으로 향촌사회의 작동원리를 새롭게 설계한 밑그림이라 할 수 있으며, 이 밑그림에는 유형원이 오랜 기간 향촌[부안]에서 생활하면서 맞닥뜨린 현실문제와 이로부터 도출해낸 실천 방안이 녹아있음을 기억해야 할 것이다. Yu Hyeong-won wrote Bangye Surok(磻溪隨錄) in a atmosphere where central government's policies to rebuild the dynasty were being sought after Byeongjahoran. As is well known, Yu Hyeong-won argued for a land reform plan in which the central government would distribute land differentially to the royal family, bureaucrats, and commoners, so that all farmers could engaged in agriculture, instead of paying land tax and serving in the military. In addition, Yu Hyeong-won tried to apply the 12 relief methods in Zhu Rye(周禮) to Joseon society in order to protect farmers for famine in the agricultural-oriented economic system. Among the 12 relief plans of Zhu Rye(周禮), the ones that Yu Hyeong-won considered most important were ‘lightening the tax[薄征]’ and ‘distributing the accumulated grain[散利]’. In order to realize this, Yu Hyeong-won proposed a plan to not only reduce the land tax rate and fix the tax amount, but also to efficiently operate the relief fund by utilizing granary system such as Sangpyeongchang(常平倉) and Sachang(社倉). Yu Hyeong-won's relief plan can be said to be a sketch of a new design of the operating principles of rural society based on the achievements of land reform. It should be remembered that this sketch contains the real problems faced by Yu Hyeong-won while living in rural area(Buan) for a long time and the reform plans derived from them.

16세기 양반관료의 선물관행과 경제적 성격

최주희(Choi Joo-hee) 한국역사연구회 2009 역사와 현실 Vol.- No.71

This article is originated out of an intention to understand the economic system and fiscal situations of the 16th century through the Yangban officials' custom of exchanging gifts. For five centuries, the Joseon dynasty maintained a strong convention of using currency that had actual material-values, from the society's top to the bottom. The Yangban Sajok figures, who rose to become the political leaders of the country in the 16th century with their own Neo-Confucian political agendas, practiced the principle of mutual aid and beneficiary cooperation among themselves, by frequently exchanging gifts, in both the central political arena at the capital and inside local communities. By doing so they solidified their political alliance. Such gifts that were exchanged between Yangban officials and Sajok figures, were mostly 'political gifts' arranged to facilitate one's own receiving of a recommendation for a governmental seat, yet such gift exchanges constituted a flow of some 'economic meaning' as well. Gifts that were provided to Yangban officials and Sajok figures were in many cases obtained through official revenue sources. From the royal family they were provided in the format of bestowal(either Bongyeo/封餘 or Sasong/賜送), and from the official bodies they came in the form of provisions(either Gonggwae/供饋 or Jigong/支供). In the 16th century, when both the Sajok figures and governmental officials coexisted to constitute a dual-layered leadership in both the capital and local societies, the financial system operated with several kinds of expenditure being made without any clear distinction among them in terms of resources, like whether it came from an official revenue sources or private revenue sources. The concepts of a 'gift' and a 'bribe' were put somewhere in the middle, in such gift exchanging customs and habits.

15~16세기 別進上의 상납과 운영 : 강원·경상지역 사례를 중심으로

최주희(Choi Joo-hee) 고려사학회 2012 한국사학보 Vol.- No.46