프랑스 혁명과 수학의 변화

최종성,Choi, Jong-Sung 한국수학사학회 2007 Journal for history of mathematics Vol.20 No.1

프랑스 혁명이라는 렌즈를 통하여 사회적 변화가 수학에 어떠한 경로로 어떤 변화를 야기 시키게 되었는지를 다루고자 한다. 혁명의 소용돌이 속에서 활동한 주요한 수학자들의 삶의 궤적을 추적함으로써 수학자 개인 혹은 집단과 사회의 관계를 볼 것이다. 혁명은 모든 분야에 새로운 가능성을 불어넣는다. 새로운 국가는 위기타개를 위해 과학자들에 의무를 부여하고 이에 대응하는 과정에서 과학자 집단이 생겨나게 된다. 이는 수학에 있어서도 예외는 아니었다. 정치적 재배치와 에꼴 폴리테크닉으로 대변되는 교육 개혁은 수학에 있어서 카르노와 몽주로 대변되는 소수의 새로운 기하학 분야가 주류의 해석학과 어깨를 견줄 정도로 성장하게 되는 계기를 제공하게 되는 사실을 살펴본다. This paper examines a historical case- the French Revolution- of conceptual change in mathematics. The case that is a space of possibility gave birth to a new community of mathematical practitioners. Carnot and Monge shared the particular conceptions of the problems, aims, and methods of a field and contributed to found Ecole Polytechnique. I intend to show how Carnot's and Monge's mathematical endeavours responded to social, political and technological developments in French society.

조선시대 유교와 무속의 관계 연구 -유(儒),무(巫) 관계유형과 그 변천을 중심으로-

최종성 ( Chong Sung Choi ) 한국샤머니즘학회 2002 샤머니즘연구 Vol.4 No.-

감악산의 민속종교

최종성 ( Choi Jong Seong ) 서울대학교 종교문제연구소 2016 종교와 문화 Vol.0 No.31

This article aims to understand the folk religion of Gamak mountain as a sacred place based on historical texts and field survey data. Gamak mountain has been a ritualistic hub, which transcended era, class, and religious tradition: from ancient times to the present day, from royal family to common people, from institutional religion to noninstitutional belief. The religiosity of Gamak mountain was concentrated on Gamaksa shrine(紺岳祠), Seolingui shrine(薛仁貴堂), and the Gamak Monument(紺岳山碑), which were located at the top of the mountain. They were represented respectively as divine beings such as Gamak mountain god(紺岳山神), god of general Seolingui(薛仁貴將軍), and Bitdoldaewang(bitdol means monumental stone, daewang means great king). Gamak mountain god was enshrined in Gamaksa. The state official rituals for the mountains and rivers were regularly held in Gamaksa. Gamak mountain god was reputed for his ability to fulfill the wishes of precipitation and healing, so that many rituals of affliction were also irregularly held in Gamaksa. Moreover, despite being harshly criticized as an improper ritual(淫祀), the praying events of local populace were also ardently continued. Even though Gamaksa no longer exists today, the religious beliefs and rituals of Gamak mountain god still have devout followers in many Shamanic shrines at the foot of the Gamak mountain and in Sanshingak, the shrine of the mountain god in the Buddhist temple alongside the mountain. There was a shrine dedicated to general Seolingui next to Gamaksa shrine, which was located at the top of Gamak mountain. There was only one shrine originally. However, during the reign of King Sejong, another ritual place, Gamaksa was established to hold only state official Confucian rituals. Then Seolingui shrine was officially regarded as a shrine for improper ritual. Seolingui was a general in the Chinese Tang dynasty. Even though Seolingui was an enemy commander, local people identified him with the Gamak mountain god and accepted him enthusiastically as the true patron of Gamak area. Both Gamaksa and Seolingui shrine are gone today, and only the Gamak Monument remains. Although there is no historical evidence that proves the interrelationship between this Monument and Seolingui, the local people look upon the Monument as a memorial stone of Seolingui. Finally the Gamak Monument is recognized as a representation of general Seolingui. That is why Seolingui, who was equated with the Gamak mountain god, is called `Bitdoldaewang`, the great king of the monument. Gamak mountain god, general Seolingui, and Bitdoldaewang, which are almost identical in symbolic associative structure, continue to be worshipped coming down from the mountain top today.

서유구의 양전법의 수학적 고찰 - 구일집과의 비교를 중심으로 -

최종성(Choi, Jong sung) 역사실학회 2019 역사와실학 Vol.70 No.-

풍석(楓石) 서유구(徐有榘, 1764∼1845)의 『임원경제지(林園經濟志)』는 백과사전적 성격을 띠는 방대한 저서이다. 그 저서의 첫 번째 부분인 본리지(本利志) 1권의 부록인 양전법(量田法)에 대한 수학적 고찰이 본 논문의 목적이다. 다양한 모양의 농지의 넓이를 구하는 양전법은 국가 재정의 주춧돌이자 수학적으로는 기하학의 일부로서 평면도형의 넓이를 다루는 것과 동일하다. 양전법은 산학의 기본이자 중요한 주제이기도 하다. 산학에 조예가 깊었던 조선 사대부 서유구의 양전법에 대한 수학적 고찰을 중인 출신의 전문 산학자인 남양(南陽) 홍정하(洪正夏, 1684∼?)가 저술한 산학서 『구일집(九一集)』에 수록된 문제들과 비교하면서 수행하고자 한다. 이 과정에서 본리지의 수학적 부분인 양전법의 전통산학적인 측면과 함께 『구일집(九一集)』과는 차별되는 다음 세 가지를 드러내 보일 것이다. 첫째는 원, 타원, 원 고리의 넓이를 구하는 과정에서 기하학적 관계를 활용한 비례식을 사용하였다는 점이다. 둘째는 이전 보다 정밀한 원주율을 사용하였다는 점인데 이는 본리지의 수학 부분에 끼친 서양 수학의 영향이라고 할 수 있다. 마지막으로는 삼각함수의 활용을 들 수 있다. 이것은 홍정하의 저서에서는 볼 수 없으며, 중국에서 들여온 산학서 『수리정온(數理精蘊)』의 영향이라고 봐야할 것이다. 본리지의 수학 부분이 어떤 통로로 서양 수학의 영향을 받게 되었는지도 간단히 살펴볼 것이다. 마지막으로 서유구의 양전법 서술 방식은 서양 수학의 영향으로 전통적인 산학서 서술방식이 변해가는 모습의 작은 증거이자 한계임을 지적할 것이다. 『Imwonkyungjeji(林園經濟志)』of Pungseog(楓石) Yugu Seo(徐有榘, 1764-1845) is an enormous book with an encyclopedia. The purpose of this paper is a mathematical study of Yangjeonbub(量田法), an appendix to the first volume of Bonliji(本利志), the first part of the book. Yangjeonbub, method for calculating the area of various forms of farmland is the same as the cornerstone of national finances and mathematically as dealing with the area of planar form, part of the geometry. Yangjeonbub is a basic and important subject of traditional Mathematics. This study attempts to compare the mathematical considerations of Yangjeonbub in Yugu Seo, a high official of Chosun Dynasty, which had a strong knowledge of traditional Mathematics, with the problems in the traditional mathematics book 『Guiljip(九一集)』, written by Namyang(南陽) Jeongha Hong (洪正夏, 1684 ∼?), a professional mathematician. In this process, along with the traditional mathematical aspects of Yangjeonbub, mathematical part of Bonliji, the following three things will be distinguished from the Guiljip. First, in the process of finding the area of circles, ellipses and circle rings, the proportional expression using geometric relations was used. Second, the more precise (ratio of a circle’s circumference to its diameter) was used, which is the influence of Western mathematics on mathematics of Bonliji. Finally, the trigonometric functions were used. This is not seen in Jeongha Hong"s book, and should be seen as the influence of the Chinese traditional mathematics book, 『Surijeongon(數理精蘊)』. We will also briefly look at how passages of mathematics of Bonliji were influenced by Western mathematics. Finally, it will be pointed out that Yangjeonbub"s way of writing by Yugu Seo is a small evidence and limitation of how traditional mathematics book description is changing under the influence of Western mathematics.

Microchip 항온제어용 고효율 TEM 드라이버의 설계

최종성(Jong-Sung Choi),오재곤(Chae-Gon Oh),황창원(Chang-Won Hwang),유기동(Gi-Dong You) 대한전기학회 2009 정보 및 제어 심포지엄 논문집 Vol.2009 No.10

열전소자(TEM : Thermoelectric Module)를 이용한 전자식 항온제어 기술은 기계적 작동 부품이 없어 소음과 진동이 없으며, 간단한 디바이스 구조로 인해 소형 제작이 가능하여 이를 이용한 항온제어가 전자제품, 통신 설비 등 많은 분야로 적용이 확대되고 있다. 단일모듈을 사용하여 냉각과 가열이 가능한 열전소자는 공급되는 직류전원의 극성을 바꿈으로서 구현되는데, 기존의 스위칭 트랜지스터를 사용한 방법으로는 트랜지스터 양단의 전압강하로 인해 드라이어의 출력 효율이 감소함에 따라 시스템 에너지 효율, COP(Coefficient of performance)가 저하 된다. 따라서 본 논문에서는 열전소자 드라이버의 효율을 높이기 위해 PWM(Pulse Width Modulation) 방식의 H-브리지 양방향 전류제어계를 구성하고 열전소차를 결합한 마이크로칩 항온모듈에서의 에너지 효율을 조사하였다. 그 결과 기존 제어계의 동작 한계범위인 600mA를 극복하고, 100mA에서부터 출력소자가 갖는 한계범위까지의 전 영역에서 84% 이상의 고효율 열전소자용 드라이버가 구현되었다.

야나기타 분지로(柳田文治郞) 본 『진본정감록』의 검토 : 「정감록(鄭堪錄)」 편을 중심으로

최종성 ( Choi Jong Seong ) 한국종교학연구회 2022 宗敎學硏究 Vol.40 No.-

This paper deals with the Jinbon Jeonggamnok (眞本鄭堪錄) published by Yanagita Bunjiro (柳田文治郞) in 1923. This book is one of the first Jeonggamnok documents published in Korea along with Kim Yongju's Jeonggamnok (鄭鑑錄). In 1923, Korean prophetic documents, which existed only as manuscripts, were competitively published in Japan and Korea under the same title of ‘Jeonggamnok’. This paper examines the bibliographic characteristics of Yanagita Bunjiro's book through comparison with contemporary publications: Hosoi Hajime's Jeonggamnok (鄭鑑錄), Kim Yongju's Jeonggamnok (鄭鑑錄), and Hyun Byeongju's Binan Jeonggamnok (批難鄭鑑錄眞本). In addition, this paper reviewed the characteristics of the main narratives of Jeonggamnok (鄭堪錄), the first chapter of Jinbon Jeonggamnok, from a comparative literature perspective. Korean prophetic writings often refer to the fate of the Joseon Dynasty in units of 100 years: 300-year story, 400-year story, and 500-year story. Unlike many versions, Yanagita Bunjiro’s Jeonggamnok contains a 500-year story, which is presumed to be the result of reflecting the crisis discourse of people in the 19th century ahead of the 500-year history of the Joseon Dynasty.

무업(巫業) 없는 무당 -개종상황에 놓인 조선의 무당들-

최종성 ( Jong Seong Choi ) 서울대학교 종교학연구회 2014 宗敎學硏究 Vol.32 No.-

This article attempts to approach the situation of shaman``s conversion to other religious community in Joseon Dynasty. The academic study of shamanism seldom pays attention to deconversion or apostasy from shamanic beliefs and practices. It, rather, emphasizes on shamanic initiatory crisis and ordeal, rite of passage, and religious function of the shamanic practitioner. In fact, the dominant academic trend towards the shamanizing processes provides a focus on the changeless and everlasting life of shamans even in the multiple religious society. But we can see numerous shamans who renounced their own religious practices and specialty in premodern Korea. They sometimes gave up their shamanic trade and sold off their paraphernalia(steel rattles and swords) in a hurry at a dirt cheap price, in order to follow Saengbul (Living Buddha) or Mireukbul(Maitreya) living at that time. They were no longer ritual practitioners but rather religious consumers who converted to other charismatic religious movements. This article is just the beginning for the study of Korean shaman``s conversion situation. We need to collect the historical and ehthnographic detail that can analyze the complexity and dynamics of shamanic conversion situation.

國巫와 國巫堂

최종성(Choi Jong-seong) 비교민속학회 2001 비교민속학 Vol.21 No.-

This article aims to understand the characteristics of ‘national shamans’(國巫 : kookmu) and the ‘national shamanic temple’(國巫堂 : kookmudang) during the Chosun dynasty. If we consider the historical context of Chosun dynasty, it is clear that the kookmu played an important state function. Musok(Korean shamanism) was the target of Confucian criticism for being excessive and improper. Nonetheless, due to the religious sterility of newly created Confucian rituals, Musok continued to serve an important function for the nation and the royal family by seeking blessings and warding off misfortune. Kookmu was a full-time ritual specialist, performing Musok kookhangje(國行祭 : national ritual) and nahangje(內行祭 : royal ritual). A typical example of kookhangje and nahangje which were performed by a kookmu, is byolgieun(別祈恩 : special prayer to god of mountain and river for blessings). In order to control the traditional beliefs of the Chosun masses, in mountain and river gods, Confucianists readily codified national sanchunje(山川祭 : sacrifice for mountain and river gods) in the early part of the Chosun dynasty. But, Confucianists could not substitute sanchunje for byolgieun, and so the two ritual forms coexisted. By analyzing the fact that Musok byolgieun was eventually administrated by a state office, seonsuchung(星宿廳), and that it was performed in the national shamanic temple(國巫堂) by a Musok ritual specialist(國巫), we see a contradiction in the official religious policy which both prohibited and officially recognized the Musok. It was not until the elite, who reformed the ritual systems, were fully conscious of Confucian orthodoxy in the 16th century that this contradiction within the official religious system came to an end. Eventually, seongsuchung was destroyed, and the national Musok byolgieun was abolished, but the royal Musok byolgieun continued to be performed secretly inside the royal court until the end of the Chosun dynasty. Kookmu was disqualified from performing the national ritual in the middle of Chosun dynasty, she starred to lose her public function or official position. Nevertheless, there were some women who called themselves kookmu and frequented the royal palace. Nowadays, kookmu(nara mudang, nara mansin) is offen referred to as an influential and veteran shaman who makes a display of her spiritual power and influence. Although the title has been retained, today's kookmu is only nominal specialist who has no official position.

무의매리(舞依梅里)의 위치 비정에 관한 연구 : 해월과 구암의 만남 그리고 동행

최종성 ( Choi Jong Seong ) 한국종교학연구회 2018 宗敎學硏究 Vol.36 No.-

This article traces the location of Muuimeri(舞依梅里), where Haewol(海月) Choi Si Hyeong(崔時亨, 1827-1898), the second leader of Donghak(Eastern Learning), first met Kuam(龜菴) Kim Yeon Guk(金演局, 1857-1944), who would later establish Sangjegyo(上帝敎). Thus far, there has not been any credible historical evidence of Muuimeri, where Kuam’s religious life began. The current study made use of Geographical documents and records including travel notes from the early stage of Eastern Learning. While identifying the specific location of Muuimeri as the small town called Mimae, located in Bupyeong-ri, Nam-myeon, Inje-gun, this paper also traces the itinerary of Haewol and Kuam towards Yeongchun(Hongcheon, Hoengseong, Wonju, Jecheon). Kuam met Haewol at the age of 16 in March 1872. He followed Haewol’s guidance and moved to Yeongchun, Chungcheong province. Kuam became Haewol’s assistant that took care of the household and religious work whilst Haewol was on the run from government persecution. Kuam eventually became one of the most devoted followers and also joined the household as Haewol’s son-in-law. Kuam lived with his mentor for 26 years as he accompanied the escape until Haewol got caught in 1898. After Haewol’s execution, Kuam became the leader of the Sicheongyo(侍天敎) order and eventually the leader of Sangjegyo in Sindoan under Gyeryong Mountain. The historical importance of Muuimeri lies in the fact that it was the location of Kuam’s fafeful encounter with Haewol, from which Kuam’s life as a significant religious leader began.

한국종교학회 40년의 길

최종성(Choi, Jongseong) 한국종교학회 2011 宗敎硏究 Vol.64 No.-

The Korean Association For Religious Studies (KAFS) was established on March 2nd, 1970. In Celebration of its fortieth year anniversary, I have traced its history from its founding and through its 40 years of development. In fact, despite its history of four decades, it has not retained many historical records and due to this reason, there was much difficulty in drawing up this sketch. With the help of news published in the journal of KAFS and interviews with its longtime members, I have describe roughly its history of forty years. In 1970, the first generation of religious studies scholars in Korea established KARS to promote scholarly exchange among fellow scholars. They devoted themselves to building the intellectual community even under the worst of conditions. Although they have, with great passion, laid the foundation to further religious studies, KARS went into long hibernation from 1973 to 1982. Starting from 1982, KARS was completely reestablished over 9 years. In 1986, the second volume of KARS`s journal (Korean Journal of Religious Studies) was published after a hiatus of 14 years. In the 1980s, religious studies at last began to take root within the Korean academic world and to establish a strong foundation for education and research. There had been a significant advance in its organizational structure and an increase in the variety of activities it hosted in the 1990s. During this period, the members of KARS continued to grow in number and their intellectual interests became highly diversified and specialized. As a result, more than 12 special subcommittees were formed and regular forums were divided into many sessions. Since 2000, there has been a flood of academic societies in Korea and globalization has added to the general increase in the academic activities of KARS. Within this background, I have identified, for further development of KARS, a need to enhance the intellectual relationship in various areas including among Korean scholars of religion, between religious studies and other fields, and between domestic and foreign researchers.